reverend brethren. the kings majesty who lately reigned, being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom, now removed by a violent death the estates of parliament have declared and proclaimed the prince of scotland, and of wales to be king, ... church of scotland. general assembly. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79759 of text r225769 in the english short title catalog (wing c4258aa). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79759 wing c4258aa estc r225769 99899838 99899838 135759 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79759) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135759) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2459:10) reverend brethren. the kings majesty who lately reigned, being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom, now removed by a violent death the estates of parliament have declared and proclaimed the prince of scotland, and of wales to be king, ... church of scotland. general assembly. douglas, robert, 1594-1674. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler printer to the kings most excellent majesty, [edinburgh] : 1649. title from caption and opening lines of text. the prince of scotland, and of wales = charles ii, future king of england. place of publication from wing cd-rom, 1996. dated at end: edinburgh, febr. 6. 1649. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685 -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -great britain -early works to 1800. a79759 r225769 (wing c4258aa). civilwar no reverend brethren. the kings majesty who lately reigned, being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom, now removed by a vi church of scotland. general assembly 1649 570 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reverend brethren . the kings majesty who lately reigned , being contrary to the dissent and protestation of this kingdom , now removed by a violent death , the estates of parliament have declared and proclaimed the prince of scotland , and of wales to be king , as you will perceive by the inclosed proclamation ; and have resolved to make addresses to him with all possible speed about these things that concern the security of religion , and the peace of these kingdomes . and because of the great importance of his majesties disposition and of these affaires , we hope that you will be carefull to deale earnestly with god both in private and publick , in behalfe of his majesty who now is ; and we have thought fit that a solemn publick humiliation be kept on thursday the 22. of this instant , as for all the sins and provocations of the land , so to pray the lord in a speciall manner for these things following . 1. that he would deliver the king from the snare of evill counsell in which he is now involed , and teach him in his youth in the knwledge of his way , that he may fear his name : and imploy his power for establishing and advancing the kingdom of jesus christ , and the work of reformation . 2. that the lord would be pleased to blesse those addresses that are now to be made to his majestie for the security of religion , the union betwixt the kingdomes , and the peace and safety of this kingdome . 3. that he would strenthen and deliver our afflicted brethren in england , who suffer by the violence and strange practises of the sectaries . 4. that he would in his mercy prevent all those calamities and confusions that the present great revolution of affaires doth threaten these kingdomes with . so hoping that you will be carefull to stirre up your selves and others to wrastle with god in such an exigent , and to intimate the fast timously , and to keep the same in your severall congregations the foresaid day . we shall only adde that if there be any in your congregations who refuse to renew the covenant , and are not excluded by the act ; our judgement is , that after you have conveened them before you , and found them obstinate , that you make publick intimation of their names from your pulpits , as of persons that are dissaffected , and enemies to the cause of god ; and that you referre them to the next generall assembly ; till which time you are to suspend them from the sacrament of the lords supper , and from all ecclesiastick charge , that so they may be in the same case with those who are excluded because of their malignancy and accession to the engagement . we commend you to his grace and rests , edinburgh , febr. 6. 1649. your affectionate brethren , the commissioners of the generall assembly . m. ro. duglasse moderator . postscript . if these come not timously to your hands , you will be carefull to keep the next thursday after the receipt hereof . printed by evan tyler printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; 1649. anno regni gulielmi et mariæ, regnis & reginæ angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ, & hiberniæ, secundo. on the fourtheenth day of april, anno dom. 1690. in the second year of their majesties reign, this act passed the royal assent. an act for recognizing king william and queen mary, and for avoiding all questions touching the acts made in the parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february, 1688. england and wales. parliament. 1690 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02940 wing e1058 estc r171962 52614642 ocm 52614642 175855 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02940) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175855) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2752:41) anno regni gulielmi et mariæ, regnis & reginæ angliæ, scotiæ, franciæ, & hiberniæ, secundo. on the fourtheenth day of april, anno dom. 1690. in the second year of their majesties reign, this act passed the royal assent. an act for recognizing king william and queen mary, and for avoiding all questions touching the acts made in the parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february, 1688. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) re-printed [s.n.], [edinburgh] : 1690. caption title. place of publication suggested by wing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -succession -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1689-1702 -early works to 1800. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-09 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion anno regni gulielmi et mariae , regis & reginae angliae , scotiae , franciae , & hiberniae , secundo . on the fourteenth day of april , anno dom. 1690. in the second year of their majesties reign , this act passed the royal assent . an act for recognizing king william and queen mary , and for avoiding all questions touching the acts made in the parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february , 1688. we your majesties most humble and loyal subjects , the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , do beseech your most excellent majesties , that it may be published and declared in this high court of parliament , and enacted by authority of the same , that we do recognize and acknowledge your majesties were , are , and of right ought to be by the laws of this realm , our soveraign leige lord and lady , king and queen of england , france , and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging , in , and to whose princely persons the royal state , crown and dignity of the said realms , with all honours , stiles , titles , regalities , prerogatives , powers , jurisdictions , and authorities to the same belonging and appertaining , are most fully , rightfully , and intirely invested and incorporated , united and annexed . and for the avoiding of all disputes and questions concerning the being and authority of the late parliament assembled at westminster the thirteenth day of february , one thousand six hundred eighty eight , we do most humbly beseech your majesties that it may be enacted , and be it enacted by the king and queens most excellent majesties , by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that all and singular the acts made and enacted in the said parliament , were , and are laws and statutes of this kingdom , and as such ought to be reputed , taken and obeyed by all the people of this realm . re printed in the year , 1690. by the king. a proclamation for registring knights proclamations. 1673-6-16. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1673 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32499 wing c3413 estc r219429 99830903 99830903 30792 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32499) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30792) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2048:1) by the king. a proclamation for registring knights proclamations. 1673-6-16. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. aut 2 sheets ([2] p.) printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker, printers to the kings most excellent majesty, [london : 1673. imprint from colophon. at end: given at our court at whitehall the sixteenth day of june, 1673. in the twenty fifth year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -duties -early works to 1800. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of hertford . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry , and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of hertford , very many of our weake & seduced subjects in that our county have not only beene drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are gratiously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county , to the power and faction of their seducers ; who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of hertford , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against vs , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except such persons only as are already in prison for any of those offences . provided , that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution , to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour , or entertaine any of the persons excepted in our declaration of the 12 th of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by vs as an enemy to the publike peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and wee doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county , under what pretence soever , without authority derived from vs under our hand . and we likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine-bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same by vertue of commission under our great seale , or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the seventh day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king. a letter from sir john suckling to mr. henry german, in the beginning of the late long parliament, anno 1640 suckling, john, sir, 1609-1642. 1679 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61948 wing s6132 estc r625 11944932 ocm 11944932 51306 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61948) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51306) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 516:8) a letter from sir john suckling to mr. henry german, in the beginning of the late long parliament, anno 1640 suckling, john, sir, 1609-1642. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1679] bm dates this "1660?" caption title. refers to the duties of the king. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -duties. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-11 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from sir john suckling to mr. henry german , in the beginning of the late long parliament , anno 1640. sir , that it is fit for the king to do something extraordinary at this present , is not onely the opinion of the wise , but the expectation . men observe him more now than at other times : for majesty in an eclipse [ like the sun ] draws eyes that would not so much as have look'd towards it , if it had shined out , and appeared like it self . to lie still now , would at the best shew but a calmness of mind , not a magnanimity ; since in matter of government to think well at any time , ( much less in a very active ) is little better than to dream well . nor must he stay to act till his people desire , because 't is thought nothing relishes else ; for therefore hath nothing relish'd with them , because the king hath for the most part staid till they have desired , done nothing but what they have or were petitioning for . but that the king should do , will not be so much the question , as what he should do . and certainly for a king to have right counsel given him at all times , is strange , and at this present impossible . his party for the most part ( i would that were modestly said , and it were not all ) have so much to do for their own preservation , that they cannot ( without breaking a law in nature ) intend anothers . those that have courage have not perchance innocence , and so dare not shew themselves in the king's business ; and if they have innocence , they want parts to make themselves considerable ; so consequently the things they undertake . then in court they give much counsel as they believe the king inclin'd , determime his good by his desires ; which is a kind of setting the sun by the dial ; interest which cannot err , by passions which may . in going about to shew the king a cure , now a man should first plainly shew him the disease . but to kings as to some kind of patients , 't is not always proper to tell how ill they be . and it is like a country clown , not to shew the way , unless he know from whence , and discourse of things before . kings may be mistaken , and counsellors corrupted ; but true interest alone ( saith monsieur de rohan ) cannot err . it were not amiss then to find out the interest ; for setting down right principles before conclusions , is weighing the scales before we deal out the commodity . certainly the great interest of the king is , a union with his people ; and whosoever hath told him otherwise , ( as the scripture saith of the devil ) was a seducer from the first . if there ever had been any one prince in the whole world , that made a felicity in this life , and left fair fame after death , without the love of his subjects , there were some colour to desp●se it . there was not among all our princes a greater courtier of the people than richard the third , not so much out of fear , as out of wisdom . and shall the worst of our kings have striven for that , and shall not the best ? ( it being an angelical thing to gain love. ) there are two things in which the people expect to be satisfied , religion and justice ; nor can this be done by any little acts , but by royal and kingly resolutions . if any shall think , that by dividing the factions ( a good rule at other times ) he shall master the rest now , he will be strangly deceived ; for in the beginning of things that would do much , but not when whole kingdoms are resolv'd . of those now that lead these parties , if you could take off the major number , the lesser would govern , and do the same things still : nay , if you could take off all , they would set up one , and follow him . and of how great consequence it is for the king to resume this right , and be the author himself , let any body judge ; since ( as cumneus said ) those that have the art to please the people , have commonly the power to raise them . to do things so that there shall remain no jealousie is very necessary , and is no more than really reforming , that is , pleasing them . for to do things that shall grieve hereafter , and yet pretend love ( amongst lovers themselves , where there is easiest faith ) will not be accepted . it will not be enough for the king to do what they desire , but he must do something more . i mean by ( doing more ) doing something of his own , as throwing away things they call not for , or giving things they expected not . and when they see the king doing the same things with them , it will take away all thought and apprehension that he thinks the things they have done already ill . now if the king ends the differences , and takes away suspect for the future , the case will fall out to be no worse than when two duellists enter the field , where the worsted party ( the other having no ill opinion of him ) hath his sword given him again , without further hurt after he is in the others power . but otherwise it is not safe to imagine what may follow ; for the people are naturally not valiant , and not much cavalier . now it is the nature of cowards to hurt where they can receive none . they will not be content ( while they fear and have the upper hand ) to fetter onely royalty , but perchance ( as timorous spirits use ) will not think themselves safe while that is at all . and possibly this is the present state of things . in this great work ( at least to make it appear perfect and lasting to the kingdom ) it is necessary the queen really joyn ; for if she stand aloof , there will still be suspicions : it being a received opinion in the world , that she hath a great interest in the king's favour and power . and to invite her , she is to consider with her self , whether such great vertues and eminent excellencies ( though they be highly admir'd and valu'd by those that know her ) ought to rest satisfied with so narrow a payment as the estimation of a few : and whether it be not more proper for a great queen to arrive at universal honour and love , than private esteem and value . then how becoming a work for the sweetness and softness of her sex , is composing of differences and uniting hearts ? and how proper for a queen , reconciling king and people ? there is but one thing remains , which whisper'd abroad busies the king's mind much ( if not disturbs it ) in the midst of these great revolutions , and that is , the preservation of some servants , whom he thinks somewhat hardly torn from him of late ; which is of so tender a nature , i shall rather propound something about it , than resolve it . the first quaere will be , whether as things now stand ( kingdoms in the balance ) the king is not to follow nature , where the conservation of the more general still commands and governs the less . as iron by particular sympathy sticks to the loadstone , but yet if it be joyned with a great body of iron , it quits those particular affections to the loadstone , and moves with the other to the greater , the common countrey . the second will be , whether if he could preserve those ministers , they can be of any use to him hereafter ? since no man is served with a greater prejudice , than he that imploys suspected instruments , or not beloved , though able and deserving in themselves . the third is , whether to preserve them there be any other way , than for the king to be first right with his people ? since the rule in philosophy must ever hold good , nil dat quod non habet . before the king have power to save , he must have power . lastly , whether the way to preserve this power be not to give it away ? for the people of england have ever been like wantons , which pull and tug as long as the princes have pull'd with them , as you may see in henry iii. king iohn , edward ii. and indeed all the troublesom and unfortunate reigns ; but when they have let it go , they come and put it into their hands again , that they may play on , as you may see in q. eliz. i will conelude with a prayer , ( not that i think it needs at this present ; prayers are to keep us from what may be , as well as to preserve us from what is ) that the king be neither too insensible of what is without him , nor too resolved from what is within him . to be sick of a dangerous sickness , and find no pain , cannot but be with loss of understanding , ( 't is an aphorism of hippocrates ; ) and on the other side , opiniastry is a sullen porter , and ( as it was wittily said of constancy ) shuts out oftentimes better things than it lets in . finis . an essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount saint alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69585 of text r16627 in the english short title catalog (wing b282). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69585 wing b282 estc r16627 11930904 ocm 11930904 51109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69585) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51109) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 50:15 or 249:e128, no 38) an essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount saint alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 8 p. printed for richard best, london : 1642. reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng political science -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -duties. a69585 r16627 (wing b282). civilwar no an essay of a king, with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prero [no entry] 1642 2194 5 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay of a king , with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative . written by the right honorable francis , lord verulam viscount saint alban . decemb. 2. london , printed for richard best , 1642. an essay of a king written by sir francis bacon . a king is a mortall god on earth , unto whom the living god hath lent his own name as a great honour : but withall told him hee should die like a man , lest he should be proud and flatter himself , that god hath with his name imparted unto him his nature also . 2 of all kinds of men , god is least beholding unto them , for he doth most for them , and they do ordinarily least for him . 3 a king that would not feele his crown too heavy for him , must weare it every day , but if he think it too light , he knoweth not of what mettall it is made of . 4 he must make religion the rule of government , and not the scale ; for he that casteth in religion onely to make the scales even , his own weight is contained in these characters tekel uphrasin , he is found too light , his kingdom shall be taken from him . 5 and that king that holds not religion the best reason of state , is void of all piety and justice , the supporters of a king . 6 he must be able to give counsell himself , but not to relye thereupon : for though happy events justifie their councels , yet it is better that the evill event of good advice be rather imputed to a subject then a sovereigne . 7 he is the fountain of honour , which should not run with a wast pipe , lest the courtiers ●ell the waters , and then ( as papists say of their holy wels ) to lose the vertue . 8 he is the life of the law , not onely as he is lex loquens himself , but because he animateth the dead letter , making it active towards all his subjects praemio & poena . 9 a wise king must doe lesse in altering his laws , then he may ; for new government is ever dangerous , it being true in the body politique , as in the corporall , that omnis subita mutatio est periculosa , and though it be for the better , yet it is not without a fearfull apprehension ; for he that changeth the fundamentall laws of a kingdome , thinketh that there is no good title to a crown but by conquest . 10 a king that setteth to sale seats of justice , oppresseth the people , for he teacheth his judges to fell justice , and praecio parata , praecio vincitur justicia . bounty and magnificence are vertues , verae regiae , but a prodigall king is neerer a tyrant , then a parcimonious : for store at home draweth his contemplations abroad , but want supplyeth it self of what is next , and many times the next way , and herein he must be wise and know , wh●t he may justly doe . 12 that king which is not feared , is not loved , and he that is well seen in his craft , must as well study to be feared as loved , yet not loved for feare , but feared for love . 13 therefore as hee must alwayes resemble him whose great name he beareth , and that in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy over the severe stroke of his justice sometimes , so in this not to suffer a man of death to live , for besides that the land doth mou●n , the restraint of justice towards sin doth more retard the affection of love , then the extent of mercy doth enflame it , and sure where love is bestowed , feare is quite lost . 14 his greatest enemies are his flatterers , for though they ever speak on his side , yet their words still make against them . 15 the love which a king oweth to the weal-publike , should not be restrained to any one particular , yet that his more speciall favour do reflect upon some worthy ones , is somwhat necessary , because there are so few of that capacity . hee must have a speciall care of five things , if hee would not have his crown to be put upon him . first , that simulata sanctitas , be not in the church , for that is duplex iniquitas . secondly , that inutilis aequitas , sit not in the chancecery , for that is inepta misericordia . thirdly , that utilis iniquitas , keep not the exchequer , for it is crudele latrocinium . fourthly , that fidelis temeritas be not his generall , for that will bring but seram poenitentiam . fiftly , that infidelis prudentia , be not his secretary , for that he is anguis sub viridi herba . to conclude , as he is of the greatest power , so hee is subject to the greatest cares , made the servant of his people , or else he were without a calling at all . he then that honoureth him not , is next an atheist wanting the feare of god in his heart . an explanation what manner of persons those should be , that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative , written by the said sir francis bacon late lord chancellour , and lord st. albans . that absolute prerogative according to the kings pleasure revealed by his lawes , may be exercised and executed by any subject , to whom power may be given by the king , in any place of judgement or commission , which the king by his law hath ordained , in which the judge subordinate cannot wrong the people , the law laying downe a measure by which every judge should governe or execute ; against which law if any judge proceed , he is by the law questionable and punishable for his transgression . in this nature are all the judges and commissioners of the land no otherwise then in their courts , in which the king in person is supposed to sit who cannot worke that trespasse , felony or treason which the law hath not made so to be , neither can punish the guilty by other punishment then the law hath appointed . this prerogative or power as it is over all the subjects so being knowne by the subjects , they are without excuse if they offend ; and suffer no wrong , if they be punished . and by this prerogative the king governeth all sorts of people according unto knowne will . the absolute prerogative which is in kings according to their private will and judgement cannot be executed by any subject , neither is it possible to give such power by commission , or fit to subject the people to the same . for the king in that he is the substitute of god immediatly the father of his people , and head of the common wealth by participation with god and his subjects , discretion , iudgement , and feeling love towards those over whom he raigneth only proper to himselfe , or to his places and person , who seeing he cannot in any others diffuse his wisedome , power , or gifts , which god in respect of his place and charge hath enabled him withall , can neither subordinate any other iudge to governe by that knowledge , which the king can no otherwise then by his knowne will participate unto him . and if any subordinate iudge shall obtaine commission according , of such iudge to govern the people , that iudge is bound to think that to be his sound discretion , in which the law in which the kings known will sheweth unto him to be that iustice which hee ought to administer : otherwise he might seeme to esteeme himselfe above the kings law , who will not governe by him , or to have a power derived from other then from the king , which in the kingdome will administer iustice contrarie to the justice of the land . neither can such a judge or commissioner under the name of his high authoritie shrowde his owne high affection , seeing the conscience and discretion of every man is particular and private to himselfe ; as the discretion of the judge cannot be properly or possibly the discretion of the king , or conscience of the king ; and if not his discretion , neither the judgement that is ruled by another m●ns only . therefore it may seeme they rather desire to bee kings then to rule the people under the king , which will not administer justice by law , but by their owne wills . this administration in a subject is derogative to the kings prerogative , for he administreth justice out of a private direction , being not capable of a generall direction , how to use the kings pleasure in causes of particular respect , which if another then the king himselfe can doe , how can it be so , that any man should desire that which is unfit and impossible , but that it must p●oceed out of some exorbitant affection , the rather seeing such places to be full of trouble , and being altogether unnecessary , no man will seeke to thrust himselfe into it , but for hope of gaine . then is not any prerogative oppugned but maintained , though it be desired that every subordinate magistrate may not be made supreame , whereby he may seale up the hearts of the people , take from the king the respect due unto him only , or to judge the people otherwise then the king doth himselfe . and although the prince be not bound to render any accompt to the law , which in person administreth it selfe . yet every subordinate judge must render an accompt to the king by his lawes how hee hath administred justice in his place where he is set . but if he hath power to rule by private direction , for which there is no law , how can he be questioned by a law , if in his private censure he offendeth . therefore it seemeth that in giving such authority the king ordaineth not subordinate magistrates , but absolute kings ; and what doth the king leave to himselfe , who giveth so much to others as he hath himself ? neither is there a greater bond to tie the subject to his prince in particular then when he shal have recourse unto him in his person or in his power for releif of the wrongs which from private men be offered , or for reformation of the oppressions which any subordinate magistrate shall impose upon the people : there can be no offence in the judge , who hath power to execute according to his discretion , when the discretion of any judge shall be thought fit to be unlimited ; and therefore there can be therein no reformation , whereby the king in this useth no prerogative to gaine his subjects right . then the subject is bound to suffer helplesse wrong , and the discontent of the people is cast upon the king , the lawes being neglected , which with their equitie in all other causes and judgements , saving this , interpose themselves and yeeld remedy . and to conclude , custome cannot confirme that which is any wayes unreasonable of it selfe ; wisedome will not allow that which is many wayes dangerous , and no wayes profitable ; justice will not approve that government where it cannot be , but wrong must bee committed . neither can there be any rule by which to try it , nor meanes for reformation of it . therefore whosoever desireth government , must seeke such as he is capable of , not such as seemeth to himselfe most easie to execute ; for it appeareth that it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice to rule as he listeth , his will never wanting a power to it selfe : but it is safe and blamelesse both for the judge and people , and honour to the king , that judges bee appointed who know the law , and that they bee limited to governe according to the law . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69585e-120 1. custome . 2. wisdome . 3. justice . 4. rule against it . to the maiestie of king james a gratulatorie poem by michaell drayton. drayton, michael, 1563-1631. 1603 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20851 stc 7231.3 estc s109933 99898556 99898556 10471 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20851) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 10471) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 2040:3, 591:16) to the maiestie of king james a gratulatorie poem by michaell drayton. drayton, michael, 1563-1631. [14] p., plate printed by iames roberts, for t.m. and h.l., at london : 1603. published by t. man and h. lownes. cf. stc. signatures: a-b⁴ (-a1). the last leaf is blank. in this second state "to the reader" on b3r begins "for the more apt .." and refers to "this speedy, and second impression"; the first roundel of the corrected genealogical table (plate) has 'souerayḡe' [i.e. souerayg[n]e]. item at reel 591:16 identified as stc 7231a. reproductions of originals in the folger shakespeare library and bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and 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guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -i, -king of england, 1566-1625 -poetry -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -poetry -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the reader . for the truth of these branches of the descent , in the table or page heere-vnto anexed , the perfect and sundry genealogies extant , doe sufficiently warrant in this behalfe : if by reason it is but á part , and that also patrern'd out of the large genealogie as a lim of the same , and runnes onely and directly with the emperiall lyne , being but so much ( as wee may fitly say ) is aly'd to the poem : it seeme not to beare such vniformity and proportion , as workmanship would prayse , that let iudgement beare with , and the artificer reforme , being placed heere rather for explanation , then any meere or extreame necessitie . to the maiestie of king james . a gratulatorie poem by michaell drayton . at london printed by iames roberts , for t. m. and h. l. 1603. to the maiestie of king iames. the hopefull raigne of a most happy king , loe thus excites our early muse to sing , of her own strength which boldly thus presumes , that 's yet vnimpt with any borowed plumes , a counsailes wisdome , and their graue fore-sight , lends me this luster , and resplendent light : whose well-prepared pollicie , and care , for theyr indoubted soueraigne so prepare , other vaine titles strongly to withstand , plac'd in the bosome of a peacefull land : that blacke destruction which now many a day , had fix'd her sterne eye for a violent pray , frustrate by their great prouidence and power , her very nerues is ready to deuoure , and euen for griefe downe sincking in a swound beats her snak'd head against the verdant ground . but whilst the ayre thus thunders with the noise , perhaps vnheard , why should i straine my voyce ? whē stirs , & tumults haue been hot'st & proudest , the noble muse hath song the stern'st & lowdest ; and know great prince , that muse thy glory sings , ( what ere detraction snarle ) was made for kings . the neighing courser in this time of mirth , that with his arm'd hoofe beats th'reecchoing earth , the trumpets clangor , & the peoples cry , not like the muse can strike the burnish'd skie , which should heauē quench th' eternal quicking springs the stars put out , could light thē with her wings . what though perhaps my selfe i not intrude amongst th'vnstedy wondring multitude , the tedious tumults , and the boystrous throng , that presse to view thee as thou com'st along , the praise i giue thee shall thy welcome keepe , whē all these rude crowds in the dust shal sleepe , and when applause and shouts are hush'd & still thē shal my smooth verse chant thee cleer & shril . with thy beginning , doth the spring begin , and as thy vsher gently brings thee in , which in consent doth happily accord with the yeere kept to the incarnate word , and in that month ( cohering by a fate ) by the old world to wisdome dedicate , thy prophet thus doth seriously apply , as by a strong vnfailing augury , that as the fruitfull , and ful-bosom'd spring , so shall thy raigne be rich and florishing : the month thy conquests , & atchieuements great by those shall sit on thy imperiall seate , and by the yeere i seriously diuine the crowne for euer setled in thy line . from cornwall now past calidons proude strength , thy empire beares eight hūdred miles in length : halfe which in bredth her bosome forth doth lay from the faire german to'th vergiuian sea : thy realme of ireland , a most fertile land , brought in subiection to thy glorious hand , and all the iles theyr chalkie tops aduance to the sunne setting from the coast of fraunce . saturne to thee his soueraignty resignes , op'ning the lock'd way to the wealthy mines : and till thy raigne fame all this while did houer , the north-west passage that thou might'st discouer vnto the indies , where that treasure lies whose plenty might ten other worlds suffice . neptune and ioue together doe conspire , this giues his trydent , that his three-forkt fire , and to thy hand doe giue the kayes to keepe , of the profound immeasurable deepe . but soft my muse , check thy abundant straine to the conceiuing of th' vnskilfull braine , that whilst thy true descent i doe rehearse , th'vnlearned'st soule may sweetly tast my verse : which now in order let me first dispose , and tell the vnion of the blessed rose , that to thy grandsire henry i may bring thee , ( from whom i after to thy birth may sing thee . ) that tudors blood did worthily prefer , from the great queene that beautious dowager , whose sonne braue richmond frō the brittons fet , graft in the stock of princely sommerset , the third faire sien , the sweet roseat plant , sprong from the roote of the lancastrian gant , which had seauenth henry , that of royall blood by his deere mother , is the red-rose bud , as theyr great merlin propheci'd before should the old brittons regalty restore , which henry raigning by th' vsurpers death , maried the princesse faire elizabeth fourth edwards daughter , whose predest'nate bed did thus conioyne the white-rose , and the red : these roseall branches as i thus entwyne , in curious trayles embelishing thy lyne , to thy blest cradell let me bring thee on , rightly deriu'd from thy great grandsires throne . who holding scotlands amity in worth , strongly to linck him with king iames the fourth , his eldest daughter did to him vnite , th'vnparaleld bright louely margarite , which to that husband prosperously did bring , the fifth of that name , scotlands lawfull king , father to mary ( long in england seene ) the daulphins dowager , the late scottish queene . but now to margarite backe againe to come , from whose so fruitfull , and most blessed wombe we bring our full ioy , iames her husband dead , tooke gallant anguish to a second bed , to whom ere long she bare a princely gerle , maried to lenox , that braue-issued earle , this beautious dowglasse , as the powers imply , brought that prince henry , duke of albany , who in the prime of strēgth , in youths sum'd pride maried the scotch queene on the other side , whose happy bed to that sweet lord did bring , this brittaine hope , iames our vndoubted king , in true succesion , as the first of other of henries line by father , and by mother . thus frō the old stock showing thee sprong to be , grafting the pure vvhite , with the red-rose tree , by mixture made vermillion as they meet , for in that colour is the rose most sweet : so in thy crowne the precious flower that growes be it the damaske , or vermillion rose , amongst those reliques , that victorious king , edward cald longshanks , did from scotland bring , and as a trophie royally prefer to the rich shrine in famous westminster , that stone reseru'd in england many a day , on which great iacob his graue head did lay , and saw descending angels whilst he slept : which since that time by sundry nations kept , ( from age to age i could recite you how , could i my pen that liberty alow . ) an ancient prophet long agoe fore-told , ( though fooles their sawes for vanities doe hold ) a king of scotland , ages comming on , where it was found , be crown'd vpon that stone . two famous kingdoms seperate thus long , within one iland , and that speake one tongue , since brute first raign'd , ( if men of brute alow ) neuer before vnited vntill now , what power , nor war could do , nor time expected , thy blessed birth hath happily effected . o now reuiue that noble brittaines name , from which at first our ancient honors came , which with both nations fitly doth agree that scotch and english without difference be , and in that place wher feuds were wont to spring let vs light iigs , and ioyfull paeans sing . whilst such as rightly propheci'd thy raigne , deride those ideots held their words for vaine . had not my soule beene proofe gainst enuies spite i had not breath'd thy memory to write : nor had my zealous , and religious layes told thy rare vertues , and thy glorious dayes . renowned prince , when all these tumults cease , euen in the calme , and musick of thy peace , if in thy grace thou deigne to fauour vs , and to the muses be propitious , caesar himselfe , roomes glorious wits among , was not so highly , nor diuinely sung . the very earthl'est & degenerat'st spirit , that is most voyd of vertue , and of merit , with the austeer'st , and impudentest face , will thrust himselfe the formost to thy grace ; those silken , laced , and perfumed hinds , that haue rich bodies , but poore wretched minds , but from thy court ( o worthy ) banish quite the foole , the pandar , and the parasite , and call thy selfe most happy ( then be bold ) when worthie places , worthi'st men doe hold , the seruile clowne for shame shall hide his head , his ignorance , and basenesse frustrated , set louely vertue euer in thy view , and loue them most , that most doe her pursue , so shalt thou ad renowne vnto thy state , a king most great , most wise , most fortunate . finis . to the reader . for the more apt contriuing of this part or branch of the genealogie , those to whom ( from me ) the coppie appertaineth , haue now against this speedy , and second impression of this small poem diligently performed , to which intent i haue set these few lines in the place of the other short epistle , to cancell the former excuse , made for the speedy dooing of the last : whose proportion beeing ( i trust ) sufficient , needes no further alowance then it selfe , in giuing apt bodies to those descents , in manner as they are truly wouen in the poem : farewell . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20851-e160 the irish sea. katherine wife to he●● the fift . edmond tudor ea●●● of richmond , son of owen tudor by the queen the daug●●ter of iohn duke of sommerset , sonne ●● iohn earl● of somm●●●set , the so●●● of iohn o● gaunt . ●●laried ●hilst he ●as daul●hin . ●rchibald ●owglasse ●arle of an●uish . ●he coun●le of le●ox . ●enry lord ●●rly . recorded to be that stone whereon iacob slept . a prophecie belonging to that stone . the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds, being a royal court narrative of the proceedings ... of ... charles by the grace of god, king of great brittain, france and ireland, his highness prince james duke of york, and the most illustrious prince. henry duke of glocester. with a brief history of their memorable transactions ... since their too-much-lamented fxile [sic] in flanders, and the lord chancellour hide, the marquess of ormond, the earl of norwich, the lord wentworth, the lord digby, and many other nobles and gentlemen, created lords of his majesties privie-council. also, the resplendent vertues appearing in these princely pearles, to the great joy of all loyal subjects ... by e. sanders esq; a lover of his countries liberty, and a loyal subject and servant to his sacred majesty. sanders, edward, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67890 of text r208691 in the english short title catalog (wing s573). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67890 wing s573 estc r208691 99867618 99867618 119937 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67890) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 119937) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 152:e1025[6]) the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds, being a royal court narrative of the proceedings ... of ... charles by the grace of god, king of great brittain, france and ireland, his highness prince james duke of york, and the most illustrious prince. henry duke of glocester. with a brief history of their memorable transactions ... since their too-much-lamented fxile [sic] in flanders, and the lord chancellour hide, the marquess of ormond, the earl of norwich, the lord wentworth, the lord digby, and many other nobles and gentlemen, created lords of his majesties privie-council. also, the resplendent vertues appearing in these princely pearles, to the great joy of all loyal subjects ... by e. sanders esq; a lover of his countries liberty, and a loyal subject and servant to his sacred majesty. sanders, edward, 17th cent. 6 [i.e. 8] p. printed for g. horton, living near the three crowns in barbican, london : 1660. pages 7 and 8 both misnumbered 6. annotation on thomason copy: "may 21". reproductions of the originals in the british library. eng charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685 -early works to 1800. james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701 -early works to 1800. henry, -duke of gloucester, 1640-1660 -early works to 1800. ormonde, james butler, -duke of, 1610-1688 -early works to 1800. norwich, george goring, -earl of, 1583?-1663 -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a67890 r208691 (wing s573). civilwar no the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds, being a royal court narrative of the proceedings, travels, letters, conference sanders, edward 1660 3296 12 0 0 0 0 0 36 d the rate of 36 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-02 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-02 tcp staff (oxford) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the three royall cedars or great brittains glorious diamonds , being a royal court narrative of the proceedings , travels , letters , conferences , speeches , and conspicuous resolutions of the most high and renowned king , charles by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france and ireland , his highness prince james duke of york , and the most illustrious prince . henry duke of glocester . with a brief history of their memorable transactions , results , and judicious councels , since their too-much-lamented exile in flanders , and the lord chancellour hide , the marquess of ormond , the earl of norwich , the lord wentworth , the lord digby , and many other nobles and gentlemen , created lords of his majesties privie-council . also , the resplendent vertues appearing in these princely pearles , to the great joy of all loyal subjects , who have for their sovereign a just king to govern , a valiant duke to defend , and a wise counsellor to advise . by e. sanders esq a lover of his countries liberty , and a loyal subject and servant to his sacred majesty . london , printed for g. horton , living near the three crowns in barbican , 1660. the three royal cedars . divine providence having been pleased to return the subject to his due allegiance , and to give encouragement to those who have constantly continued loyal , that they may at length once more enjoy happiness , and every man sit under his own vine , and under his own figtree , which the god of heaven be praised , we have now greater hopes of then ever ; moderation and impartiality are the chiefest virtues of a loyal pen ; 't is such a task i chiefly aim at , no less then the difficult travells of our most high and renowned king , with his exiled nobles , charles the second , heir a parent to the crown of great brittain , and ireland , and crowned king of scots , touching whom i intend to treat . he was born on the 29 of may , 1630. to the great joy of the king , queen , and indeed the whole kingdom ; for never yet had england a prince born of so noble an extract , and grand alliance , his father by lineal right and descent , king of great brittain and ireland , his mother daughter to that thrice illustrious prince henry the 4th king of france , and worthily sirnamed the great , and isabella infanta of spain . by his grand mothers side was he near allyed to the kings of denmark , by the marriage of his ant , the noble princess elizabeth , to the elector palatine of rhine , and king of bohemia , and afterwards , by the marriage of his royal sister the princess mary , to the prince of orange . thus was he allied to most of the most potent princes in christendom . and happy might this nation have been under his government , if we may believe the vogue of that wisest of men solomon , who pronounces that kingdom blessed whose prince is the son of nobles . but to return to his majesty in flanders ; of whose itenary life we have already given you a particular account ; it will not be impertinent to say somewhat of his sedentary and reti●ed living , that by his oeconomy we may judge of his monarchy , and of the government of those few subjects in his family , of that of his three kingdoms . his majesty hath spent most of his time , wherein he hath been out of his dominions , in flanders under the protection of the catholique king of spaine● nor had he ever anywhere else so setled a court and habitation as here , where his chief attendants are the lord chancellor hide , the marquis of ormond , the earl of norwich , the lord wentworth , the lord digby , and many others , nobles and gentlemen , whose loyalty to his sacred majesty and his royal father hath made exiles to their country ; a particular number of which he makes use of for his councell , doing nothing without serious and mature advice ; and yet being of so sagacious a judgement that whatever he sayes is seldome contradicted by the most ju●icious of his councellors , not out of fear or flattery , but out of a real assent to , and concurrence with his judgement . and indeed those great opportunities which he hath had , by his so long being abroad , of diving into the great councels of forr●in princes and states , must necessarily make him a person of a very perspicuous understanding , endow him with all those qualities which may deservedly attain the name of great , and render him as well an able statist , as a king ; he having during his expulsion travelled through , and lived in the countries of three the most potent princes in christendom , viz. the emperour 's of germany , and the kings of spaine and france ; and so to the germain resolution added the spaniards prudence , and the frenchmans expedition . to these extraordinary helps which never prince in christendom can boast of , we may yet adde , those more then ordinary gifts wherewith nature hath been pleased to endow him , which being so extreamly improved , we can hardly now discern ; but that it may be known what they were , take the character of an honourable lord upon his death bed , who speaking of him when about fifteen or sixteen yeers of age , hath these words : truly i never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person then in him : great judgement , great understanding , strong apprehension , much of honour in his inclinations . so that both nature and industry have seemed to use their utmost endeavours to make him a perfect prince , his very affliction turning in this benefit , and making him in knowledge and sufferings ( the refiner of knowledge ) unparralel'd . some forreign princes as well envying , as pittying his expulsion . this perfect knowledge of his he hath indeed had but small occasion to practice , except a little in scotland : where , i think , he demonstrated himself a person so prudent and careful in his affairs , that it is beyond my pens expression . his subjects good was his onely care : nor did he ever act any thing but what might tend more to theirs then his own interest ; still consulting whether it might benefit them , not himself . his letter to col. mackworth governour of shrewsbury sufficiently demonstrates his affection to his very enemies ; he would win , not conquer the hearts of those who though they have broke their allegiance to him , yet he would esteem still his subjects . he would not conquer with blood , lest he should be thought a tyrant . he endeavoues by fair means to attain the love of his subjects , that what ever his very enemies think of him ) he may approve himself to be a just prince . and did fortune give him power , yet would he rather attempt blandishents then force . he knows that whilst he kills a subject he weakens his kingdom . rebels themselves may be found usefull , and though justice cannot , yet his majesties clemency will admit their pardon ; but if they resist to the utmost , their blood is on their own heads . what man is not willing to destroy him who he knows would his murderer . thus is his justice and his clemency mixt together ; he would not kill , where he might with safety save . not does his unspott●d innocency raise fancies or fears in him . as he is guilty of nothing , so ther 's nothing he fears . whilst he endeavours to be true to his subjects , those endeavours force a belief in him that his subjects will be true to him . his very nature enclines him to a compassion . he pities those that will not pitty themselves ; and whilst they are conspiring his destruction , his prayers procure their safety . nor can the utmost of their injuries provoke him to a retalliation . he hath learned not onely of god , but of the king his father , to forgive his enemies . nor is it his desire to obtain his kingdoms that makes him willing to forgive his enemies , but his desire to forgive his enemies that makes him willing to obtain his kingdoms : he counts the possession of his royalties but as a transitory dignity , the pardon of his enemies a divine and lasting one . neither is his pitty less then his justice , they are both in the superlative degree , he hates wickedness , not because the wo●ld should see him glory ( that would make him an hypocrite ) but because god abhors it ; 't is love not fear makes him religious , he fears god onely because he loves him . he hates not the vicious , hut abhominates their vices , his hatred extends not to persons , but to things ; he dislikes not the swearer , 't is his oaths he abhors he hates not the drunkard but his drunkennesse . yet does his mercy extend beyond their sins , as he is a king so he is a god , he is gracious to pardon , as well as just to punish ; nor can a submission or reformation but overtake his remission . his constant service of god excites others to live by his example , he sleeps not without invoking the blessing of the almighty , nor do his eyes open without a returned thanks , he knows 't is god alone which can restore and protect him ; nor can the wickedness of man prevail against him . nor does his publick devotion shew him less zealous then his private , the one demonstrates him full of zeal , the other void of hpocrisie ; he would have others holy as well as himself ; he knows that saying concerns him , being a king , above all private men , non nobis solis nati sumus . private persons are not alone born for themselves , muchless kings , the publique concern is their duty : 't is not enough for the master of the house that he be godly , whilst his family is wicked . there must be precept as well as example : and if need be , correction as well as instruction . this makes his majestie deservedly famous ; he counts it as great a fault to suffer a sin in another whilst he hath power to correct it as to commit it himself . he knows that what crimes soever a magistrate suffers willingly to be committed , he brings upon his own head . he is therefore above all things careful not to farther vice , lest he should be accounted vicious : he detests that in another which did he commit , he knows he might justly detest himself for : and endeavours by example to reform that in others which he knows were it in him would seem odious . he abhors vice , as well because it is so , as because god abhors it . his nature inclines him to vertue , and as he cannot admit it contrary in himself , so he cannot endure it in another . his constancy in religion is no less conspicuous then his piety . his discerning judgement knows what is truth , and that truth is followed by his setled will ; yet he hates not the popish religion , but their idolatry : he abhors not them , but their false worship . he loves all that know christ at all , but wishes that they might know him more . his stedfastness in religion proceeds not from self interest ; he sticks not so much to the true protestants , because he knows the english to be addicted to that religion ; because he thinks it for his benefit ; because he imagines that it would prove very difficill to obtain his crown and leave it . bvt , because he knows it to be true . he knows the prince is born for the people , as well as the people for the prince . he knows their interests to be interwoven . he knows that without them he cannot stand ; yet will he sooner loose them relinquish ve●i●y . he is the perfect pattern of piety but more of patience , his afflictions have not made him repine , he knowes god to be just : he believes that as god restored job twofold , so will he likewise restore unto him his kingdoms . yet he thinks it just in god to suffer them to be detained from him . he laments more his subjects slavery then his own exile , he grieves that they have been so long blind , yet rejoyces for their sakes that they have now a glimmering ; he constantly prays for the restoring of their sight , not so much because they should restore his , as their own rights and priviledges . he is inwardly troubled and perplexed at the many schisms , sects , and heresies that are raysed in the church of england , he is sorry that their rise is from some mens envy towards him ; he pitties , and his pitty produces his prayers for them . he is willing that though they will not obey him , yet that they may serve god . he was never heard to curse his enemies , many times to pray for them , and desi●e god to forgive even his fathers murtherers ; his good will surpasses their cruelty : and whilst they are conspiring his destruction , he is p●aying for their salvation . he is a perfect enemy to all debauchedness , he is sorry those who pretend themselves his friends in england are so great a scandal to him : he wishes that they would so carry themselves , that he might adventure to own them as his friends ; for he understands not the good will of those who drink his health for the liquors sake , nor wishes for their help , who over their sack only swear they will fight for him . he is no greater a hater of vice then a cherisher of vertuous actions , he loves them in his very enemies and oft he grives when he finds occasion to think that many of them will rise up in judgment against his most pretended friends . he is most exactly just in all his commands , and faithful in performance of all his promises . take the character given him by the dying marquess of montrose . for his ma●esty now living ( saith he ) never people i believe may be more happy in a king , his commands to me were most just , in nothing that he promiseth will he fail : he deals justly with all men , &c. so punctual is he , that when a word is once gone out of his mouth , he will rather suffer by it then break it . to conclude , he is the pattern of patience and piety , the most righteous and justest of kings . the most knowing and experienced of princes . the holiest and the best of men , the severest punisher of vice . the strictest rewarder of virtue . the constantest perseverer in religion . and the truest lover of his subjects . this a short character of his illustrious majesty , which i fear those that know him will rather think to come short of then reach his due praise , so sweetly vertuous is he in all his carriages , so affable in his discourse , so void of passion and anger , that he was never yet heard or seen in chollor , the utmost extent of any passion that ever was discerned in him , being towards one of his menial servants , who justifying himself in what he had done amiss , his majesty with some motion told him , that he was an insolent fellow . yet this is that prince whose vertues we have given leave to forraign nations to admire , whilst we our selves have ●ested as well ignorant of his deserts , as destitute of our own liberty , whilst either infatuated or blinded by those who have tyrannically usurped governments over us , we have been contented to sit still and see him expul●ed and exiled from his due rights and royalties , and our selves from our freedom and priviledges . nor hath god alone been mercifull to us in endowing his sacred majesty with such heroick virtues , but he hath given us a stock of noble princes , who seem to emulate virtue in one another , and grow up like royall oaks , to maintain the honour and glory of this nation , but are yet and have a long time been the disgrace of it , all the nations in europe laughing at the english folly , who slight that happiness which they might enjoy . as for the illustrious duke of york his fame is spread so far over the world , that my self have heard the very turks commend and applaude his vallour which was so esteemed of among the french , that before he arrived at twenty one years of age he was by that king thought worthy the command of liev. general of his army's , which he managed with such care and prudence that seldom any affair he took in hand , produced not its desired success ; and since , his being in requital of his services , complemented out of that kingdom of france , though he hath not had such eminent commands conferr'd on him by the spaniard , yet have they alwayes thought him worth the highest imployment and respect . as for the duke of glocester , he is esteemed by most to be fitter for a counsellour then a souldier . his carriage is grave and somewhat severe ; of a sagace genious and understanding , and very much prying into state affairs , which have made most judge him fitter for a council board . these three princes , are like three diamonds or pearls , which we have ignorantly cast away , and not come to know the worth of them till we come to want them , their vertues having made them resplendent throughout all the world , and rendred them , if we justly consider it , the only means whereby we can attain to happiness ; for what nation can be more blessed then that which hath for her prince a just king to govern , a valiant duke to defend , and a wise counsellour to advise . finis . the instruments of a king: or, a short discourse of the svvord. the scepter. the crowne. ... howell, james, 1594?-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86626 of text r5326 in the english short title catalog (thomason e464_7). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86626 wing h3083 thomason e464_7 estc r5326 99872836 99872836 162233 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86626) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162233) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 74:e464[7]) the instruments of a king: or, a short discourse of the svvord. the scepter. the crowne. ... howell, james, 1594?-1666. howell, james, 1594?-1666. [4], 11, [1] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the yeare, 1648. signed at end: jam. howell. the words "the svvord. .. the crowne." are bracketed together on the title page. annotation on thomason copy: "sept ye 18th". also issued as part of "some of mr. howell's minor works" (wing 3115) on umi microfilm set "early english books, 1641-1700" reel 715:8. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng monarchy -england -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -early works to 1800. a86626 r5326 (thomason e464_7). civilwar no the instruments of a king: or, a short discourse of the svvord. the scepter. the crowne. ...: howell, james 1648 3813 3 5 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the instrvments of a king : or , a short discovrse of the svvord . the scepter . the crowne . satis habet rex ad poenam , quod deum expectet ultorem . 't is punishment enough for th' king , that god will him to judgment bring . london . printed in the yeare , 1648. the author's apology . i am no lawyer otherwise then what nature hath made me , so every man , as he is born the child of reason , is a lawyer , and a logitian also who was the first kind of lawyer : this discoursive faculty of reason comes with us into the world accompanied with certaine generall notions and principles to distinguish right from wrong , and falshood from truth : but touching this following discourse , because it relates something to law , the authour would not have adventured to have exposed it to the world , if , besides those common innate notions of reason , and some private notes of his owne , he had not inform'd & ascertain'd his judgment by conference with some professed lawyers , and those the eminentest in the land , touching the truth of what it treats of ; therefore he dares humbly aver that it containes nothing but what is consonant to the fundamentall and fixed constitutions , to the knowne clear lawes of this kingdome . j. ● . the instruments of a king . in a successive hereditary kingdome , as england is known and acknowledged to be by all parties now in opposition , there are 3 things which are inalienable from the person of the king : they are , 1. the crowne . 2. the scepter . 3. the sword . the one , he is to carry on his head , the other in his hand , and the third at his side ; and they may be tearmed all three the ensignes or peculiar instruments of a king : by the first , he reignes , by the second he makes lawes , by the third he maintaines them : and the two first are but bables without the last . 1. touching the crowne or royall diadem of england , there is none , whether presbyterian , independent , protestant , or others now in action , but confesse that it descends by a right hereditary line , ( though through divers races , and some of them conquerours ) upon the head of charles the first now regnant : 't is his owne by inherent birthright and nature , by gods law , and the law of the land , and these parliament-men at their first sitting did agnize subjection unto him accordingly , and recognize him for their soveraigne liege lord : nay , the roman catholick denies not this , for though there were bulls sent to dispense with the english subjects for their allegiance to queen elizabeth , yet the pope did this against her as he took her for a heretique , not an usurpresse , though he knew well enough that she had been declared illegitimate by the act of an english parliament . this imperiall crowne of england is adorned and deck'd with many faire flowers , which are called , royall prerogatives ; and they are of such a transcendent nature , that they are unforfeitable , individuall , and untransferable to any other : the king can only summon and dissolve parliaments : the king can onely pardon ( for when he is crowned , he is sworn to rule in mercy as well as in justice : ) the king can onely coyn money , and enhance or decry the value of it : the power of electing officers of state , of justices of peace , and assise is in the king ; he can only grant soveraign commissions : the king can only wage war , and make out-landish leagues : the king may make all the courts of justice ambulatory with his person , as they were used of old ; 't is true , the court of common pleas must be sedentary in some certain place for such a time ; but that expired , 't is removeable at his pleasure : the king can only employ ambassadours and treat with forain states , &c. these , with other royal prerogatives which i shall touch hereafter , are those rare and wholsome flowers wherewith the crowne of england is embellished , nor can they stick anywhere else but in the crowne , and all confesse the crowne is as much the king's , as any private man's cap is his own . the second regall instrument is the scepter , which may be called an inseparable companion , or a necessary appendix to the crowne ; this invests the king with the sole authority of making lawes , for before his confirmation all results and determinations of parliament are but bills or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they are but abortive things , and meer embryos ; nay , they have no life at all in them till the king puts breath and vigour into them : and the antient custome was for the king to touch them with his scepter , then they are lawes , and have a virtue in them to impose an obligation of universall obedience upon all sorts of people , it being an undeniable maxime , that nothing can be generally binding without the king's royall assent , nor doth the law of england take notice of any thing without it : this being done , they are ever after stil'd the king's lawes , and the judges are said to deliver the king's judgments , which agrees with the holy text , the king by judgment shall stablish the land : nay , the law presumes the king to be alwaies the sole judge paramount , and lord chief justice of england , for he whom he pleaseth to depute for his chiefest justice , is but stil'd lord chief justice of the king's bench , not lord chief justice of england , which title is peculiar to the king himself , and observable it is , that whereas he grants commissions and parents to the lord chancellour ( who is no other then keeper of his conscience ) and to all other judges , he names the chief justice of his own bench by a short writ only containing two or three lines : now , though the king be liable to the law , and is contented to be within their verge , because they are chiefly his owne productions , yet he is still their protector , moderator , and soveraigne , which attributes are incommunicable to any other conjunctly or separately . thus the king with his scepter , and by the mature advice of his two houses of parl. which are his highest councel & court , hath the sole power of making laws ; other courts of judicature doe but expound them and distribute them by his appointment , they have but juris dati dictionem or declarationem , and herein , i meane for the exposition of the lawes the twelve judges are to be believed before the whole kingdom besides . they are as the areopagites in athens , the chief presidents in france and spaine in an extraordinary junta , as the cape-syndiques in the rota's of rome , and the republique of venice whose judgments in point of interpreting lawes are incontroulable , and preferred before the opinion of the whole senate whence they received their being ; and who hath still power to repeal them , though not to expound them . in france they have a law-maxime , arrest donné en robbe rouge est irrevocable , which is , a scarlet sentence is irrevocable , meaning when all the judges are met in their robes , and the client against whom the cause goes , may chafe and chomp upon the bit , and say what he will for the space of 24 howers against his judges , but if ever after he traduces them , he is punishable : it is no otherwise here where every ignorant peevish client , every puny barister , specially if he become a member of the house will be ready to arraign and vie knowledge with all the reverend judges in the land , whose judgement in points of law shold be only tripodicall and sterling : so that he may be truly call'd a just king , and to rule according to law , who rules according to the opinion of his judges ; therfore , under favor , i do not see how his majestie for his part could be call'd injust when he leavied the ship-money , considering he had the judges for it . i now take the sword in hand , which is the third instrument of a king , ( and which this short discours chiefly points at ) it is aswell as the two first , incommunicable and inalienable from his person ; nothing concernes his honor more both at home and abroad ; the crown and the scepter are but unweildy and impotent naked indefensible things without it . there 's none so simple as to think there's meant hereby an ordinary single sword , such as ev'ry one carrieth by his side , or som imaginary thing or chymera of a sword ; no , 't is the polemical publique sword of the whole kingdom , 't is an aggregative compound sword , and 't is moulded of bell-metall ; for 't is made up of all the ammunition and armes small and great , of all the military strengths both by land and sea , of all the forts , castles and tenable places within and round about the whole i le : the kings of england have had this sword by vertue of their royall signory from all times , the laws have girded it to their sides , they have employed it for repelling all forren force , for revenging all forren wrongs or affronts , for quelling all intestine tumults , and for protecting the weal of the whole body politike at home : the peeple were never capable of this sword , the fundamentall constitutions of this kingdom deny it them ; 't is all one to put the sword in a mad mans hand , as in the peeples ; or for them to have a disposing power in whose hands it shall be . such was the case once of the french sword , in that notorious insurrection call'd to this day la jaqueris de beauvoisin , when the pesants and mechanics had a design to wrest it out of the kings hand , and to depresse all the peers & gentry of the kingdom ; & the busines had gone very far , had not the prelats stuck close to the nobility ; but afterwards poor hare-brain'd things they desire the king upon bended knees to take it againe ; such popular puffs have blowen often in poland , naples and other places , where while they sought and fought for liberty by retrenching the regall power , they fool'd themselfs into a slavery unawares , and found the rule right , that excess of freedom turns to thraldom , and ushers in all confusions . if one shold go back to the nonage of the world , when governers and rulers began first , one will find the peeple desir'd to live under kings for their own advantage , that they might be restrain'd from wild exorbitant liberty , and kept in unity ; now unity is as requisit for the welbeing of all naturall things , as entity is for their being , and 't is a receiv'd maxim in policy , that nothing preserves unity more exactly then royall government : besides 't is known to be the noblest sort of sway ; in so much that by the law of nations , if subjects of equall degrees , and under differing princes shold meet , the subjects of a king shold take predency of those under any republique , and those of a successif kingdom , of those that are under an electif . but to take up the sword again . i say that the sword of public power & authoritie is fit only to hang at the kings side , & so indeed shold the great seal hang only at his girdle , because 't is the key of the kingdom : which makes me think of what i read of charlemain , how he had the imperiall seal emboss'd alwaies upon the pommell of his sword , and his reason was , that he was ready to maintain whatsoever he signed , and sealed . the civilians , who are not in all points so great friends to monarchy as the common law of england is , say , there are six lura regalia , six regall rights , viz. 1. potestas iudicatoria , 2. potestas vitae & necis , 3. armamenta , 4. bona adespota , 5. census , 6. monetarum valor : to wit , power of judicature , power of life and death , all kind of arming , masterlesse goods , sessements , and the value of money . among these regalias , we find that arming , which in effect is nought else but the kings sword , is among the chiefest ; and 't is as proper and peculiar to his person , as either crown or scepter . by these two he drawes a loose voluntary love and opinion onely from his subjects , but by the sword he drawes reverence and awe , which are the chiefest ingredients of allegiance , it being a maxime , that the best mixture of government is made of feare and love . with this sword he conferrs honor , he dubbs knights , he creates magistrats , the lord deputy of ireland , the lord mayor of london with all other corporations have their swords from him , and when he entreth any place corporat , we know the first thing that is presented him is the sword : with this sword he shields and preserves all his peeple that ev'ry one may sit quietly under his own vine , sleep securely in his own house , and enjoy sweetly the fruits of his labours . nor doth the point of this sword reach only to ev'ry corner of his own dominions , but it extends beyond the seas to gard his subjects from oppression , and denial of justice , as well as to vindicate the publike wrongs , make good the interests of his crown , and to assist his confederates ; this is the sword that edward the third tied the flower deluces unto ( which stick still unto it , ) when having sent to france to demand that crown by maternall right , the counsell there sent him word that the crown of france was not tied to a d●staff , to which scoffing answer he replied that then he wold tie it to his sword , and he was as good as his word . nor is this publike sword concredited or intrusted by the peeple in a fiduciary conditionall way to the king , but it is properly and peculiarly belonging unto him , as an inseparable concomitant , perpetuall usher and attendant to his crowne . the king , we know , useth to maintain all garrisons upon his own charge , not the peeples ; he fortifies upon his own charge , not the peeples : and though i will not averr , that the king may impresse any of his subjects , unlesse it be upon an actuall invasion by sea , or a sudden irruption into his kingdom by land , as the scots have often don , yet at any time the king may raise volunteers , and those who have received his money , the law makes it felony , if they forsake his service . thus we see there 's nothing that conduceth more to the glory , and indeed the very essence of a king then the sword , which is the armes and military strength of his kingdome ; wherfore under favor , there cannot be a greater point of dishonor to a king then to be disarmed , then to have his sword taken from him , or dispos'd of and intrusted to any but those whom he shall appoint ; for as à minori ad majus the argument often holds , if a privat gentleman chance to be disarm'd upon a quarrell , 't is held the utmost of disgraces , much greater and more public is the dishonor that falls upon a king , if after some traverses of difference 'twixt him and his subjects , they shold offer to disarme him , or demand his sword of him : when the eagle parted with his talons , and the lion with his teeth and ongles , the apolog tells us how contemptible afterwards the one grew to be among birds , the other among beasts . for a king to part with the sword politic is to render himself such a ridiculous king , as that logg of wood was which jupiter let down among the froggs for their king at the importunity of their croaking ; 't is to make him a king of clouts , or as the spaniard hath it , rey de havas , a bean-king , such as we use to choose in sport at twelf-night . but my hopes are , that the two present houses of parlement ( for now they may be call'd so , because they begin to parley with their king , ) wil be more tender of the honor of their soverain liege lord , which , together with all his rights and dignities , by severall solemn oaths , and by their own binding instruments of protestation and covenant , ( not yet revok'd ) they are sworn to maintain , and that they will demand nothing of him which may savour of aspertè or force , but what may hold water hereafter : but now , touching the militia or sword of the kingdom , i think , under favor , the king cannot transfer it to any other ; for that were to desert the protection of his people , which is point-blank against his coronation oath and his office : what forren prince or state will send either ambassador , resident or agent to him , when they understand his sword is taken from him ? what reformed forren church wil acknowledg him defender of the faith , when they hear of this ? nay , they who wish england no good will , will go neer to paint him out , as not long since another king was , with a fair velvet scabbard , a specious golden hilt and chape , but the blade within was of wood . i hope that they who sway now , will make better use of their successes : many of them know 't is as difficult a thing to use a victory well , as to get one ; there is as much prudence requir'd in the one , as prowesse in the other ; they wil be wiser sure then turn it to the dishonor of their king : it being a certaine rule , that the glory of a nation all the world over depends upon the glory of their king , and if he be any way obscur'd , the whole kingdom is under an eclipse . i have observed , that among other characters of gallantry , which forren writers appropriat to the english nation , one is , that they use to be most zealous to preserve the honor of their king ; i trust that they who are now upp will return to the steps of their progenitors , both in this particular and divers other ; that their successes may serve to sweeten and moderat things , and suppresse the popular sword which still rages ; and it had been heartily wished that a suspension of arms had preceded this treaty , which useth to be the ordinary fore-runner , and a necessarie antecedent to all treaties ; for while acts of hostility continue , som ill favour'd newes may intervene which may imbitter and disturb all : nor can it be expected that the proceedings will goe on with that candor and confidence , while the old rancor is still in action ; 't is impossible a sore shold heale till the inflamation be taken away ; to cast water into a wound instead of oyle is not the way to cure it : or to cast oyle upon a fire instead of water is not the way to quench it ; poor england hath had a consuming fire within her bowells many yeeres , she is also mortally wounded in all her members , that she is still in a high fever , which hath made her rave and speak idle a long time ; and 't is like to turn to a hectic if not timely prevented . i p●ay god she may have no occasion to make use of the same complaint as alexander the great made when he was expiring his last , perii turba medicorum : too many physitians have undon me . to conclude in a word , there is but one only way , under favor , to put a period to all these fearfull confusions ; it is , to put the great master-wheele in order , and in its due place again , and then all the inferior wheels will move regularly ; let the king be restor'd , and ev'ry one will com to his own , all interests will be satisfied , all things quickly rectified ; till this be done , 't is as absurd to attempt the setling of peace , as if one shold go about to set a watch by the gnomon of an horizontall diall when the sun is in a cloud . dolor capitis est caput doloris . jam. howell . 16. septemb. 1648. an answer to pereat papa, or, a reply by way of letter from a gentlewoman to a person of quality commending to her consideration a paper entituled pereat papa, or, reasons why popery should not inherit the crown. gentlewoman. 1681 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a25565 wing a3372 estc r18359 11938290 ocm 11938290 51223 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25565) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51223) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 48:28) an answer to pereat papa, or, a reply by way of letter from a gentlewoman to a person of quality commending to her consideration a paper entituled pereat papa, or, reasons why popery should not inherit the crown. gentlewoman. 4 p. s.n., [london? : 1681] caption title. at head of page: answer a fool according to his folly. place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -succession. religion and politics -england. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to pereat papa : or , a reply by way of letter from a gentlewoman to a person of quality ; commending to her consideration a paper entituled pereat papa ; or , reasons why popery should not inherit the crown . answer a fool according to his folly. sir , had the paper you sent me , intituled pereat papa , or reasons why popery should not usurp the crown , come accidentally to my hands , and had not been seriously recommended to my observation by you , i should have concluded its author had jocularly intended , or to , use his own phrase , conceived , and that very candidly , such reason● proper to burlesque , a late design for altering the succession , on account of that so often baffled a cause called popery . but instructed by your letter from so wild a reflection , i begin to consider it as the labours of some grand sage — ignoramus of the common-law , which furnishes its students with reasons intelligent to none but themselves ; but reasons , since he is pleased to call them , so let them be ; for should a filly woman venture to question that title , she might perhaps anger some terrible judge that daily deals out death with the like logick . therefore with humble submission to such powerful disputants , who can destroy by president those they cannot confute , i will give you my observations thereupon , and first upon his preamble , in these following words . it is conceiv'd , and that very candidly , without prejudice to others judgments , or troubling our selves with that so often baffled a cause called popery , that a papist ought not to inherit or succeed to the management of the crown . ans . now as to his candid conceiving , without prejudice to his judgment , i humbly conceive , that those quaint words , and all the rest so ill put together , are meer non-sence ; and that without the help of his title it would be hard to find out his meaning to be , that a papist ought not to succeed to the crown : his first pretended reason is , r. 1. in strictness of law , because one so qualifyed hath wilfully disabled or rendered himself uncapable of that benefit which the common-law ( after the usual course of descent ) doth positively require , for 't is presumable , that he that succeeds in the office of the crown should be legally adopted to execute so great a trust ; and therefore if minus idoneus not sufficiently ballasted with the notions and intrigues of state , others are to govern in aid of him , as in case of ideocy , lunacy , or the like , and the parliament is bound ( as trusted to redress grievances and secure the nation ) to place it where religion and propertie shall be adjudged most safe . ans . here he would be thought a lawyer , a calling i have not profest , because i observe women are rarely made judges ; but yet i am not so ignorant of the common-law , but that i have heard it defin'd to be right reason , guided by ancient usage : therefore if this gentleman had brought but one president where a papist had been put by the crown , meerly for being such , he had saved himself and his readers much trouble in composing and observing so many nothings , as his eight unintelligable reasons amount to : but in the name of wonder , how does a papist prince incapacitate himself for the crown by the common-law , ( after the usual course of descent ) when from the time of the conquerour there has been one and twenty of that religion , and but five of the reformed church , have worn the imperial crown of this realm ; but to speak to the purpose , it is plain that the common-law alters not the succession on account of religion , nor indeed on any account whatsoever , no not if the king be minus idoneus , infant , ideot , or lunatick : for right reason , continual usage , with numberless presidents in this and other her●ditary monarchies , teach us . that such alterations would do more harm to religion and property , than any of those temporary inconveniences , so that the common-law , both by president and right reason , abhors his reason : and what the power or duty of parliaments in this case is , i am sure is a theame too high for him or me to define ; therefore i will pass on to his 6 pretended presidents of that nature , and if any of them proves the least part of his purpose , i will submit my reason to be the slave of incoherency for ever . president the 1st . edgar ethling , ( as stories agree ) was the undoubted heir , yet vvilliam the norman , commonly called the conquerour , was call'd in to oppose harold , and invested with the crown , and ethling for ever an exile and disinherited . 2dly . after him succeeded his second son , william rufus , and not robert the eldest . ans . by his leave , stories do not agree , that william was called in , though edgar the right heir 't is true was put by , but 't is as true ( that stories agree ) that liberty and property were thereupon destroyed ; for william divested whom he pleas'd of their lands , to gratifie his fellow conquerours : nor did the second william deal kindlier with any whom he suspected had the least eye to his brother robert's signiority ; nor was the nation freed from this tyranny untill the blood of the right saxon heir edgar was again inocculated into the crown by the wife of henry the first . would any man then in his right wits write such presidents in order to preserve religion and property ? 3dly . king john not only laid aside arthur plantaginet , his elder brother's son , but likewise put him to death . ans . by this president ignoramus discovers his morals ; for that king john usurp'd against his nephew arthur none denys ; and that thereupon ensued bloody intestine broyls , with the loss of normandy &c. with other national miseries , the constant consequences of such mutations , but that he murther'd his nephew he ever denyed ; though had our lawyer been of his council , he might have boasted it , because 't is two to one , the young prince stood popishly affected . 4thly . in cicily there was lately a great contest between the two sons of charles the second , martellus and robert , and i find the crown awarded to robert the youngest , as , magnus dignus ad regandum . 5thly . alexander was demanded to whom he would bequeath his scepter , he said , to the worthiest , and to him whose sword hath the sharpest point ; meaning , to him whose vertues were most luculent , and of the brightest integrity , according to the disposition of jacob , passing by manasses , and conferring the blessing on ephraim the younger , as most deserving and acceptable to god. ans . now would i defie your author , or the most cunning sophister on earth , to make these two presidents , or any part of them , to quadrate in the least with his title to them : there are several presidents of this nature , but he is extream lucky in his choice , both of words and matters which are nothing to the purpose , and above all in the next . 6thly . the state of france rejected the king of navarr , and appointed henry the fourth to reign over them , because of another religion , in leaving god , and complying with their church , to gain a crown , with what a tragical end did they reward him ? ans . would not this president give me just cause to believe , that the gentleman was burlesqueing his cause ; for who could think a man so ill verst in history , should pretend to quote presidents from it ; they rejected , says he , the king of navarr for henry the fourth ; and why could he not have said , they rejected again henry the fourth for the king of navarr ; and so it had been a noble president to such as did not know that henry the 4th , and the king of navarr , were one and the same person : but why should i concern my self with so impertinent a paper ; for indeed all his presidents are as much to the purpose , as the reply to ones demand , why the devil was generally painted with horns ? how says the other , did you never read in scripture , that the devil goes about like a roaring lyon , seeking whom he may devour . therefore , not much to combate a nothing . i will only observe the gentleman strangely forgot one president , proper indeed to his principals and morals , that is , the deposal and murther of charles the first , on pretence , amongst other falshoods , that he favoured popery ; this truly , as to his design , is worth a thousand such as he hath quoted . reas . 2. can it be thought but that he that succeeds in the crown , should not succeed concurrentibus his qui in jure requiserunt , as the civil law expresses it , that in all the concerns thereof , which are the laws , principally those that relate to religion , and not for one man led away with a purblind perverseness , renouncing the religion he knows not why , ( and so wilfully attainting himself ) to inthrall the nation in superstition and tyranny ; for regularly in all parts , where popish lords are in the church , there tyranny of course rages in the state. ans . can this be thought to look to any reasonable man like reason , for , except a scrap of latine , ( whereby the gentleman pretends to the civil law , of which he understands as much as of the common , or history ) there is not one word to the purpose ; for , what can purblind perverseness , or wilfully attainting himself mean more than mallice , as the whole sentence indeed is intended for , concluding with a positive falseness , since it is well known we owe our thanks for magna charta , and other franchises to popish princes . reas . 3. 't is a maxime amongst lawyers , that , lex facit regem ; and maxims must not be denyed ; if so , then to speak out after the true intendment of the law ; he that comes not to the crown satiatim , as the law notifies , and prescribes , 't is no lawful succession , but down-right usurpation , and without scruple it is in the devoir of every good christian to withstand an usurper , it being undoubtedly more pleasing to god to put one man by who thus wilfully disables himself , and withall most shamefully usurps , than expose millions of souls to damnation , and the streets to flow with blood , by suffering that religion to creep in , whose reformation ( at the milder rate ) will certainly prove fire and faggot . for this very cause mecha was removed from being queen , by her son king asa , for making an idol in a grove , incited thereunto by the prophet azariah . ans . i will believe it is a maxime , and by it is only meant : that by the law , the next of blood , is made king ; for as to his inference , 't is malicious , trayterous , and ridiculous , setting up in every pretended good christian , a power to depose any prince he pleases to call an usurper ; for his fire and faggots they are meerly wildfire in his own brains , as his example of king asa is , who only took from his mother the dignity of a queen : for the regal power was before in himself , and sure he had reason to suppress in his first subject so great an example of idolatry . reas . 4. the succession of the crown and a common descent much differ , for if an heir that 's a subject prove loose and debauch'd it little damnifies the publick , more deserving persons may haply step into his possession , and be more serviceable to the publick ; the dammage is still but private to his own family . but in case of the crown , there is none so senseless but must needs conceive the dammage most fatal , because universal , the whole nation must inevitably suffer , religion be subverted , and property destroyed , and the whole people in danger of their lives . 't is well known in the private case , the heir is usually thrown off and dis-inherited , if an entail , it may be destroyed , and the law justifies it . the like in the publick of the throne ( the grand inquisitors of state and conservators of the liberties of england ) the parliament may for weighty causes refuse the heir presumptive , and for the safety of the nation , settle it where they in honour and prudence conceive most proper . ans . what shall i say more to all this new-nothing , but that 't is not fit he or i should limit the power of the king in his parliament ; but 't is to be supposed that they will know best how to obey new laws , who are not factious against the old , as your author most impudently appears to be , notwithstanding his golden rule . reas . 5. we read in scripture , which is the golden rule we must walk by ; that libnah revolted from jehoram because he had forsaken the god of his fathers , and so we had better forsake man and adhere to god in keeping our religion , than trust to man and lose god , to be unavoidably destroyed here , and hereafter irrecoverably damned in serving baal , and parting with the divinity now establisht . ans . this might have past as well for a president , as a reason , but that he infers from it a necessity to revolt from the worship of baall , for the divinity establisht , which priviledge by my consent no body shall deny him , since he has already made a revolt from common-sense and humanity , by so many vain and chymerical suppositions as are put together in this and his next reason . reas . 6. when rehoboam had prepared a huge army to reduce the israelites , he was forbidden by the prophet , thus saith the lord , ye shall not go up nor fight against your brethren , for this is for me , mark , he calls them brethren not rebels . passive obedience therefore is simple and fit for tame owls that know no better , now god has discover'd the snare and the pit of ruins that the pope and the devil has prepar'd for us , if we do not timely countermine it by cautionary laws to suppress those that dig'd it , we may in a short space be thrown into it head-long and no one pity us . but the right line with some shallow pated talkers , is a noli me tangere , so sacred forsooth , that we must venture body and soul in subjecting our selves to all the curses imaginable that hell it self can inflict on us , rather than in the least alter or controul it , a very frivolous caveat , and not to be heeded , humane examples , as i shewed before , have voted against it , and the scripture warrants it , samuel foretold in the case of saul that he would be rejected for his disobedience , though not his person degraded or deposed , yet that the kingdom should both be remov'd from his line and tribe , which was done accordingly , and transferred on david . this proves very fully that heirs , or next in succession , are not so immoveably placed , but that they may lawfully ( on just cause ) be displaced , if not legally quallified , and others put up for gods glory in their rooms . god raised jehu to purge idolatry against the house of ahab , all the sons of ahab were beheaded , and in a manner his whole line cut off , for his good service he had a promise of a special blessing for his issue to continue the throne to the fourth generation , several other instances i could give , but this may suffice . in brief there is no reformed church , from the first waldenses of lyons and languedock to this very day , but have held it lawful . ans . through all the railing and no reason of this long reason , i will only pick out these observations ; first , that the author is no true son of the church of england , who has always taught her children passive obedience at least , for which they are by our mannerly statists branded with the titles of tame owls and shallow pated talkers . secondly , that he has cast an aspersion on all the reformed churches , from the first waldenses , &c. to this day , for holding his wild principles and bloody examples lawful . thirdly , what greater advantage he could have given the jesuits , falsly charged with such principles , to retort them on the reformers , i cannot tell , but this am sure , if it be true , it is a fair caveat to all princes , not subject to such doctines , to be careful of their spreading in their dominions , for at worst 't is less dangerous to have one mad deposer , called the pope , at a distance , then to have every town in ones dominions crouded with such soveraign judges , whose sentences may be executed according to this divinity by every desperate hand . reas . 7. 't is conceited by half-witted states-men , that restrictive laws may prevent all mischief , and secure the protestants : a very vain opinion , and most fallacious ; for laws will never bind , but more enrage , shackle him as you will , and load him with ne're so many laws , when king , he and his party will be restless , till they have set themselves at liberty , and to have the protestants under ; when king he is not impeachable , and the posse regni will then be at his disposal . when the wolf is shepherd , the flock is very safe indeed , and like to be well look't to ; after all denounceable at will ; for if his party now commit such outrages , that no age can parallel , what will they do then ? now no man safe in his bed , then none safe at all ; they will adventure to murder people covertly , and in their houses , for they hold it no more sin than to kill a dog. ans . the gent. might have been more mannerly in his character , if it be considered what states-man has lately in council , or rather to the parliament , declared his opinion for the restrictive laws under a right succession ; whose declaration ought to have made that matter , a noli me tangere , at least to any private person : but he that dare speak evil of dignities , and brand superiours with the title of half-witted states-men , would , had he but half the courage that he has malice , commit greater outrages , than fancy can make the others guilty of . reas . 8. in fine , be sure he and his party ( which will daily encrease , and the protestants decline ) will soon get an opportunity , either by stratagem , or open force , to avoid all laws , though they are ne're so strong and wary , and so impossible to be safe without a protestant successor . ans . this prophetical reason , in fine , is at best but one doctors opinion , and , i doubt me , but a meer mountebank at the pulse of a kingdom : of which i will assure you , sir , i perceive by his paper he knows so little , that a better discourse often comes ex tempore from a good woman at a gossiping upon the same subject . for the whole , 't is an unconnext rapsody of meer words , interlaced with scraps of latine , brought in to as little purpose as his presidents ; so that if he be your acquaintance ( for friend he cannot be to so worthy a person ) perswade him to keep his ignorance out of paper hereafter ; and his impudence , to treat of subjects so much above his comprehension , will pass off well enough in coffee-houses , where to rail sufficiently against popery , is policy to the purpose : to which crouds of unthinking praters , i freely bequeath him , as i do my self , to be for ever , yours . sir , since my answer to yours , in slight observations , on pereat papa , i find the author so fond of his folly , as to put it in print , though with a little alteration , i suppose by direction from the printer , for he has chang'd his first president ; not into better sense , nor a jot more to his purpose , but into something that shews he has been told by some body , that henry the fourth of france , was the rejected king of navar ; but his historian , it seems , could not inform him , that the crown was setled on his head , and that he had a long , glorious , and prosperous reign , till assassinated by a desperate , barbarous , and irreligious villain , upon a private revenge as was ever believed , and has been since confest by ravillacks brother on his death-bed in germany . the printer too had the manners , i suppose , against the authors will , to leave out the witty epithet of tame owls , given to the passive obedience in his sixth reason ; other material change there is none , and you must pardon this , being printed since : 't is pity the world should see the coxcomb uncorrected , and that by the hand of a woman , the provocation whereof , i suppose , made him appeal to the more judicious in print , and has forced me to do the same , with this addition to my first sentence — bray a fool in a mortar , and he will not return from his folly . reflections upon the memorial from his most christian majesty presented by the count de briord, his ambassador extraordinary to the states-general of the united provinces at the hague, december 4. 1700 : containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain's will, in favour of the duke of anjou : in a letter from a friend, to mr. j.c. merchant in london. n. t. 1700 approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64119 wing t38 estc r18218 12349443 ocm 12349443 59935 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64119) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59935) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 927:7) reflections upon the memorial from his most christian majesty presented by the count de briord, his ambassador extraordinary to the states-general of the united provinces at the hague, december 4. 1700 : containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain's will, in favour of the duke of anjou : in a letter from a friend, to mr. j.c. merchant in london. n. t. briord, gabriel de, d. 1703. [4], 12 p. [s.n.], london : 1700. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. signed at end: n.t. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philip -v, -king of spain, 1683-1746. philip -iv, -king of spain, 1605-1665. kings and rulers. alliances. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-02 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reflections upon the memorial from his most christian majesty , presented by the count de briord , his ambassador extraordinary to the states-general of the vnited provinces at the hague , december 4. 1700. containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain's will , in favour of the duke of anjou . in a letter from a friend , to mr. j. c. merchant in london . london : printed in the year 1700. price 4 d. reflections upon the memorial deliver'd to the states general , by the count de briord , the french king's ambassador , &c. reflections upon the memorial deliver'd into the states general , by the count de briord , the french king 's ambassador , &c. sir , i have too often , in my own mind , censur'd others for complementing themselves ( for as such i took it ) in essay's of this kind , when they pretended their unfitness for the undertakeing , and that they purely did it at the request of their friends , to be guilty of the same preamble . but if i mistook their designs , and they only were , that they might be able to charge the defects of their performances somewhere beyond themselves , if they shou'd see occasion , when they had expos'd their capacities at the request of their friends . i have the most reason of any to preface so to you , especially considering that i am about to reflect upon the french king 's memorial to the states general , containing his reasons for accepting the late king of spain 's will in favour of the duke d' anjou . it is not to be doubted , but in a case of this importance , he has taken care it should not be jejunely done ; and therefore employ'd the best heads he had in this afffair ; and if i mistake not , some who i think judicious , nor they fail in their opinions , it is shrewdly worded ; but truth and justice are weapons not easily parry'd ; yet easily us'd by the hand of the unskilful , which is the only consideration that enboldens my attempt . the design of this memorial , i take to be , to sooth the commonalty wherever it comes , and is full of cunning insinuations of the french king's inclination● to the peace of the publick . i doubt not but all the princes and states of europe will very candidly thank him for it , ( as well as the states general ) when they can be persuaded he is endeavouring it , and really sollicitous about it , tho' he should not go so far as to prefer it to the advantage of his own crown . but i think the only way to know , whether that is to be believ'd , or expected , is to look back upon that monarch's practices in all preceeding junctures of affairs of this ( or such like ) nature ; and then we shall see , which he would sooner sacrifice his honour or his interest , and when they drew two ways , which has always been the most prevalent ; and upon this consideration , i cannot think the states general should so much as seem to be surpriz'd at the french king 's accepting the will of the late king of spain , since he thinks it most for his interest so to do . it is something odd , that his most christian majesty should in the first page of his memorial so ironically treat and burlesque the states-general as he does : he tells them , if they take time to examine with their usual prudence , the infinite troubles , which the treaty of partition would produce , that same prudence will oblige them to desist from the demand , &c. what is this , but to accuse them of a precipitancy in the treaty of partition ; and a want of prudence , in not well weighing before hand the conveniences and inconveniences of it ; and yet himself sheer clear enough of that charge : for by the treaty of partition , he added another method to his choice of disposing of the spanish monarchy ; and he knew the king of england , and the states-general , both in honour and conscience , thought themselves bound by , and would not recede from the obligations laid upon themselves by a ratifyed treaty , tho' he kept himself above all bonds but those of his own advantage . it is certainly a great contradiction to abandon the design of a treaty , for the sake of adhering to the terms of it ; and i would be very willing ( if i could ) at this conjuncture to distinguish betwixt them ; but i cannot see that the design , and the terms were any more united when the king of spain liv'd , then they are now : for the design of that treaty was not to take place in its effect till after the king of spain's death ; therefore that could make no difference betwixt them . on the otherhand , how far it is in the power of a king of spain by his will , to dispose of his kingdom , and the succession of it ; and cut off the right of the next heir , is not my province to determine ; but i think , if we look into the 10th page of the french king 's memorial , we shall find he lays no stress upon it for the duke d' anjou's right , for when he is pretending , there 's a necessity , in order to preserve the peace , to make use of methods different from those that were propos'd at signing the treaty of partition . he tells the states in the next paragraph ; the most natural , that which is most agreeable for maintaining the general peace ; and the only just method , consists in the resolution , taken by the king to accept the will of the late catholick king : so that it plainly appears , that the force of the will lyes only in his resolution to accept of it ; and therefore we have very good reason to suppose , the will of the king of spain should have been ( with him ) no will , if it had cross'd his inclinations , in settling the crown upon the arch-duke ; and there is no doubt , but then he would have deliver'd his protest against it , strenuously insisted upon the treaty of partition , and challeng'd , upon their guarranty , the assistance of the king of england , and the states-general , to have forc'd the performance of it . then on the other hand , if the french king insists upon the duke d' anjou's natural right , the king of spain's will , cannot ( any more than his death ) make any difference betwixt the design and the terms of the treaty , unless the french king means his own private design , which now , it plainly appears must be absolutely destroy'd , if the terms stand . he goes on then , and tells them , the former ( that is the design of the treaty ) maintains a general peace , the latter ( that is the terms of it ) causes an universal war ; and therefore the decision , what measures to take , should be made by the explanation of the first article of the treaty , viz. to maintain the general peace of europe . i am very much afraid he 'l prove a false prophet , and if he does , may the fate of a false prophet pursue him . i cannot think the guarrantees of the treaty of partition will sit still , and see the treaty broke , was it only upon punctilio of honour ; and i think 't will plainly appear to be too much their interest to assist the emperor , to expect they should be neutral : for should the french king , ( which joyn'd with spain , &c. ) i don't see is so difficult to be done , to be too hard for the emperor , and so command his arms , or indeed otherwise engage them ; they will make too formidable an enemy , to be thought not worth minding ; and the ballance not so much kept in aequilibrio as might be wish'd . and therefore the french king must greatly reflect upon the conduct , and foresight of those concerned in the treaty , in endeavouring to impose that belief upon the publick , that his accepting the king of spain 's will , maintains a general peace . then on the other hand had the french king kept to the performance of the treaty of partition , i can't for my part see who could , or dar'd , attempt the disturbance of the peace of europe upon that account ; and therefore i shall consider the difficulties he mentions as the grounds of his specious pretences . but first i think it may not be amiss , to obviate the objection made against the validity of the treaty , and the french king's being any ways bound by it : because , says he , the emperor had not accepted of the partition before the death of the king of spain ; 't is therefore void , and ceases to be obligatory , the three months being past which was allowed him for acceptance . this is the scope of the objection , which will be easily answered ; if we consider , that by the secret article of the treaty the emperor was to have two months more granted him to consider of it , which were not determin'd ; but suppose they were , the 7th . article of the treaty has made provision for the emperor's refusal . it runs thus , immediately after the exchange of this present treaty , it shall be communicated to the emperor , who shall be invited to enter thereinto ; but if , after three month's time , from the day of the said communication , and the said invitation , or the day that his catholick majesty shall dye , if it happen before the expiration of the said three months ; his imperial majesty , and the king of the romans , should refuse to enter thereinto , and to agree to the share assigned to the most serene arch-duke charles ; the two kings ( of france , and england ) or their successors , and the states general , shall agree upon a prince to whom that part shall be given : and in case , notwithstanding the present convention the most serene arch-duke shall take possession either of the part which might fall to him , before he has accepted the present treaty , or of that part which might be assign'd to mons . dauphin , or to him who shall have the dutchy of millan in exchange , as abovesaid ; the said two kings , and the states general , by virtue of this convention , shall hinder him with all their forces . now , i doubt not , but the french king would take very haniously , any reflection upon his care , or conduct , in this affair , in having agreed to he knew not what , ( which , if he did , was his own fault ) but then he ought to forbear that plea for his breach of the treaty ; least it necessary sayes a severer charge , and proves , that his agreeing to the treaty was purely a design to provoke the king of spain , ( or some , of the grandees for him ) to give the kingdom by will , ( as far as that gift will go ) to a prince of france , least it should be divided ; and so the treaty was broken ( in his intention ) before it was made . how well this agrees with what he says in the 11th . page of the memorial : the high dignities of kings does not excuse them frem considering whether the wars they undertake be just . then what reasons could his majesty ( who is known to be a just prince ) offer for resuming arms to divide a monarchy , which is settled intirely upon the lawful heir . and just before in the 10th . page : if any prince have a right to oppose the dispositions of that will , there needs no more but to read them , to be convinc'd that this right belongs only to the dauphin . by the way , how the reading the dispositions of the will should convince of a right to oppose them , is , at present , to me a paradox : but put the case the right is in the dauphin , was it not so when the treaty of partition was ratified , and was not the dauphin a party thereunto ? ( see the 4 th article of the treaty , ) and could not the french king then , as well as now , have obtain'd more considerable advantages by his arms , if he had design'd to make use of them ( as now he does ) than the kingdoms of naples and sicily , the province of guipuscoa , and the dutchy of lorrain , &c. which he says , he had no design to acquire by a treaty : what then could he design by the treaty , but to give the world one instance more ( of which we have had singular , in the breach of the pyrenean , and other treaties ) of his infidelity ( unless the partition should prove for his advantage ) and laugh in his sleeve at those that gave any credit to his promises , and stumbled at his painted trap door . i come now to consider what he has offer'd , for the certainty of an universal war if he had stood by the treaty of partition . first , the milaneze , the kingdoms of naples and sicily , the provinces , the places comprehended in the partition , all of them put themselves in a condition , ( he should have said posture , tho' that is not true ) to maintain their union with the body of the spanish monarchy , and a little lower . thus the arch-duke becoming king of spain , &c. there must be a necessity in order to execute the treaty , to conquer the kingdoms reserv'd for the share of the dauphin , &c. these are very great reasons , should it prove true , that the places reserv'd for the share of the dauphin were really in a condition to maintain their union with the spanish monarchy , against the united power of the guarantees . how comes the french king all of a suddain to be so modest ( tho' i believe we shall find him otherwise by and by ) or doubtful of his own strength , ( that use to hector all europe , ) to suppose that france , england and holland in union , should speak twice for the performance of the treaty when there are none to withstand it , but what might have been blown away by the breath of their guns ; and they would have had more wit , than to have flung against six high , when they might part stakes ; and the king of spain ( i mean supposing the arch duke to have been so ) would never have been reduc'd to those great extremities the memorial speaks of , before he would part with the share of the dauphin , since he must know 't was impossible for him to withstand the arms of this tripple league , tho' back'd with the emperor's assistance ; and savoy durst not ( tho' if he did , to no great purpose ) turn his arms against france , &c. on that occasion ; neither would it be so much worth , for him to hazard his own ruin by being on the weaker side , considering the contingencies of his title , which must not commence , till after the extinction of the heirs of the princes of france , and the arch-duke . there are several things more might be consider'd , as the grand reflection upon the states general in the 15th page , where he tells them , that , in truth , he is persuaded , that they never had any design to obtain the effect of their last memorial , and so goes on to banter 'em , and makes them worse than trifles . then again , that they should , in that their memorial , have nam'd the princes that were ready to joyn in it ( the effecting the partition ) ▪ the troops for being the guarrantees of the articles of it : they should have mention'd those the republick of holland was to furnish by sea or land. truly i can't see what occasion there was for the states-general just in that memorial ( which was , as i take it , only to put him in mind of the treaty , when they found he was going to break it ) to name the princes ready to joyn , ( which he knew as well as they ) since the 10th 11th and 13th articles of the treaty were so plain ; and that all engag'd in that treaty , ( to him not unknown ) were oblig'd to be ready so to do ; neither could he expect , that they should by that memorial mention the number they were to furnish ; because by the 14th article , all the guarrantees were to agree what proportion each should contribute ; so that 't would have been very preposterous for them , then to have ascertain'd their number , without any such agreement . he has one very pretty turn i cannot pass : after he had suppos'd upon his rejecting the will , the arch-duke had enter'd upon the regency : he says in his 13th page , he must have been oblig'd to attack a living prince , prosessor of the crown of spain , and its certain that the measures he had taken with the allies , related only to the division of the succession of a prince , whose death appear'd to be very near . certainly the french king must think he writes to very weak heads , or he could never suppose thus to sham 'em , would not the arch-duke then have come in as successor to that king , whose succession the division related to ; and did not he stand oblig'd to the division of that succession according to the treaty ? ay , but the emperor was all alo●● , endeavouring to promote the arch-duke , and therefore re●●s●d , or at least delay'd signing the treaty . that the french king knew , at the making of it ; and that can be no plea for abandoning his sacred word , as that of a king ought to be . in the next paragraph he does the guarrantees the justice to declare , that their design was peace , that they stipulated no particular advantage to themselves , &c. but acted the part of disinterested mediators , betwixt the king and the emperor , &c. but this is brought as an argument , that they having receiv'd no prejudice , should not intermeddle . surely there 's the most honour , in standing to a treaty where there is the least interest to sway ; and in all likelihood will be the most justice too ; but where does all this end ? why , in the old story , with a a little addition : the emperor had not sign'd the treaty , and therefore , there was no treaty , except with the mediators ; this needs no farther answer , than to referr you again to the 7th article of the treaty , and what has been said before . at length , sir , we are got to consider of the renunciation , by reason of the following expressions in the 12th page of the memorial . the disputes raised , as to the validity of the renunciation of the late queen , serv'd for a motive to this accommodation . in effect , it had been of no use , if the nullity of that renunciation had been acknowledg'd as fully during the late catholick king 's life , as it is declared in his will. before i say any thing of it , i shall recite the title of the french king , as i found it in the introduction of a relation of the french king's expedition into the spanish netherlands , in the years , 1667 and 1668. page the 3d. of the introduction . in the year 1659 a treaty of peace was concluded between the two crowns , ( of france and spain , ) and together with a marriage between lewis the xiv . now king of france , and the lady maria theresa , ( eldest daughter to philip the iv. king of spain , and elizabeth the daughter to henry the iv , and sister to lewis the xiii . king of france , for whose portion the king her father , obliged himself to pay 500000 crowns of gold , and pretended salick law debars females , from succession to the french crown ; as also to the end , that the two crowns , being too great and puissant to be united into one kingdom , all occasions of such a conjunction might be avoided : it was covenanted , ( among other things ) that neither the infanta , nor her children and descendents , in what degree soever , should ever succeed in the kingdoms , seigniories or dominions , which do or shall belong to his catholick majesty , as well within , as without the kingdom of spain , notwithstanding any law or custom , which by this agreement ( which is to continue in the full force and vigour of a law for ever ) their majesties did abolish . this renunciation the infanta confirm'd in these very terms by an oath , in the presence of the kings themselves , the princes of the blood , and the chief nobility of both kingdoms . so that you see both kings were engag'd in it , as well as the infanta ; ( whose oath i have not by me or else would insert it ) but i think it will not be amiss to transcribe the very words of the renunciation it self , by which it will be more evinc'd . placuit utrique regi pactione instar legis semper valiturâ sancire , ne unquam serenissima infans teresa , aut posteri ejus ulli , ad feros usque nepotes , quocunque gradu sint , admittantur ad successionem ullam , sive regnorum , sive principatuum , provinciarum , ditionum , dominiorum quorumcunque regis catholici , non obstante lege ulla , consuetudine , aut alio jure in contrarium , cui utriusque regis authoritate plenissimè derogatur , contemplatione dictae aequalitatis , & publicae utilitatis quae inde emanatura speratur . it was to consented by both their majesties , and by them confirm'd , that neither the most serene infanta teresa , nor any of her issue or posterity , in what degree soever , be admitted to succeed in any of the kingdoms , dukedoms , provinces , or dominions of his catholick majesty , any other custom , constitution , or law to the contrary notwithstanding : so that if any such custom or constitution were , it was by authority of both kings absolutely annull'd and destroyed . and this only to adjust the dominion of both crowns , so as each of them might receive an equal benefit by it . by this sir to me it plainly appears that the king of spain's will cannot make void a renunciation so strongly confirm'd . we find , as the heirs receive a right from the parent , it is in the power of the parent to restrain it ; but i won't pretend to be so much a civilian , to argue , much less to determine , this point . i will only observe , the french king but renounc'd the ever having a future right , not a right that he ever had ; tho' i doubt not but his civilians , knowing his mind , have given him their absolution ( which is not much to be wonder'd at , since , in a more curious frame of government than his judges have been found , that would make the will of their prince law ) and should a qualm happen to overshadow his conscience , the sorbon too , must direct their decision , by the regal nod ; and there i 'll leave him , till the first have got more courage , than to submit the law to his will ; and the latter more the fear of god , than to substitute the sacred oracles ( which they pretend to unfold ) to his unbounded ambition . and i 'll only say he that won't be ty'd by an oath , will no more be secur'd by any other bond , than leviathan , when you bob for him with a single hair. to conclude , sir , in the last page his majesty is mightily transported with the good opinion he has of himself , and with what he would presuade the world , the states general have , or ought to have , of him . when he had in the preceding paragraph suggested , that the delay of the two months for the emperor's consideration , propos'd by their memorial , might settle the arch-duke in the throne , he tells them , that he is willing to believe that this was not their design ; they know too well that it 's their interest to merit by their good conduct the honour of his affection and the continuation of his good will. and again he doubts not but they will change their complaints into thanks , and congratulate the king of spain , as soon as possible , upon his accession to the crown , and that they will endeavour to merit of the king the good-will and protection that they and their ancestors have receiv'd of his majesty and his predecessors . this should have been his language at the treaty at reswick , and then he 'd soon have had an answer ; and whoever considers how high he begun , and how low he ended ; and the haughty spirit of that prince , can never suppose he 'd have parted with so many important places , as he then did , had he been in such a protecting capacity as he writes himself ; or the merit of the honour of his affection ; and the continuation of his good will , been so highly worth aspiring to . neither are the dutch in so poor , and forlorn a condition now to want his aid , and protection ; and were they otherwise willing to condescend , to be of his party , this is enough to rouze their indignation , and incline them to shew him they stand not in need of his favour . indeed , when i think of the french king , he brings belshazzar to my mind ; he is glorying in his atchievements ; his heart ( for ought i know ) is merry , he is prideing himself in the sacrilegious spoils of the protestants , and tekel is his charge . he lives as if there was none above him , the spirit of persecution is reigning in him ; and the cryes of the oppressed loud against him . i have nothing more to do at present , but to crave leave to subscribe my self , sir , your real friend , and humble servant , n. t. finis . the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94277 of text r201491 in the english short title catalog (thomason e387_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94277 wing s963 thomason e387_2 estc r201491 99861995 99861995 114142 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94277) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114142) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 61:e387[2]) the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath. montrose, james graham, marquis of, 1612-1650, attributed name. 15, [1] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare, 1647. later editions are attributed, probably erroneously, to james graham, marquis of montrose. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 14. london". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -coronation -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -duties -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a94277 r201491 (thomason e387_2). civilwar no the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath.: [montrose, james graham, marquis of] 1647 6036 5 0 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the scotch souldiers speech concerning the kings coronation-oath . printed in the yeare , 1647. the scotch souldiers speech , concerning the kings coronation oath . gentlemen , & fellow souldiers , though as a scotchman i may be plaine , and a souldier blunt , yet ( i hope ) as a christian i shall be honest , and as a subject loyall in the expression of that duty , which by the laws of god , of nature , of the kingdome , of gratitude , and of humanity is due to one , who is by soveraigne majesty our king , by birth our countryman , by education a protestant , by profession , and actions a most pious prince , and by his gratious compliance with us confident in our loyalty ; the confluence of which obligements hath made all the powers of heaven , and earth to stand as it were in amaze , being big with expectations to see how well or ill we deport our selves in this businesse of such high concernment . who knowes but that the divine providence hath sent his majesty to us , that we might be made the happy instruments of a well grounded peace , and of restoring religion to its purity , the church to its rights , the king to his prerogative , and lawes to their chanell , the nobility , and gentry to their honours and estates , and the people to their liberties : if we resolve upon these things , we may crown our nation with honour , but if unworthy thoughts possesse our soules , we may justly feare , that ( although salvation may come some other way , ) yet we , and our party shall perish . it is true that we have an hard game to play , but having the chiefe triumph trump in our owne hands , besides so many honours , we shall prove but ill gamesters , if we be not gainers by the deale , and give religion and justice their due , besides the saving of our owne stakes : but for the effecting hereof it behooveth us to looke with our owne eyes , and not through those spectacles , or prospectives through which others present matters unto us : we have hitherto been made beleeve , that the end , and design of all this war was to fetch the king from his evill councellour to his parliament of england ; his majesty very often , ( yea even beneath the dignity of so great a prince ) desired to comply with them , but they instead of accepting his majesty , voted him a prisoner ; his majesty having honoured us with his royall presence , there are now no evill councellours about his , there are no armies to animate his non-compliance : what is now the rock of offence ▪ beleeve it ( all the circumstances of this war considered ) we may justly feare that we have been made but a stale to the designes of those seditious schismaticks , who are now the obstacles of the kingdomes peace , and that they ( like the ape ) made use of the cats foot to plucke those chesnuts out of the fire , which themselves had designed for their owne palat ; it behooves us now duly to examine the businesse , and we are bound ( according to the trust reposed in us by his majesty ) to vindicate his majesties rights , and to see her restored to all his legall prerogatives : but shall i tell you the true causes of this present difference , and that which we may upon good grounds suspect to be the true occasion of this most horrid , and unnaturall war ? his majesty at his coronation in england tooke an oath in these words : i will maintaine , and preserve to you ( the bishops ) and to the churches committed to your charges , all canonicall privileges , and i will be your protector , and defender to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome in right ought to defend the bishops , and churches under their government : then ( laying his hand on the booke on the communion table ) he saith , these things i have before promised i shall performe and keep , so helpe me god , and the contents of this booke . here is an oath able to strike terrour and amazement into the hearts of all , ( the due circumstances there of being considered ) as well as feare and reverence in his majesty about the performance of the same : it is taken by gods anoynted , in gods house , at gods table , upon gods booke , tendred by gods ministers , to defend gods rights , in the presence of gods people , and that with the imprecation of gods curses , and forfeiture of gods blessings ; so that if ever any oath could properly , by way of eminency , be called the oath of god , this is it : his majesty therefore out of his princely piety ( conceiving himselfe bound in duty to god , in honour to the church , in justice to his subjects , and in obedience to christian principles to maintaine his oath , ) refuseth to consent to the root and branch bills against the episcopacy : but some ( whom i will not name ) forgetfull of his majesties honour , and conscience , and resolving to execute their owne designes in altring the government of the church , have raised a militia , and called us into their ayd , thereby to force a compliance from his majesty , and the royall party , with them . and now what soule is not astonished ? what heart doth not bleed ? whose eares do not tingle ? to heare that we ( unhappy we ) should , under the pretence of holy covenants , be made the instruments of such horrid impieties ? what could the devill , and all the fiends of hell have thought on more impious then perjury ? what more obnoxious to the church of god then sacrilege ? what more rebellious then by force of armes to compell the king to both ? what more blasphemous to god , and scandalous to christianity , then to do all these things under the name & pretence of religion ? what , was god the god of truth when he gave us the precept of performing all our vows , and is he now become the god of perjurie ? did god detest the withholding of tythes , and offerings as robbery done to himselfe , and is he now become a patron of sacrilege ? did he enjoyn subjection to superiours as to his owne ordinances , and that upon paine of damnation , and is he now become a generall to rebels , whereby to force the king against his oath , and conscience ? heare ô heavens , and hearken ô earth , if ever any such thing were committed , that a great councell of a kingdome , of christians , of protestants , of subjects , of those that were sworn to defend the kings rights , should countenance tumults , connive at assaults upon his majesty , examine the circumstances of his birth to prove bastardy in him , that thereby they might remove him , and his royall posterity , from the crown , raise a militia against him , vote him that he was seduced by evill counsell , that he sought the destruction of the parliament , to bring in popery , and to rule by an arbitrary way , vote his royall consort to be guilty of high treason for her loyalty , murder his nobility , destroy his gentry , oppresse his subjects , wincke at the blasphemous hew-and-cries of britannicus , and vote his majesty to prison , because out of a pious , and princely resolution , he is fully bent to maintaine his oath , rather to part from his life , and crowne , then from that religion , and government , both in church ●nd state , which he is sworne , and hath so often deeply protested , and declared to maintaine . good god! what shall we say to this ? whether shall we cause our shame to slye ? to whom shall we appeale for excuses ? shall we ascend up into heaven for them ? loe there we shall find all the saints , and angels of god , who continually behold the face of their heavenly father , detesting those new doctrines of forcing the kings conscience contrary to his oath ; as such whereof all the patriarches , and prophets , and martyrs of god were formerly ignorant . shall we appeale unto men ? behold ireland conquered , our owne country up in armes , the greatest part of the nobility , and gentry , and all the heads of the universities , together with the learned part of the clergie of england , detesting our actions with as much abomination , as ever the egyptians hated the profession of shepherds : and if we had put the case at the election of the parliament members , if the king will not , contrary to his oath taken at his coronation , consent to the pulling down of episcopacy , and alteration of the church government , whether or no it be the subjects minds by force of armes to compell him thereunto , contrary to his oath and conscience , all people would have been ready to stone us , as not thinking it possible that such horrid impieties should enter into the hearts , or thoughts of the great councell of the kingdome ; and certainly if we had ingenuously confessed the truth at first , without the cloake of a thorough reformation , or of fetching evill councellers from the king , we should never have raised so great a power : and if we look beyond the seas , we are accounted the shame of christians , and the scorn of christianity , yea even all protestant churches ( when they are really informed , against what principles we have proceeded ) will hate , and detest our actions : shall we ransacke the sacred scriptures ? i have shewed you before against what divine precepts we have proceeded , but behold there indeed the pure fountaines of living water blundred , and abused for the justification of our cause ; when one shall tell us , that we may fight against our king , because it is written , thou shalt binde their kings in chaines , and their nobles with linckes of iron : another ( blaspheming the king with horrid slanders ) shall conclude that tophet was prepared of old , yea for the king it was prepared : and a third ( as though he would fore-prophecye of the kings destruction ) saith , though jeconiah were the signet upon my right hand , yet will i plucke him from thence : are not these horrid things , such as would make a dumbe man speake , and a wise man dumbe with horrour and amazement ? if ( fellow souldiers ) you intend to be ruled by the scripture , let me put you a scripture-case ; in sauls seeking to make havocke of the gibeonites , contrary to the oath given them , you may observe , how this oath was obtained by fraud , and a lye ; that it was expresly against the covenant of promise given to abraham , isaac , and jacob , and afterwards to moses , aaron , and the people ; that it was given rashly without asking counsell of god , and to a people by nation heathens , by religion idolaters , and by condition vassals , to be drawers of water and hewers of wood ; that what saul did was at the least 300 yeares after the oath given , in which time that oath may seeme to some to be antiquated ; and that he did it in zeale to the people of israel ; but what the successe ? the bloud of the men shed by reason of this perjury cryed aloud to heaven for vengeance ; gods eares were opened to their cries , he punisheth the whole land with famine , and would not be paci●ied but with the hanging up of almost all sauls posterity : are not these things written for our instruction ? and what judgements ( thinke we ) shall attend us if we force the king to violate that oath , which his majestie tooke by the lawes of the kingdome , for the preservation of gods , and the churches rights , shall we then looke within us , and there make boasts of the spirit ? but if gods word be the tryall of the spirit , that spirit which is repugnant to the word of god cannot be the spirit of god ; gods spirit comes to us in truth not in perjury , in meeknesse , in the forme of a dove , not of an eagle , or with vultures tallons to steale flesh from the altar ; and we know this to be the difference between the spirit of truth , and the spirit of errour , that truth desireth nothing but the armes of righteousnesse , the armes of prayer , and teares , and the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god : to fight for the profession : hereof against their lawfull kings , the doctrines of setting kingdome against kingdome , and nation against nation , by forreigne wars , and of setting the father against the son , and the son against the father by civill dissentions , are the doctrines of those false christs , who shall deceive many , and are reserved for the worst of times , to be maintained by the worst of men , who by their boasting of the spirit , fill the church with heresies , and schismes , the kingdome with rebellion , and the world with confusion : shall we plead the votes , and orders of the parliament of england , or the nationall covenant ? what were this , but under pretence of pulling downe popery to set up idolatry , and to lay aside all the lawes of god for the covenant , and for the votes and orders of the houses ? but if the covenant be to maintaine religion , and the kings honour , we shall then truly performe the covenant in both , when we detest those doctrines , and actions , that dishonour god , and the king , by accursed perjury ; and that were a covenant with hell that should covenant to force the king to forsweare himselfe . but tell me , ( i pray you ) is it the votes , and orders of the houses , and the covenant , or the commandements of god that shall justifie or condemne us the last day ? shall we plead the lawes of england ? but ( i pray you ) what lawes can be of force to mate themselves against the lawes of god ? and what lawes of the kingdome were ever produced to justifie the raising of a militia , and the calling in of forraine ayde , and joyning in covenants , thereby to force the kings violation of his coronation oath ? againe ( if we beleeve them that are professed in those lawes ) they lay this as a maxime , that no law , statute , or custome , which is either against the law of god , or principles of nature , can be of any validity , or force , but are voyd , and null in law ; they say further , that therefore this oath was by the fundamentall lawes and constitutions of the kingdome presented to his majesty of purpose to bind his conscience to preserve the ecclesiasticall rights , for the comfort , and encouragement of true piety , and learning : that as the lawes , and statutes of articuli cleri , and other recordes should bind the hands of the subjects , so this oath should binde the conscience of the king from violating the churches rights : and therefore it is expressed as a severall article in the coronation-oath , that the king should never assent to any act , that should trench upon their rights , and that howsoever the kings conscience was at liberty to consent to the alteration of any other of the municipall lawes , yet it should be bound as to this by the especiall and direct words of the oath ; as likewise his majesty is bound by the words of that oath , to doe justice to all : and therefore by vertue of this oath , as well as of honour and justice , if the houses tender any bills which his majesty conceives to be against common right , or justice , his majesty is bound not to give his majesties royall assent thereunto , which cannot but strike amazement in all knowing men , that any should be so impudently wicked , as against all the lights of god , of nature , and the kingdome to trie the king with perjury , because he will not consent to the root and branch bils against episcopacy ; and the royall party desires no other happinesse then to be admitted to a full and free disputation upon that point ; and that their reasons might be published in all churches , and declared to all the world , for the justification of his majesties and their innocencies in this cause . against this shall we plead the pride and arrogancie of the bishops and clergy ? but i feare this will be with greater pride ; suppose some bishops and clergy exalt themselves against some of gods people , must we therefore exalt our selves against god , and gods anointed ? because some bishops are proud , must ye subjects therefore take up armes to force the king to perjury , and sacrilege ? let their insolencies be punished , but let gods and the churches rights remaine . it is granted that some of the clergy by the irregularitie of their actions , and laying clogges upon mens consciences , gave a great scandall to the church , but these might be legally proceeded against ; and what innovations they had brought in contrary to law might have been reformed ; but must therefore the function , contrary to all the principles of religion , law , and reason , be rooted out ? because there was a judas amongst the apostles , did christ take away the apostleship ? because many angels did rebell against god , did god destroy the whole hierarchy ? suppose some bishops sought to set themselves the one at the right hand of the king , the other at his left , as james and john did at christs ; must their ambition cause all to be despised ? if god should root out all mankinde , because some are most refractory wicked persons , what would become of us ? the doctrines of rooting out all for the abuses of some , are agreeable neither to the precept , nor patterne of him , who will have the wheat and ta●es grow together till the harvest : and it hath formerly been accounted the wisedome of parliaments to reforme abuses by regulating , not by extirparton . but yet what hath the righteous done ? whose eyes are so swelled with pride , or blinded with malice , that doe not see how many saints of god there were both of the bishops , doctors , and other clergy , who willingly laid downe their lives for that cause , and religion , which his majesty doth now maintaine ▪ and for us to say , that if they had lived in these dayes , they would have ended with us , is a speech as full of arrogancie , as ignorance , and expresly against all their actions ; and how many are there of their successors , who , before this unhappy difference , were men famous in their generations , and have now none other fault but their constancy to their religion , and their loyalty to their king ? shall we then justice our cause , for that god hath gone along with our armies ? ô poore miserable creatures if we have no better then such fig-leaves to cover our nakednesse ! because god doth often blesse the adulterous seed , is he therefore either the cause , or lover of adultery ? if we have nothing but the power of the sword for the justification of our cause , by this title , the blasphemies of mahomet in the alcoran , and the dotages of the popish superstitions in the legend may lay claime to heaven as well as we : but what if god out of the heat of his wrathfull indignation towards us , have ( as he useth to doe to those whom he gives over to a reprobate sence ) given us the victory , thereby to obdurate us in our rebellion , that through pride of heart , and vaine conceit of a just cause , we might be made more uncapable of repentance , and pardon ? it is true , that god hath had a controversie with the english , and we for their sinnes may be made the rod of gods anger in punishing the king , and all his royall party ; but we know not how soone for our owne sinnes god may throw this rod into the fire . perchance you will say , that the king in taking away the churches rights should doe no more , then what he himselfe in part , and his royall predecessors have formerly consented unto : but who knowes not , that his majesty never willingly agreed to the abrogation of any of the churches dues ; and if his pious heart smite him for cutting off the lap of their skirts , must he be forced to strip them as naked as the yong man that left his linnen garment behind him ? and who knows not that all those kings , who have been regardlesse of their oathes in taking away the churches rights , have been pursued by the hand of justice , so that there is not so much as the name , or posterity of any of them remaining ? and who knowes but that those acts of impietie might be amongst those crowdes of sinnes , which have cryed so lowd for judgement against these kingdomes ? but shall we say that this oath is an evill oath , and so evill in the taking , and worse in the keeping ? this were to cast dirt upon the face of the whole constitution of that church , & state of that kingdom which appointed the tenure of this oath to his majesty . but wherin ( i pray you ) doth the malignity of this oath consist ? suppose that there were now a parliament of papists , who would take up arms under pretence of a thorow reformation , and of voting all protestants that should side with the king , as evill counsellers , and of fetching the king from them to his great councell , should not we that are protestants stand up in his majesties justification ? should not we abominate the violating of these lawes of god , of nature , and of the kingdome , under the pretence of the power of the great councell , as jesuiticall impostures ? is it unlawfull for the king to breake his oath for any votes , orders , or ordinances of popish parliaments and shall protestants now doe that which they so much detest in papists ? but if there be any that will plead for baal let them stand up , and produce their strong reasons , let the case be truly stated to the assembly of divines , and if they have any new directories for the regulating of the kings conscience against his oath , as well as for thrusting the apostles creed out of the church , let them be published to the world , that all christians may judge how orthodoxe they are . first let them resolve whether or no the king ( not withstanding the taking of this oath ) be bound to take away the churches rights ? and whether or no ( like so many popes ) they or the houses have power to dispense with oaths , and to nullifie them at their pleasure . secondly , if the king will not bend his conscience to be warped into perjury , by the scorching heat of their zeale , whether or no it be lawfull for the subjects to raise a militia , and to call us in to their aide to force the king thereunto , and whether or no it be rebellion so to do ? thirdly , where the king is pursued because he will not commit perjury , whether or no the subjects by that accompt which they are to give to god , by the duty which they owe to the king , and by the oaths of allegeance which they have taken , be not bound to stand up in his majesties aide , for the vindication of his majesties honour , and conscience ? fourthly , where the subjects do upon these grounds engage themselves in his majesties service , whether or no it be according to the rules of religion , or justice , to vote , or publish them to be enemies to god , and all godlinesse , papists , popishly affected , traitors to the king , enemies to their country , disturbers of the peace , and such like ? fifthly , whether or no all those clergy-men that have taken the oathes of canonicall obedience , and to maintaine the discipline , and government of the church ; all those of the laity that have taken the oathes of offices , of trusts and of allegeance , can justifie the violation of those oathes , to comply with the two houses , in forcing his majesty to violate this ? sixthly , whether or no all the laws of god , and man , which justifie , and vindicate the kings rights , and conscience , are to be esteemed as void and null in law ; and whether or no all the bloud shed in this most horrid and unnaturall war shall be imputed to them , who seeke to vindicate his majesties honour , and conscience , or to those , who ( under pretence of a thorow reformation , and of fighting against evill counsellors ) give the king so many battells , and turne these kingdomes into so many acheldama's , filling them not only ( as manasses did jerusalem ) with bloud from one end to the other , but also with so many perjuries , sacriledges , and horrid blasphemies ? if the assembly of divines be ashamed to own these accursed impieties , why should not we be ashamed to defend those things by our swords , which they are ashamed to justifie with their pens ? i thinke impiety is not yet grown to that height of impudency , that any man dare dispute these questions , in the discussing whereof it will appear , that , if all the precepts of divinity were taken out of the word of god , all the dictates of reason blotted out of the book of nature , and all the maximes spunged out of the lawes and statutes of this kingdome , which have been violated in the justification of this war against the king , there would be neither scripture , reason , nor law left us how to walk as christians , men , or subjects : but if there be any whose desperate condition hath sold him ( like ahab ) to work wickednesse before the lord , and to plead for the violation of the kings oath , that were not only to sharpen the tongues and pens of men , but even the arrowes of gods judgements against us , and our cause , and to make the enemies of god to blaspheme religion , yea to expose our selves , our kingdoms , our religion , and all that we have , to the contempt and scorn of all nations , and religions whatsoever . what kingdom can with safety , enter into a league , or confederacy with our king ; what forreign nation can with security relie upon the honesty of our merchants ; what religion will not feare to hold communion with such a religion , or nation , whose principles , either in religion , or state , maintaine , that the subjects may take up armes to force the king contrary to his oath , yea his coronation-oath ? how often have our pulpits rung , that faith is to be kept with hereticks , and shall now the subjects take up arms to force the king to perjury ? lord , what shall i say ? is the councell of trent now removed into henry the sevenths chappell ? is the popes chaire at rome changed into the speakers chaire at westminster ? must our new reformed religion be founded upon the foure corner stones of blasphemy , perjury , sacrilege , and rebellion ? and shall we temper the morter thereof with the bloud ; and teares of his majesties loyall people , of our fellow subjects , of our brethren , and of those , who live , and dye in the same faith of christ with our selves ? i tremble to thinke what the event of these things may be though we have hitherto escaped the sword , i pray god that a serpent out of the wall doe not bite us : if it were taken so ill that the late lord archbishop of canterbury , and some other counsellors of state should alter the kings oath in some circumstances ( the substance of the oath still remaining ) how ill will it be taken that we should rise in armes to force the kings conscience against this oath ? but admitting it had been but a private oath , nay if a wicked oath , and his majesties conscience had led him to take and defend the same , what doctrine is there in the scripture that inables the subjects to rise in rebellion against him for it ? we may now see the scaene of the churches stage strangely altered ; the church , and true religion formerly suffered persecution by the tyranny of kings ; but now kings ( yea pious kings ) suffer persecution by the tyranny of religion : these these and such like arguments are those rocks upon which the royall party hath built their judgement ; who , although they be overcome by the sword , are not yet vanquished in their cause ; for which they make their appeales to heaven , and call god and man to witnesse their innocency , rejoycing in nothing more , then that there will be a day of judgement , when the righteous , and impartiall judge shall judge both them , and us according to the justice and innocency of the cause : in the meane time , now that god hath done with them , who knowes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he may begin with us , and call us to an accompt ? let us therefore hasten on the peace , thereby to prevent those clouds of bloud , which threaten to dissolve themselves upon us in fire , and haile-stones ; let us lay the foundation thereof in heaven , by rooting out those accursed doctrines of sedition , which have watered our furrowes with so much bloud ; let us by a generall councell chosen out of all the provinces within his majesties dominions , according to the ancient , and known laws of the 3 severall kingdomes , restore religion to its purity of doctrine , & the church to its unity of discipline : but for us to thinke of a reformation by faction and rebellion , and to talke of religion whilst we hold up our swords to force the kings conscience to perjury , is to blaspheme , not to maintaine religion : and yet , as one absurdity opens the doore to a thousand more , and one sinne makes way for another , i have heard some of our leven , ( finding that they have done what they could by the sword , and all to no purpose ) thinke to cover the shame of this tenent with a worse ; and ( as david thought to cover his adultery by murder , ) so these would cover their murder by adulterating the church of god , and would cloake the forcing of the kings conscience by armes , with proceeding against him by ecclesiasticall censure ; but was ever any hereticke so blasphemously impudent , as to talke of a tradatur satanae against their king , because he will not perjure himselfe to commit sacrilege and apostacy : this were to deliver our selves not the king to satan , and to burne our selves in hell for thus blaspheming god , and the king , whilst his majesty signes his halelujahs in heaven ; the curse causelesse shall not come , and the arrowes that we shall shoot against him will fall upon our own heads : this was not it for which his majesty put himselfe upon our loyalty : if the king would have been forced against his conscience , hee needed not to have hazarded either his life , or crowne , or to have committed himselfe to our trust , he could have forsworne himselfe without our counsell , or compulsion ; let us take heed that we make not a prey of that deere , which flyes to us for succour from the hunts-mans hounds . let us poure balm into the wound of the three kingdoms , by vindicating his majesties honour , and conscience , and by restoring the king , his royall consort , the prince , the church , and the other subjects to their lawfull rights ; so shall we by giving unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods , truly make a covenant with heaven by our religion , and justice ; and we may make up all the breaches of dissention by an happy union ; god may be pacified towards us ; we may prevent the plots of future designes ; obtaine honour with all christian princes ; and be restored to our owne homes , with the plentifull reward of religion , justice , and loialty . finis coronat opus . a sermon preached at the temple-church, may 29. 1692 printed at the desire of the bench-table of the honourable society of the inner-temple / by william sherlock ... sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. 1692 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59882 wing s3353 estc r15520 12255785 ocm 12255785 57444 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59882) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57444) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 899:2) a sermon preached at the temple-church, may 29. 1692 printed at the desire of the bench-table of the honourable society of the inner-temple / by william sherlock ... sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. [4], 7-32 p. printed for will. rogers ..., london : 1692. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, english -17th century. kings and rulers. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , ra. barker , reverendissimo in christo patri ac dom. domino , iohanni archiep. cant. à sacris domesticis . ex aedibus lambith . june 10. 1692. a sermon preached at the temple-church , may 29. 1692. and printed at the desire of the bench-table of the honourable society of the inner-temple . by william sherlock , d.d. dean of st. paul's , master of the temple , and chaplain in ordinary to their majesties . london : printed for will. rogers , at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . mdcxcii . to the worshipful the masters of the bench of the honourable society of the inner-temple . my honoured friends , to justify my publication of this sermon , which the reader will easily perceive was not intended by me for the press , i must acquaint the world , that it is done in perfect obedience to your commands . your great loyalty and zeal for their majesties government , gave you too good an opinion of it when you heard it from the pulpit ; and if it should not answer your expectations from the press , yet i hope you will own it as a testimony of my due submission to your iudgments , and of those just respects , which your many and repeated favours daily challenge from , gentlemen , your much obliged and humble servant , will. sherlock . 1 tim . ii. 1 , 2. i exhort therefore , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men : for kings , and for all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . st . paul wrote this epistle to timothy , to instruct him in the discharge of his episcopal office and power , to which he had ordained him : and the first thing he gives him in charge ( whereby we may guess what weight he laid on it ) is this in my text , i exhort therefore , that first of all , or i first of all exhort , that supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks , be made for all men . to affix a proper and distinct signification on these words , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks , which are recommended as the distinct parts of prayer , learned men tell us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render supplications , signifies prayer to avert evils , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prayers for the obtaining some good ; and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are properly intercessions or prayers for other men ; but this is too general a notion of it , since in this place the apostle applies supplications and prayers , as well as intercessions , to praying for other men , even for all men : and therefore the proper notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to intercede for a sinner , for the pardon of his sin , and to reconcile him again to god , whom he hath offended , as the word is most commonly used . giving of thanks is blessing god for good things already received ; which the same apostle makes essential to an acceptable and effectual prayer . 4. phil. 6. be careful for nothing , but in every thing by prayer and supplication , with thanksgiving , let your requests be made known unto god. thus we pray for our selves , that god would deliver us from evil , that he would do us good , that he would forgive our sins ; and we thank him for the blessings , and all the good things we already enjoy ; and thus we must do for others , even for all men ; tho the apostle has not so much regard here to our private prayers , as to the publick offices of religion , those publick prayers which are made in the publick assemblies by the bishop and ministers , and the whole congregation of christians : for this advice which st. paul gives timothy in these epistles , concerns the publick worship , and government and discipline of the church ; we must in our private devotions pray not only for our selves , but for all mankind ; but publick prayers , the united desires and petitions of the church , offered up by the ministers of christ , whose office it is to bless and to pray for the people , are most effectual and prevailing . before i proceed to what i principally intend , viz. our prayers for kings , and all that are in authority , it will be useful to show you , on what great reasons this duty is founded , of praying for all men , as well as for our selves ; and that both with respect to our selves , to other men , and to god. first , with respect to our selves . now 1. this is the noblest exercise of the most divine charity ; this is truly to love all men as our selves ; when we are touched with a sense of their wants , as well as of our own , and do heartily beg all those blessings for them of god , which we do for our selves ; when we are so far from envying their happiness , that we rejoice in it , and bless god for it , as we do for our own : our charity cannot be perfect without this ; for our power of doing good extends but to a few instances , and can reach but a very few persons ; and if our charity be no larger than our power , it is a very worthless thing : but a divine charity wishes well to the whole creation , and therefore recommends all mankind to the care and protection of that almighty goodness which governs the world . this is the highest perfection both of the man and the christian ; this is the true spirit of prayer , to offer up our prayers to the god of love , in the spirit of love and charity . 2 dly . this obliges us to the exercise of many christian graces and vertues ; if we pray god to forgive our enemies , to be sure we must forgive them our selves ; we must exercise great patience , and meekness , and forbearance towards them ; if we pray god to relieve the poor , to restore the sick , to reform the vicious , to enlighten those who are in error and darkness , and to reduce wandring sheep into his fold , to deliver the oppressed , to support and comfort those who suffer for righteousness sake , each of these petitions involve a duty in them ; for what we pray god to do , we must do our selves , as far as it is in our power ; and therefore our prayers for other men oblige us to do good to them , both to their souls and bodies ; and he who does heartily pray for other men , will do them all the good he can : the same charity which inspires his prayers , will govern his actions ; for it is a prophane contempt and mockery of god to ask him to do that which we will not do our selves . 3 dly . our prayers for our selves are most acceptable to god , when we pray for other men also ; as they must needs be , because they are offered up in the spirit of universal charity , which alone , through the merits of our saviour christ , makes our prayers , our alms , and all the good we do , acceptable to god : no prayer can be lost , which is put up in faith and charity : if our prayers do no good to those particular men for whom we pray , if they be not fit or worthy to receive the mercies we pray for , yet our prayers , our peace , our blessing , shall return into our own bosoms , 10. matt. 13. secondly , it is very apparent of what use these prayers are to the world . for many times the prayers of good men avert those judgments which hang over a wicked nation , and procure publick blessings for them : those who never pray for themselves , may reap the benefit of other mens prayers ; and the prayers of those , who do pray for themselves , will be more effectual , when they are backed and reinforced by the united prayers of the whole church for them . it is a mighty comfort to every good christian to think , that he shares in the prayers of the whole christian church ; especially when he is under a cloud himself , and either cannot pray himself , or prays with great disturbance of thoughts , with great diffidence and distrust , and despondency of spirit ; at such times especially all men are very desirous , that other good christians would pray with them , and for them ; and such men may comfort themselves , that how unfit soever they are to pray themselves , they have the prayers , not only of their friends and immediate pastors , who personally know them , but of all good christians all the world over , who offer up their prayers for themselves , and for all mankind , especially for all the members of christ's mystical body ; which is a priviledge to be valued next to the intercession of christ for us all , and should mightily reconcile us to a duty , which is so universally beneficial : for praying for other men intitles us to their prayers for us ; and though we are not particularly named in their prayers , god knows to whom they belong , and will apply them himself . thirdly , and there is great reason , why god should command , and encourage , and reward our prayers for each other : not only 1. because it is the exercise of the most divine charity , and the instrument of many christian virtues , as you have already heard , which you will grant a sufficient reason why god should encourage it . but 2 dly , because it is the most becoming address we can make to god , and that which also makes the most glorious and lovely representation of him ; that he is the prince and the father of all mankind ; who made , and who governs , and who preserves , and provides for all his creatures ; which is as great and honourable a thought as we can have of god ; and indeed this teaches us how to pray to god , and what to expect from him . that we must not flatter our selves that he will be fond and partial to us ; for all men are his creatures , the soul of the father , and the soul of the son , are both his ; and therefore as we may expect from god the kindness of a gracious and merciful creator , and through our lord jesus christ , the kindness of a father ; so we must expect , that he will deal equally by all : that he will make no other difference , but what our personal qualities and virtues make : and therefore we must not presume to ask any thing of god , which is to the injury , or prejudice , or lessening of our brother , to gratify our pride , or revenge , or some other evil passions ; for we pray to a common father , who will adjust the interests of mankind , and have a due regard to the happiness of all . and 3 dly , this gives credit and reputation to religion in the world ; that true piety and virtue makes the prayers of good men effectual , not only for themselves , but for others ; that the better men are , the more power they have with god , which makes them a kind of patron saints , and tutelar angels to the places where they live ; this is a mighty honour to be the friends and favourites of god , to be able to fetch down blessings from heaven by our prayers : this makes religion and virtue truly venerable in the sight of all men ; and it becomes the wisdom of god to dispence his blessings in such a manner , as may conciliate esteem and reverence to true religion in the world. it is time now to pass from this general command of praying for all men , to that particular direction to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority . but before i shew you , what great reason there is to pray for kings , it will be necessary to inquire , what kings we must pray for . for though st. paul makes no difference , there are some who do : some there are among our selves , who withdraw from our communion , because we pray in our publick offices for their present majesties king william , and queen mary , whom god long preserve . there is not a more express command for any thing in scripture , than there is for praying for kings , and for all that are in authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a state of eminence and superiority above others . and if their present majesties be so , as it is visible to all the world that they are , then they are included in this apostolical precept , to pray for kings , and all in authority . upon what pretences some among us reject so plain a duty , is sufficiently known : they say , by kings , the apostle means only lawful and rightful kings ; that is , such kings as are advanced to the throne by an antecedent legal right , according to the laws and constitutions of the countries and kingdoms which they govern . and therefore in an hereditary kingdom no man is , or can be king , and no man must be prayed for as king , but he who has the hereditary right , as being the next lineal heir . this right , they say , is in the late king iames , not in their present majesties ; and therefore notwithstanding their being in possession of the throne , we must not own them , nor pray for them as king and queen . i do not intend , nor is it fitting , to dispute their majesties right , which is no matter of scruple to me : nor would it become me , before two such learned societies of law , to say what the laws of the land require in such cases . and therefore to keep to my own profession , i shall only desire these persons to tell me , where there is any such distinction as this in scripture ? viz. that we must not pray for all kings , but only for legal kings , who had an antecedent legal right ; for in any other sense , those are legal kings , who are invested with the regal authority , with all the legal rites of investiture . the command is in general , to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority ; and if we may excuse our selves from so plain a duty by distinctions of our own inventing , there are few duties in religion , but what we may deliver ourselves from by such arbitrary distinctions . as for instance , there is an express command in scripture , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serve . which one would think were a very express prohibition of the worship of saints or angels , or any other being besides god. but the papists easily avoid this by the help of a distinction , which the scripture is unacquainted with : they say , we must worship god only with the worship of latria , but we may worship saints and angels with the worship of dulia , tho' the scripture appropriates all religious worship to god. thus as our saviour tells the pharisees , god commanded saying , honour thy father and thy mother , and he that curseth father or mother , let him die the death : but ye say , whosoever shall say to his father or mother , it is a gift by whatsoever thou maist be profited by me , and honour not his father nor his mother , he shall be free ; thus have you made the commandment of god of none effect by your tradition , 15 matth. 4 , 5. thus it is in our present case ; the apostle commands us to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority : no , say these men , not unless they be legal kings , tho' they have all the ensigns of majesty , and are invested with the regal authority and power , with all the legal and customary rites and solemnites of investiture , and are acknowledged and recognized for king and queen by the estates of the realm . and thus this command is of no effect neither ; for it seems it is a matter of wit , or law , or philosophy , to know who is king ; whereas st. paul supposed that it was a plain matter of sense ; that he who administred the government with a regal authority , and was owned and submitted to by the nation , was the king for whom we must pray . there is reason to conclude , that st. paul speaks of such kings , if we will allow , that he spoke the language of the age wherein he lived ; for in that age , and in all the ages of the world ever since , those were called kings , and had the preheminency of power and authority , who by the consent and submission of the people administred the government with a regal and soveraign authority , whether they had any anticedent right or title to the government or not . i will not now dispute this matter , but would only desire these persons to consider , whether they are as certain that by all powers , 13 rom. 1. the apostle onely means all such powers as had an antecedent legal right and title to power , as they are , that he expresly teaches , that all power is of god ? whether they are as certain , that it is unlawful to pray for kings , who are legally invested with the royal power , though as they imagine , without any antecedent legal right to the crown , as they are , that the apostle commands us to pray for kings , and for all that are in authority ? whether they are as certain , that it is their duty to adhere to a supposed right against the publick judgment of the nation , in opposition to their present majesties , ( who fill the throne by the consent and authority of the estates of the realm ) though to the great disturbance of government , and to the most apparent ruine ( could they prevail ) of the true religion , the lives and fortunes of their fellow-subjects , and the liberties of their native country , as they are , that it is our duty to pray for kings ? in a word , whether they are as certain , that the roman powers at that time were legal and rightful powers , by such an antecedent legal right as they now insist on , as they are , that st. paul commanded the christians to be subject to those powers , and to pray for them ? these are very proper questions about the degrees of evidence and certainty : for if the rule be plain and certain , and the exceptions from this rule uncertain ; if the rule have a divine authority , and the exceptions have nothing to support them but some uncertain reasonings , such reasonings as contradict the general sence and practise of mankind in all revolutions ; i think wise and good men ought to chuse the safer side , and to suspect their own reasonings , since the scripture has made no such exceptions ( no not in a time of the most violent usurpations , when if ever there was the greatest reason to have made them , ) and the generality of mankind , and even the most sober and considering men reject them , as having no solid foundation in reason and nature . having premis'd this , i proceed now to consider the manifold obligations , which lie upon us to pray for kings . first , because kings are the great instruments of the divine providence in the world , they are those great wheels which move and alter the whole scene of humane affairs ; every irregularity in their motions is soon felt , and causes very fatal convulsions in the state ; their mistakes are like the eclipses of the sun , but more portentous and ominous than they , their smiles or frowns are like the kind or malign influences of the heavens , which revive drooping nature , or threaten an universal ruine , quicquid delirant reges , the people suffer by the indiscretions and ill government of a prince , but a wise , and just , and religious king is the greatest blessing in the world , and therefore we have as much reason to pray for the king , as we have to pray that god would make his sun to shine , or the rain to descend on the earth . secondly , though kings act with a sovereign power , yet they are intirely under god's government , the king's heart is in the hand of the lord , as the rivers of water , he turneth it whithersoever he will , 21 prov. 1. makes his will and affections run in this or that channel , as will best serve the ends of his providence and government . the most absolute prince is under secret and invisible restraints ; god can a thousand ways change his purposes and divert him from what he intended to something else , which he little thought of ; and indeed it is very fitting that those who are so much above humane restraints , should be managed by an unseen hand : for if god does not govern those who govern the world , there is in a great measure an end of his providence , for then the fate of kingdoms would be at the will of princes , and that has the greatest influence of any thing else upon the happiness or misery of private and particular men. now if god can , if god does govern princes , this makes it necessary to pray heartily to god for them , for there is the first spring of motion ; if we make god our friend , he will bless , and direct , and counsel our prince who acts under him , and in subordination to his counsels and decrees . thirdly , i need add no more to convince you how necessary it is to pray for kings , but to shew you how much they need our prayers , how much they need the assistance and direction of god to prevent those inconveniences and miscarriages , which all humane governments are subject to . for 1. the government of kingdoms and nations is a work of great difficulty , and that which requires somewhat more than humane art and skill ; it is no easie matter to deal with the various lusts , and interests , and passions of men , to maintain peace at home and abroad , to adjust the interests of subjects and neighbour-princes , to make war and peace , to advance the trade of the nation and to govern it when it is rich ; to be loved by subjects without being thought easie and remiss which exposes to contempt , and to be feared without being hated ; to know whom to trust , and whom to be aware of , to discern mens integrity and abilities for counsel , or for the administration of justice , for civil or military employs , to know how to choose favourites , and which is as hard a thing how to govern them ; when to resist the fury and torrent of the people , and when to comply without seeming to yield , and a thousand other emergent difficulties there are , which require very prudent and yet extempore remedies , where every false step proves very injurious either to prince or people . these are the true atlasses , who bear the weight of the world upon their shoulders , and if we find it so difficult to govern a family , a parish , a little corporation , to attend to one or to very few things , of any moment and consequence , shall we not assist those by our prayers who have so much a heavier burden to bear , and which unless they carry it steady , we our selves shall be crushed with the fall of it . 2. we must consider also , that without the divine assistance and counsel , princes are but like other men , and liable to the same mistakes , nay indeed they are more expos'd to misinformations , and misrepresentations , and such like abuses , which have a very ill influence upon government , then other men are : no prince can so particularly inspect all the affairs of his kingdom , as a man can his own family and particular estate , but they are forced to see and hear with other mens eyes and ears , which too often prove very corrupt mediums , and tincture the object with their own private passions : court-factions , and the cross interests of aspiring favourites , who carry on their private intrigues without any regard to the publick good , or the service of their prince , but will sacrifice all to undermine a rival , and to gratifie their ambition and revenge , may sugest very ruinous counsels to the dividing both the hearts and the interests of prince and people , and court parasites , who are only ecchoes to the prince's inclinations , and always advise what they think he would have advised ; betray him to those mischiefs which might be prevented by faithful counsellors : this is the unhappy state of kings , which nothing but the divine counsel and providence can prevent : and is not this a very forcible reason to pray for them ? especially , 3 dly , when we consider , that kings are exposed to more and greater temptations then other men ; they have the same passions that other men have , but not the same restraints to curb them , they have nothing but the fear of god , and the considerations of religion and another world , which we find too weak to govern the generality of mankind , without some more sensible motives : what a temptation is sovereign power , when we see very few men , who can use any degree of power without abusing it ; a power which will justifie what it does , and make it right , which will not be opposed nor contradicted , which governs the opinions or the tongues of men ; which never wants flatterers to admire whatever it does , which can stamp new titles and characters of honour when it pleases , and at least change the names and the external value of things , though the nature of things is somewhat stubborn : a power which is apt to have very tender resentments , and to be very severe in its revenge , which gives free scope to all the irregular appetites and passions of humane nature . such a power , i say , as this , which is so easily abused , and which is almost an invincible temptation to abuse it self ; and which can do so much mischief when it is abused , is a sufficient reason to make us very earnest and importunate in our prayers to god for kings . but if ever there were reason to pray for kings , certainly we have great reason to pray for the long life and prosperous reign of their present majesties , whom god hath set over us . the apostle directs us to pray for kings , that under them we may live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty . as for godliness , this we must take care of , whatever our prince be . no prince can take our religion from us , if we resolve to keep it ; but they may disturb our quiet and peaceable enjoyment of it : which was the state of the christian church under heathen and persecuting emperours , and the reason of this command to pray for the peaceable enjoyment and profession of their religion . this we enjoy with great advantages under their majesties government , and therefore have great reason to pray for them , under whom we may if we please , live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty . thanks be to god , we are so far from any danger of being persecuted for our religion , that nothing can more effectually recommend us to the favour of our princes , than the sincere practise of religion and vertue . they set us an example of it themselves , they like , commend , reward it , where they see it : nay , we have a king who exposes his own sacred person to all the fatigues and hazards of war to secure to us our peace at home , and the quiet possession of our religion ; to break the power of that great oppressor , who invades the liberties of europe , and persecutes the professours of the true religion , wherever he has interest or power to do it . we have a king who has already rescued this church and kingdom , when their condition appeared hopeless and desperate ; and certainly had been so , long before this , had not god made him the glorious instrument of our deliverance . and shall we not pray for such a king , who is the very light of our eyes , and the breath of our nostrils ? to whom we owe our laws and liberties , and religion , and on whose preservation , and long and prosperous reign , depends our greatest visible hope and prospect of a quiet and secure enjoyment of them for the time to come . and as we must pray , so we must give god thanks for king's too , and for all the blessings we enjoy under their government : this is one part of the solemnity of this day ; to bless god for the restauration of the king and royal family , and our ancient government and constitution both in church and state , after the miseries and calamities of a civil war , and the oppression of our fellow-subjects ; and those who can remember those days , must confess , that this was a very great mercy . and though the glory of this day seemed to be eclips'd and overcast in the reign of the late unfortunate prince , yet it breaks forth again with a new lustre and brightness in the advancement of their present majesties , from whose government we may reasonably expect as great blessings to this church and kingdom , as ever they yet enjoyed . kings are god's ministers , and advanced to the throne by him , and a good king , is as great a temporal blessing , as god can bestow upon any nation , and the very advancement of their majesties to the throne , was it self a great and immediate deliverance , as great as our redemption from popery and arbitrary power . and yet this is not all we are to bless god for ; but we are bound also to bless him for the almost miraculous preservation of the king's person , as well from treachery and violence , as from the chances of war , and for the no less miraculous successes of his arms , especially the late wonderful success at sea , of which i hope future ages will feel the blessed effects : a success in all the circumstances of it so wonderful , that i know no story that equals it , except we may compare it to the miraculous overthrow of pharaoh and all his host in the red sea. and yet it is no less wonderful , that any english protestants should invite the french to conquer them , to place a zealous papist and an arbitrary prince upon the throne again ; and that after all the miracles of providence whereby these designs have been defeated , and as we have reason to hope , for ever disappointed , there should be any protestants , who think it their interest , as long as ever they can forbear , not to believe it , and when they can disbelieve it no longer , think it a great judgment and calamity upon them to be delivered . but let vs bless god , that he hath answered our prayers , and saved us out of the hands of our enemies ; let us humbly beseech him to continue these mercies to us , and the glorious instruments of them ; to bless their majesties persons , counsels and arms , and to perfect this deliverance at sea by as surprizing successes , which after such auspicious and promising beginnings , we hope in god , may attend his majesty's person and arms in flanders : which we beg almighty god to grant through our lord jesus christ ; to whom with the father and the holy ghost , be all honour , glory and power , now and for ever . amen . finis . an impartial disquisition, how far conquest gives the conqueror a title ghest, edmund. 1688 approx. 35 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42674 wing g634 estc r28401 10586030 ocm 10586030 45287 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42674) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45287) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1384:57) an impartial disquisition, how far conquest gives the conqueror a title ghest, edmund. 8 p. s.n., [london? : 1688?] caption title. attributed by wing to edmund ghest. "reader, this is an abstract of a treatise written by mr. ghest, a learned and pious suffolk divine, when the usurpers over charles the martyr pretended a title by conquest." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -succession. monarchy. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an impartial disquisition , how far conquest gives the conqueror a title . reader , this is an abstract of a treatise written by mr. ghest , a learned and pious suffolk divine , when the usurpers over : charles the martyr pretended a title by conquest . chap. i. conquest is no sufficient title to rule ; for then all conquerors are lawful princes ; but they are not , for 1. justice only gives right , and the rule of justice is suum cuique , we are commanded . rom. 13. 7. to render to all their dues ; but here in the case of conquest right is pretended to that , which is anothers , only by taking it from him , and so justice founded upon injustice . 2. right continues , as long as the cause remains , and force cannot reach that , for it cannot destroy the gift and donation of god , nor bring to pass , that a father shall be no father , or an heir no heir , or one lawfully chosen not chosen . 3. if conquest be a sufficient title , then there never was an usurper in the world ; for , till he prevails , he is but an attempter , and as soon as he prevails , he is a lawful prince . 4. then it would not only be lawful for the usurper to withhold anothers right , but unlawful for the wronged king , or his friends to seek the recovery of his own , which is contrary to what * david did in the case of absolom , and ‖ joash in the case of athaliah . 5. if conquest gives a title , then a strong thief hath right to all he takes away by violence ; or else god hath left every private man in better condition than his own deputies * , since force can take away the royalty of these , but not the property of those . 6. if conquest give a sufficient title , then that devilish maxim is true , prosperum scelus virtus est , that wickedness crowned with prosperity commences virtue ; and there is no difference between good and evil , but event . a rebel falls , and is a traytor ; he prospers and is a lawful prince ; which pricks up apace towards atheism . 7. this proclaims liberty to all ambitious , and covetous persons to embroyl the world , if whatever they can get is their own . certainly god , who loves mankind , and delights in order , peace and righteousness , never made this law. chap. ii. god's word allows not of any title by conquest , for 1. it forbids all violence , rapine and wrong , nay , so much as coveting that which is anothers , commands all to be content with their own , requires restitution of what is wrongfully taken away . nor must we say with * caesar , si jus violandum est , regnandi causâ violandum est ; if right and equity be to be trampled on at any time , it is , when a crown is to be acquired . 2. what is said , john 10. 1. he that enters not in by the door into the sheepfold , but climbs up some other way , the same is a thief and a robber , is universally true of all governments ; kings are * shepherds too , and the same common rule of justice holds in the shepherd's title to his flock , and so every where both in church and state. 3. it is said , rom. 13. 1. the powers that are &c. the word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies only lawful , and just power , while 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the power of an usurper ) so that we must be subject to him , who hath the right and authority to rule , even tho' devested by the force of an usurper . such powers are said vers . 2. to be the ordinance of god , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an edict , or a law , so that no usurper is god's ordinance , unless he can show either some particular charter from god , or some general law in favour of usurpers . — again , in the same verse it is said , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation ; not a right , or title to the supreme power , that would make the law both partial , and useless , restraining none , but those , whom princes might restrain without it . — once more , in verses 4 , 5 , 6. these powers are said to be god's ministers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now none can enter into god's service , or ministry , but by his leave , unless we think , that usurpers may seize god's commission too . 4. we are commanded * to render to caesar the things that are caesar's , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies to restore to the right owner , what is unjustly taken away , or detained from him , ( so the word is used by the lxx . in the old testament ) gen. 20. 7 , 14 , levit. 5. 6. num. 5. 7. judg. 17. 3 , 4. 1 sam. 7. 14. & cap. 12. 3. 2 sam. 3. 14. 1 kings 20. 34. nehem. 5. 12. isai . 42. 22. ezek. 33. 15. and so in the new testament also , matth. 5. 26. chap. 18. 25 , 26 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 34. luk. 19. 8. so that it binds not only to the payment of all dues to the owner , that accrue to him , while the possession is undisturb'd , but to restitution also , of what he is unjustly deprived of . 5. christ's actions are our instructions : now , when one would have put our lord upon the doing an act of power , luk. 12. 14. he answers , man , who made me a judge , &c. it seems , a governor must be duly made , or set in the place , he cannot set himself there ; it is above the pitch of a creature to create his own power by his own force , it must be derived from another ; nor can every one's appointment give a title , but his only , who hath right to appoint : 't is not , hath any one ? but , who hath appointed me ? 6. men of all sorts , and of all sides ( just , and unjust , plaintifs , and defendants ) have taken this for granted , that force , and conquest gives no * title . 7. god himself hath given sentence in the case . nimrod was the first usurper , he got all by might ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gibbor , as he is called , gen. 10. 8. yet a double brand there is upon him , vers . 9. that he was , 1. a mighty hunter ; till men turn into beasts , a mighty hunter will not be turn'd into a lawful king. and then , 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lipne jehovah , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against the lord , so it should be translated ; for 't is evident , that 't is spoken to his infamy . — god expresly forbids the israelites to invade the edomites , the moabites , or the ammonites , deut. 2. 4 , 5 , 9 , 19. the precepts are particular , but the reason is universal , and holds against all invasions of the rights of others , ( because god gave them their lands for a possession ) and as to the ammonites , who long after invaded , and conquer'd part of the holy land , thus saith the lord , jerem. 49. 1. hath israel no sons ? hath he no heir ? why then doth their king inherit gad , and his people dwell in his cities ? as if he should say , tho' the king of ammon hath gotten possession by the sword , yet the right remains still to the heir , though dispossest : 't is therefore that such conquerors are compared ‖ to lyons , that tear in pieces , and fill their holes with prey , and their dens with rapine ; and , behold , saith the lord of hosts , i am against you , my sword shall devour the lyons , and i will cut off the prey from the earth . 't is therefore also , that the * chaldeans , who possess the dwelling places , that are not theirs , that keep not at home , that enlarge their desires as hell , and as death , and cannot be satisfied , that gather to them all nations , and heap to them all people , have heavy judgments denounced against them , woe to him , that increaseth that , which is not his , how long ? &c. see also , jerem. 51. 35 , 36. ezek. 35. 10 , 11. & chap. 36. 5. & amos 1. 13. in all which places sore punishments are denounc'd against usurpers ; and it were absurd to say , that the divine justice would punish any for useing that , which is the direct , and immediate way to get a good title . chap. iii. conquest proves not a right by god's donation immediate . some men pretend , that god by the event of the war , giving victory , gives right withal to the conqueror , and for this they have two colours . the first argument is deduc'd from reason ; providence governs all , therefore this victory , and so 't is god's will. to which i answer . it seems the alcoran hath not been english'd for nothing ; with the mahometans indeed all is their own fish that comes into the net : but if every attempt crowned with success , proves , that god gives a right , then he , who destroys the true religion , and sets up a false ; he , who kills , ravishes , robs , hath right on his side ; 't is par casus , unless they shew , that event shewes god's will in one thing more than another , which it does not , since all comes alike to pass by god's providence : should it be objected , that this assertion must be restrain'd to kingdoms , because war between those , who have no superiour on earth to judge them , is an appeal to god to determine the right : i answer , 1. then this extends not to subjects , who have a king to judge them . 2. if it be meant of all those , who acknowledge , or pretend to have no superiours , then all wicked men may make use of it ; since 't is but to pretend , and then appeal to god , and , if they prevail , god , it seems , gave them leave . 3. 't is to throw god's law ( the rule of right , and wrong ) behind us , and to tempt him to give a particular sentence ; against matth. 4. 7. thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. 4. how knows the objector , that every king , who fights for his own , makes such an ungodly appeal ? 5. suppose both parties are so presumptuous , how knows he , that god is bound to listen to every presumptuous appellant , and give judgment at his beck ? the truth is , event shews no more ; but that god permits it , because he can work good out of it , and fulfil his own wise , and just , tho' hidden counsel ; but to say , he approves whatever he permits , is blasphemy . 2. the second colour is from scripture , dan. 4. 17 , 25 , 32. the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. to this i answer , 1. if you mean this of god's gift of right to rule , 't is not said , he giveth it to every one , who is in possession , but to whom he pleaseth . 2. if you mean it of possession ( and so it is to be understood , as it appears from vers . 25. and the whole context ) it follows not , god gives possession to whom he will , therefore he gives right , whenever he gives possession ; the scope of all was to cure nebuchadnezzar's pride , and to shew him , that whosoever possesseth a kingdom , doth it by a providence which can dispossess him . indeed no one possesses a kingdom without some gift from god , but 't is often only permissive , it creates no right . thus * saul in the cave was by god delivered into david's hand , and christ was ‖ delivered by the determinate counsel of god ; had david hereby a right to kill saul , or the jews a right to kill christ . nay , tho' nebuchadnezzar was out of possession ( dan. 4. 25. they shall drive thee from among men ) yet still 't is his kingdom , and his counsellors , and his lords , ver . 26. 36. his right it seems remained . chap. iv. conquest in a just war gives no just title : a just war is that , which is made by a soveraign prince for a just cause : while both conditions are wanting in our case ; but suppose they were not , if such a conquest gives title , 't is 1. either by extraordinary donation , and that none , i think , can now pretend to . or , 2. by the law of nations . but 1. that law , according to those who alledge it , gives only an external shew of justice , true internal justice obliging at the same time to restitution , of which restitution , see * grotius proving it to be the opinion of jews , and mahometans as well as christians , and that the holy scripture , isai . 58. 6. averrs , that those mens fasts are not acceptable to god , qui non jure captos detinebant , who do not let the oppressed go free , and who ( jon. 3. 8. ) do not turn from the violence , that is in their hands . 2. shew us this law of nations , where is it , or how is it morally possible , that all nations should meet to give it : if you interpret common practise to be the consent of all , i presume , the dispossessed do not consent , and the rest are either gainers , or unconcerned . 3. the law of nature gives not this right , for then it must be either by way of reparation of the wrong , or punishment of the fault ; the first allows no more then an equal recompence for the injury , and leaves the rest to the enemy still ; the second supposes authority , for who hath power to punish , must have power to examine , and to judge the merits of the cause ; but a superiour to the supreme implies a contradiction ; par in parem non habet imperium ; equals have no authority one over another ; * who art thou , that judgest another man's servant ? ‖ what have i to do to judge them , that are without ? are most sure maxims of the law of nature . 4. the law of scripture gives no such right . deut. 20. 10 , 15. there is a rule given , how the israelites were to deal with all nations ( except the seven , which were given up to utter ruine ) and the case is double ; if they will treat take tribute of them ; if they will fight it out , and you conquer , take the spoil , but in neither case a title to the government . tribute may be given , and service may be done by one king to another ( as appears from gen. 14. 4 , 8 , 9. 2 sam. 10. 19. 2 kings 3. 4. & ch . 18. 7 , 14. ) and yet those who pay the tribute , and do the service be kings still , as appears by the above-cited places ; so then the conqueror may exact tribute sufficient to make amendment for the injury ; but whatever be meant by tribute , or service , the conqueror acquires no title by conquest but by the consent of the conquered to the articles of peace , of which in the next conclusion . chap. v. qu. whether the consent of the people conquered , and their submission to the conqueror gives him a title ? ans . it is a kind of destiny upon people , that their name is used , their benefit pretended , their power to create right to govern magnified , and all to their hurt , isai . 3. 12. o my people they which lead thee , cause thee to err ; and so again , ch . 9. 16. in the septuagint it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so in the hebrew , and in the margin of our translation , they which call thee blessed , and undertake to make thee so . people are never in greater danger , than when they listen to these same ( beatificantes ) men , who promise to make them blessed , so it hath been here , and after the misery that is come upon us , the peoples consent is pretended . to show what really the people hath to do in the giving title , or right to government , we will consider in general the means of acquiring dominion ; — all power is from god , we take that for granted , therefore whoever hath a title , must show some manifestation of god's will for it ; now this in the case of governors must be either by extraordinary supernatural designation , as in moses , joshua , the judges , saul , david , jehu , &c. or by a general law , that may hold in all ordinary cases ; ( for as to event , that manifests only god's permission , not his gift , as i shew'd before ) as for the first of these , it was good , where it could be shown , which now it cannot : the second cannot be any humane law ; for tho' just laws are in their kind , and degree significations of god's will , who will have us obey his deputies for conscience sake , yet in giving title to supreme power they have no place . for 1. national laws presuppose it , and are made by it . 2. the law of nations is either the same with the law of nature , which is god's law , binding all nations , or if it be taken for a humane law , enacting that , which the law of nature hath left at liberty , 't is a meer empty name , for there is no humane supreme power , to which all nations are subject , that should enact such a law . jus gentium indeed , or right of nations there is , but no lex gentium ; one nation may have right against another , either by the law of nature alone , or by mutual pacts , which bind by vertue of the law of nature , which obliges all to perform their covenants . so then none can claim right to government , but by the laws of god , and they are two-fold , of nature , and scripture , but both to be used here promiscuously ; the rule of both is , honour thy father and thy mother , which subjects the children to both parents , but first to the father , as supreme ; no place is left here for popular election , it being impossible , that children should choose their father , who are in subjection as soon as they are , and to govern whom the father hath a natural capacity , even before he hath them . in this paternal right is founded the government of whole nations , as appears from genes . 10. 5 , 20 , 31 , 32. where it is often observed , * that by those three sons of noah were the nations divided in the earth after their families , and generations , which confutes the common dream , that nations were constituted by collection of several families into one mass , ( like epicurus's world out of atomes ) for the scripture makes it clear to have been quite contrary , by spreading one root into many branches , ( see acts 17. 26. ) and this will be easily believed , when it is considered ‖ , how long they lived in that age ( six hundred , four hundred , all even to nahor , above two hundred years ) and that * in four generations from levi to moses seventy ‖ men were multiplied to six hundred thousand , that were men * , besides children , and you will see , that one of those fathers might live to be by his meer paternal power king of a populous nation . nor did those kingdoms upon the father's death cantonize after the number of his sons , the elder brother was heir of his father's power , and governed the families of his brethren also : so genes . 4. 7. god saith to cain , subject to thee shall be his desire ( sc . thy brother's ) and thou shalt rule over him : hence isaac in blessing , as he thought , his first-born , gen. 27. 29. saith , be lord over thy brethren , and let thy mother's sons bow down to thee . and so jacob also in blessing judah , ( who inherited the regal power ) gen. 49. 8. expresses himself : nay , even our saviour's kingdom over his brethren ( that is , the members of the christian church ) is often put upon this title of primogeniture , as being * the first-born among many brethren ; so then the people have no more to do to make a king , than a child to make his father ; god the sole giver of life disposes of what parents every one shall be born , who shall be heirs of kings , and whom they shall inherit for their subjects ; for the word inheritance is in scripture language ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , a lot , and the whole disposing ( judgment , or right ) of that is from the lord : prov. 16. 33. the people have no part in it , so that if they presume to give this inheritance to another , let them take heed of that woe * woe be to him , who striveth with his maker , &c. and woe be to him , who saith to his father , what begettest thou ? &c. namely , while they have one of god's appointment ; for when he hath left them destitute , then they may interpose , and elect , but let them not be fond of wanting one , that they may please themselves in choosing , for they cannot be damn'd to a worse condition in this world , than to be without a king. as it is threatned , hosea 10. 3. they shall say , we have no king , because we feared not the lord. numb . 27. 17. that the congregation of the lord shall be as sheep , that have no shepherd ‖ : and isai . 3. 5 , 6 , 7. the people shall be oppressed every one by his neighbour , and then follows the people's part in choosing a king ; a man shall take hold of his brother , saying , be thou our ruler : now , when people come to choose , if they will put the power into the hands of many , ( too many to keep counsel , or agree upon action ) and so serve many masters at once , if they will choose for a head the beast of many heads , that monstrous form of polity , where the whole body is all head , and every single limb the body , where all are sons of the people , all are father , and every one a son ; be ruled by the many , that can believe any thing , and judge of nothing , that have the wit of a child , and the fury of a giant , the silliness of an innocent , and the rage of a tyrant ; be governed by most voices , who are sure to choose the worst , since there are more fools , and knaves , than wise and virtuous ; or if they will be ruled by a senate , and for fear of one tyrant ( whom death will end ) submit to four hundred , that for one head lopt off will supply two , and make slavery immortal ; or if they do see monarchy the best , and yet will mix it with some trick of their own to spoil it ( as by making it elective , &c. ) tho' these forms of popular contrivance be but degenerations of that paternal power in one , ( which is always chosen , when god chooses for us , as best suiting with his universal monarchy ) yet when the choice is left to the people , 't is valid , as well as that , which a foolish woman makes of a bad husband . thus much of the means of acquiring supreme power ; now , how far the people's submission can operate towards the making the conqueror's title good . 1. while they have a king of god's providing by paternal right , they have nothing to do either to confer , or transfer that right . 2. tho' , when the people have chosen a popular government , and are lawfully setled under it , their submission ( perhaps ) to the conqueror may transfer a right ( because then they are in two capacities , being both sovereigns and subjects , so that their submission includes the consent of all that are interessed ) yet in other forms of government , where the people are meer subjects , the supreme power is not theirs to give , they cannot give away what is another man's , much less what is god's , and by his immediate gift confer'd on the lawful king. 3. when people are destitute of a government , and choose one , the king chosen holds not his power from them , but immediately from god ; their choice , 1. proves not , that the king derives his power from them ; the wife chooses her husband , and the parish the constable , yet the first hath his power from god , the other from the king ; and therefore the power not being derived from the people , they cannot resume or transpose it , any more than the wife , &c. 2. the people's choice hinders not the king 's receiving his power immediately from god , tho' their choice be an instrumental act , by means whereof god's power is conveyed to the king's person which is chosen , yet it argues not , that god first invests the people with the supreme power , and seats it inseparably in them , and that then they derive it to the king in subordination to themselves , as the king doth to an inferior magistrate : only when they want a father by inheritance , they choose and make an adoptive one , who derives not his power from them , but immediately from god by that law of nature , which gives the father power over his children . obj. but how is this immediately from the law of nature , when there comes a voluntary act of man between ? ans . that voluntary act of the people is not done by virtue of any supreme power seated in the people , but by allowance of the law of nature , which , as other laws , contains in it concessions , as well as precepts . 1. it teacheth , that power to rule is necssary for the preserving of mankind , which cannot subsist but in society , nor that without order and government . 2. it allows us to provide necessaries by any means , that may be used without impiety against god , or injury to man , and therefore to appoint themselves a king , when they are destitute . 3. it commands them to be subject to the king thus chosen ; so that from first to last this power is founded immediately on the law of nature ; now not only this , but almost all the laws of nature suppose a voluntary act of men to constitute the matter of their precepts and prohibitions , & yet bind meerly by their own force . prayer , oaths , dedications of holy things , all external acts of religion suppose acts of men to give words their signification , to administer and take the oaths , to dedicate the holy things , but yet the precepts commanding the duties , and forbidding the abuse ; bind immediately without any help from humane authority . so theft supposeth propriety of goods , adultery supposeth marriage , &c. but yet the commandments , that prohibit those sins bind expresly by virtue of the divine authority . chap. vi. qu. whither kings , &c. can deprive themselves of supreme power , or give it from the right heirs ? ans . here three questions arise , one touching resignation , whither a king can give up his power ? and two concerning succession , whither a king can invert the natural order , and disinherit his lawful heir , and whither he can give a stranger right to succeed by adopting him . in deciding these three questions , there is great diversity both of precedents , & humane laws , but 't is not material , since only divine laws can regulate such translations . if god hath given kings power to dispose of their kingdoms at pleasure , they have no superior upon earth , that can take it from them ; if not , they can neither create it themselves ( for there is no power , but by the gift of a superior , joh. 19. 11. ) much less can their subjects , being inferiors , give it them . therefore for the resolution of this question , distinguish , 1. between the effect such an act of a king may have upon himself , or upon others , for tho' he may devest himself of his regalities , it follows not that he can deprive his heir of his title , or give it away to another . 2. as to his devesting himself , distinguish between the lawfulness of the act , and the validity of it ; it may be , fieri non debuit factum valet , what ought not in justice to have been done , is notwithstanding valid , when 't is done . * esau lost his birth-right by selling it , yet sinn'd in doing it , sc . by undervaluing the power which god had given him , and whatever damage did hereby accrue to esau's posterity , was from god's immediate designation , not from any power in esau , 3. distinguish of kings ; those , whose progeny was in their lifetime multiplied into a nation , could not devest themselvs , because they could not cease to be fathers of their children , who by the law of nature are subject to them ; but an hereditary king may relinquish his title , as well as any other inheritance , psal . 106. 40. he abhorred his own inheritance : jer. 12. 7. i have forsaken mine house , i have left mine heritage . shepherds of men may break their staves , and cast off their flocks , zech. 11. 10 , 11. but notwithstanding all this an hereditary king cannot deprive his heir , if he have one , nor hinder the peoples choice , if he have no heir . 1. he cannot devest his heir , for god designs him by making him first-born , or next of blood , nor can the father alter his inheritance any more than his primogeniture ; * the king is but god's servant , and so cannot make void his lord's choice ; by god's law the rights of primogeniture are the first-born's , ( deut. 21. 15 , 16 , 17. ) nor can they be taken from him while he lives ; even if he deserves to be deprived , it must be a judiciary proceeding that removes him . 2. if he wants an heir , he cannot transfer the inheritance to whom he will without the peoples consent ; they are sons and not slaves , and therefore cannot be alienated at pleasure , joh. 8. 35. the servant abideth not in the house forever , but the son abideth ever . there are three degrees of dominion . 1. over goods inanimate or irrational ; we may sell these , or destroy them , matt. 20. 15. 2. dominium despoticum , vel herile , the dominion over slaves , whom we may alienate , but not destroy , exo. 21. 20 , 21. 3. dominium regale , the dominion of kings over their subjects , which neither enables to destroy nor alienate , being instead of the paternal ; the king can no more make another king over his subiects , than a father can make another man the father of his children . the summ is ; a king may relinquish his power , but not invest a stranger with it without the consent of the heir , if he have any , or , if he have none , without the peoples accepting the person . possession belongs to the king in being , succession to the heir in being , election to the people , when destitute of both , and none can be deprived of their proper due without their own consent . indeed ( as was said before ) when the people is both soveraign , and subjects , their submission includes all ; as soveraign they may resign , and then as a body without a head they may choose , and no heir hath any injury ; for the body of the people have no heir . chap. vii . qu. whither a long possession can make the conqueror's title good ? ans . 't is absurd to think , that prescription can justifie wrongs ; for the rule of law is , non confirmatur tractu temporis , quod de jure non subsistit ab initio , that no length of time makes that lawful , which was not so from the beginning . 't is true , 1. in time all obstacles may be removed , and so the usurper acquire a title , the right heirs being all extinguish'd , or relinquishing their right , and then the peoples submission doth it , but time it self gives no title . 2. long possession may be , tho' not the ground , yet the proof of a title ; but such a proof , as admits of divers exceptions ; for if there be a right heir , that claims , or else would claim , but that he wants either notice of his title , or power to make it good , here prescription proves nothing ; but possession may continue so long without any claim , or attempts to the contrary , that it may be ( tho' no title , yet ) a proof , that either the possessor is the heir , or that the people have chosen him upon the failing or cession of the heir ; and thus only do man's laws approve prescription in private inheritances , not as if they preferred an usurper before the right owner , who continues his claim and proves his title ; and this was the case between isra●● and the moabites , judg. 11. 25 , 26 , 27. which case duly weigh'd will easily solve the objection . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a42674-e80 * 2 sam. 18. 1. ‖ 2 kings 11. * see deut. 1. 17. notes for div a42674-e310 * apud sueton . sect. 30. * cons . psal . 78. 71. isai . 44. 28. * mat. 22. 21. * see 1 king. 20. 34. judg. 11. 13 , 15 , 21. ‖ nahum . 2. 12 , 13. * habak . 1. 6. hab. 2. 5 , 6. notes for div a42674-e1080 * 1 sam. 24. 10. c. 26. 23. ‖ act. 2. 23. notes for div a42674-e1340 * grot. de jure belli , & pacis , l. 3. c. 6. sect. 1. jure naturae quidem bello justo ea nobis acquiruntur , quae aut paria sunt ei , quod cùm nobis sit debitum , aliter consequi non possumue , aut etiam quae nocenti damnum inferunt intra aequum poenae modum . — conf . §. §. 2 , 3 , &c. & cap. 10. §. 3. * rom. 14. 4. ‖ 1 cor. 5. 12. notes for div a42674-e1620 * vid. joseph . antiq. lib. 1. cap. 7. ‖ cons . gen. 11. * exod. 6. 16 , 18 , 20. ‖ gen. 46. 27. * exod. 12. 37. * rom. 8. 29. col. 1. 15 , 18. hebr. 1. 6. revel . 1. 5. ‖ psal . 16. 5. colos . 1. 12. act. 26. 18. * isai . 45. 9 , 10. ‖ vid. lam 5. 3. notes for div a42674-e2360 * compare gen. 25. 33 , 34. with heb. 12. 16. * cons . jos . 1. 2. hebr. 3. 5. ps . 89. 20. jer. 27. 6. wisd . 6. 5. rom. 13. 4 , 6. a cat may look upon a king weldon, anthony, sir, d. 1649? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96173 of text r209518 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1408_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 60 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96173 wing w1271 thomason e1408_2 estc r209518 99868394 99868394 169924 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96173) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 169924) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 181:e1408[2]) a cat may look upon a king weldon, anthony, sir, d. 1649? [6], 105, [5] p., plate printed for william roybould, at the unicorn in pauls church-yard, london : 1652. anonymous. by sir anthony weldon. cf. wing. annotation on thomason copy: "jan. 10th.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kings and rulers -early works to 1800. great britain -kings and rulers -early works to 1800. a96173 r209518 (thomason e1408_2). civilwar no a cat may look upon a king: weldon, anthony, sir 1652 9257 6 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●ars puer alecto , virgo , vulpes , leo , nullu ▪ a cat may look upon a king . depiction of a cat london , printed for william roybould , at the unicorn in pauls church-yard . 1652. to the reader . if i were master either of good language , or good method ; i would then presume to present this ensuing discourse , & according to the fashion , intreat thy courteous acceptance : but being so rude & naked ( yet true ) i send it forth into the world to take its fortune with the rest of the paperbrats of this age : some may fret , some may laugh ; both please me alike : my end only is , that we may all of us , after so much blood & treasure spent , with hearts and hands , pray for and endeavor the welfare , security , & prosperity of the whole . adieu . the introduction . the unparallel'd transactions of these our late times have raised in mee such a confusion of thoughts , that i resolved to look back ; as a man that is stunn'd with a stone , looks not after the stone , but after the hand that flung it . and surely i find ( by the help of my spectacles ) king james was the fountain of all our late afflictions and miseries . it hath been a custome among our flattering priests ( for i know none else used it ) upon mention of deceased princes , to use the expression , of blessed memory ; and so i believe have used it , ever since william the bastard of normandy over-ran this kingdome . which begat another itch in me , to search the lives of all our kings since him , to see if any of them had deserved that reverend remembrance . and first for king william the conqueror . i know no better testimony of him , then out of his own mouth , lying upon his death-bed : his words take as followeth . the english i hated ; the nobles i dishonoured , the commons i cruelly vexed , and many i unjustly disinherited : in the county of york , and sundry other places , an innumerable sort with hunger and sword i slew ; and thus that beautifull land and noble nation , i made desolate with the deaths of many thousands . william rufus . this king did not only oppresse and fleece this nation , but rather with importunate exactions did as it were flay off their skins . his chiefest consorts were effeminated persons , ruffians , and the like ; and himselfe delighted in continual adulteries , and company of concubines ( even before the sun . ) none thrived about him , but treasurers , collectors , and promoters : hee sold all church — preferments for mony , and took fines of the priests for fornication . hunting in that most remarkable new-forrest , walter tyrrel shot him to the heart with an arrow out of a crosse-bow , whether of purpose or not , is no great matter . henry 1. is branded with covetousnesse , and intolerable taxations ; and cruelty upon his elder brother , whom he kept in perpetual prison , and put out both his eyes : and for his most excellent leachery , leaving behind him fourteen bastards . king stephen . in famous for perjurie ; a hater of this nation , whom he durst never trust , but oppressed this land with strangers , notwithstanding that he had received the crown upon courtesie ; dyes , and leaves behind him two bastards . henry 2. never such a horrid extractor of monies from the subjects , as this king ; and is infamous for perjury , jealousie , and lechery ; curses all his children upon his death-bed , and so dies leaving three bastards . richard 1. raked more money by unparalell'd taxes upon this nation , then any king before him : his voyage to the holy-land pared them to the bones by many unjust wayes ; but his unlucky return quite ruined it : he dyes by a poyson'd arrow , and leaves two bastards . king john . of this king we cannot reckon so many impieties as he had : unnatural to his own blood , to the wife in his bosom ; bloody to nobility and clergy ; perjury , often swearing , but never kept his word ; betrayes the crowne and kingdome to the pope ; and rather then want his will to ruine both church , nobles , and the whole nation , sends ambassadours to a moor , a mighty king in africa , to render unto him this kingdome of england , to hold it from him as his soveraign lord , to renounce christ , and receive mahomet . in the heat of his wars with the nobility , gentry , and commons of this land , repaires to the abbey of swines-head , where he is poysoned , and leaves behind him three bastards . henry 3. a chip of the old block , for no oath could bind him ; jealous of the nobility , brings in strangers , despiseth all counsell in parliament , wastes all the treasure of the kingdome in civil wars , sells his plate and jewels , and pawnes his crown . edward 1. govern'd his will by his power , and shed more blood in this kingdome , then any of his fore-runners ; counted his judges as dogs , and died as full of malice as he lived full of mischief . edward 2. a man given to all sorts of unworthy vanities , and sinful delights : the scourge and disgrace of this nation in scotland , against a handfull of men , with the greatest strength of england . after so many perjuries about his favourite gaveston , and slaughter of the nobility , he is deposed and murdered . edward 3. to his everlasting staine of honor , surrenders by his charter , his title of soveraignty to the kingdom of scotland ; restores the deeds and instruments of their former homages and fealties ( though after the scots paid dear for it ) to supply his want . whatsoever he yielded to in parliament , was for the most part presently revoked : and in that parliament which was called the good , they desire the king ( having abundantly supplied his wants ) to remove from court four persons of special prejudice to his honour , and the kingdomes , with one dame alice piers , the kings concubine , an impudent troublesome woman : but no sooner ended this parliament , having gotten their monies , but those four forbidden return to court , and their wonted insolencies : the speaker , who had presented the kingdomes grievances , at the suit of alice piers , is committed to perpetual imprisonment . richard 2. t is said of this king , he spared neither the dignity , nor the life of any that crost his pleasure ; spared neither lewd example , nor vild action , to follow cruell councell ; a man plung'd in pleasure , and sloth ; in his private councels would alter whatsoever the parliament had setled ; neglects his debts ; prodigal to strangers , destroyes the nobility ; and for his hypocrisie , cruelty , perjury , and tyranny , is deposed and murdered at pomfret-castle . henry 4. so true is that distych translated out of suetonius : who first exil'd , and after crown'd , his reign with blood will much abound . for after he had murdered his predecessor , nothing took up this kings reigne but ruine and blood upon the nobility and gentry of this kingdome , with such unsufferable taxes as never were before , nor since . henry 5. this king reigned about nine years and a halfe , all which time our stories mention nothing but his wars , raising of monies , and spending the blood of this poor nation . henry 6. and edward 4. were two men , born as it were , for ruine , blood and misery to this kingdome ; whose lives and actions no man can read with patience : that so much treasure and so many mens lives should be spent and lost , to maintain the ambition , luxury , pride and tyranny of but two men , in so many set-battels fought in the bowels of this kingdom . henry was stab'd with a dagger by the duke of glocester in the tower . edward died at westminster and left behind him two bastards , and a miserable whore jane shore . richard 3. a monster of lust & cruelty ; whose murders , too many to be here repeated , are at large set down in our chronicles , with his attempts of rape and incest . so perfect he was in villany and hypocrisie , that he would alwayes use most faire language , and shew greatest signs of love and courtesie to that man in the morning , whose throat he had taken order for to be cut that night ; and was the first i read of in our stories , that ever used that oath , god — damn — me . he was slain at bosworth-field ; his body stark naked & mangled , besmear'd with blood and dust , was brought upon a horse to leicester , where for a spectacle of hate and scorn , he lay two dayes unburied . henry 7. this king , my lord of virulam hath washt his face so cleane with good language , that without a neer approach he is hardly discovered : but surely i find no right he had to the crown , more then the consent of the people , ( which was not then in fashion ) whom hee never durst trust neither , his heart continually burning to destroy all sparks of the right blood , and their abettors . how was the lord chamberlaines life jugled away for his thoughts , and his estate which was so considerable , with many more of our nobility . and for that story of richard duke of york , son to edward the 4. under the name of perkin warbeck , i do as verily believe he was the said duke of york , as i believe henry the 8. was the son of this henry the 7. the circumstances being so pregnant from so many persons of honour , but nothing more confirmes me in it , then this kings indefatigable paines and most infinite cost to get him , and ruine him , and with him the harmless earl of warwick , the one beheaded , the other hang'd at tyburn ; and surely though this king did far excell all his predecessors in craft , yet was he as guilty of cruelty and blood as the worst of them ; nor can all the water in the sea wash from him those two monstrous sins of avarice and ingratitude . henry 8. to say much of him , were to make you surfeit ; sir walter raleigh's testimony of him is sufficient . if all the pictures and patternes of a merciless prince were lost in the world , they might all be painted again to the life out of the story of this king : his vast expence of treasure , and profuse blood-shed , made this kingdome look with a ghastly face ; and to express him fully , this remaines of him to everlasting , that he never spared man in his anger , nor woman in his lust . i do none of them wrong , for thus i find them branded to my hand by publique records : and surely this puts me in mind of a story i have heard in spain ; a friar preacht before don pedro the king , sirnamed the cruel , took his text which invited him to extoll regal dignity to its highest pitch , often saying , few kings went to hell ; but in the close of his sermon , said , you may , peradventure , wonder that i so often tell you that few kings go to hell , marry the reason is , there are but few kings , for if there were more , they would go all to the devil . of all these our kings , i would know which was of blessed memory , who ruled by blood , oppression , and injustice upon this nation , in contempt of god and man : let no man now wonder if this nation endeavour ( after so long and grievous bondage under tyranny ) to reduce themselves into a free state . and as the face of things do now appeare in their glory ( for such surely they are ) i see no great hinderance to an honorable , and secure setling of this nation in a free state to the worlds end , if we can agree amongst our selves ( which i pray god we may . ) if an honest league be made , and as honestly kept betwixt us and the hollander , ( not that i care much for hans , but because he is a man of business , and surely 't is trade must make this nation rich and secure ) i know no power in christendome can hurt us : shipping and mariners must be cherished , the value of our money so setled , that the mint may go plentifully ; our gold must not be sold for profit as merchandize , by the fraudulent goldsmith to merchants to transport , nor our silver by them pickt and cull'd , to sell to refiners for silver thread to make superfluous lace . ( these digressions , though true , crave pardon . ) as the wheels of our state are many whereon it goes , so there are ( god be thanked ) sufficient to attend them , and make them go right : let them go on and prosper , and i doubt not but that shortly we shall see a clear light shine upon this nation , of honour , respect , and security . now in the close of this preface , if any man aske why i have curtail'd the lives and persons of these thus ; i answer , the common people of this kingdome cannot attend to read chronicles , and they are the major part whom it concerns ; and now by the providence of god , that we are reduced to a free state , in this little book i would have them hereafter know for whom and for what they fight , and pay . next , if any man ask why i make such mention of their bastards ; i answer , onely to let the world see what foundation these six and twenty bastards have laid for honourable , noble , and right worshipfull familes of a long continuance , which have been maintained by the blood and treasure of this oppressed nation . if why i mention not edward the 5. and edward the 6. i say they were children , and so died , affording no matter for this present . if why i omit queen mary and queen elizabeth ; i answer , i have nothing to do with women , and i wish i never had . but i must not make the door bigger then the house , i have onely one vote to passe , that ireland may once be setled in obedience to this common-wealth , and scotland reduced to an english province , that there may never more be heard the name of a kirk , or covenant ; and so i address my self to king james . king james . to write the life and reign of this king , requires a better book-man , and a better pen-man : that which i have to observe , is onely to render him as great a tyrant as any of the rest ; for though his fearfulness kept him from wars and blood , yet as much as was in his power he laid as many springs to enslave this nation as ever any ; his will was the sole rule of his government ; nor had the people any thing to act but submissive obedience . his first work was to sound the prelates and nobility , whose ambition and corruption he found suitable and serviceable to his intentions ; and 't was their infusion , so agreeable to his disposition , that made him carry himself so majestically to the parliament of england , ( a power he might justly fear to offend ) but their councels ( though they then served his and their ends ) are now come upon them like a storm , the one voted down root and branch , the other voted uselesse and dangerous . the king brings with him a generall peace with all christendome , not considering the particular interest of this nation , whether it were honourable , or safe , as the affaires of england then stood , his predecessour having taken upon her to be head , and protectrix of the protestant party wheresoever : but he had his ends to himself . first he had heard how many and how often attempts had been used to take away the life of queen elizabeth , whom god notwithstanding preserved and protected , by the diligence of her servants : but he would rather trust to his king-craft , then to gods providence . then having taken away all thought of wars , his design was to luxuriate the people , that so hee might more insensibly lay that foundation of tyrany he intended . and now comes tumbling in monstrous excesse of riot , which consumed many good families , and more good hospitality , formerly the glory both of our nobility and gentry ; with an incredible increase of tavernes and bawdy-houses , for which two we are to this day beholding to the scots . and with this king , and this peace , came the greatest plague that ever this kingdome felt before his time ; as if god had told us from heaven we had deserved it , by betraying our selves ; and which was but a light fore-running punishment , in respect of what in time should follow ; and yet peradventure that plague was but a shadow of himselfe , the greater . the kingdome could not afford more pomp and glory , then was shewn when king james came first through london ; and 't was so much the more considerable as to him , that from a nasty barren country , ( rather a dunghil then a kingdome ) came to be at that instant as great a prince as any in christendome : and indeed it was the wonder of those states-men who had had experience of the gallantry of this nation , that a scot should enjoy this crown without resistance . if the temper of these our dayes had then ( as now ) taken head , we had saved much blood : much mony , and in all likelihood been long since setled to such a free state , as we yet struggle for ; rich , and secure . long had he waited for the death of queen elizabeth ; but longer had they waited , that waited upon him : for had not their hopes as well as his expected their shares of spoils of this kingdome , we may with out doing any wrong to that nation , conclude him in the fate of his many predecessors , whom they murdered . his stock was odious to the more ancient nobility of that nation ; and the cloak of the kirk would have served without scruple for such a covering , as the grand-signior uses to send men doom'd to death . his original extract i find was this : banchoo a nobleman of scotland , had a fair lady to his daughter , whom mackbeth the king desires to have the use of ; banchoo refuses , and mackbeth murders him , and takes the lady by force . fleance , the son of banchoo , fearing the tyrants cruelty , flies into wales to griffin ap lhewellin the prince of wales . lhewellin entertaines him with all hospitable civility . fleance to requite his courtesie , gets lhewellins daughter with child : lhewellin murders fleance , and lhewellins daughter is afterward delivered of a son , named walter ; this son proves a gallant man , and falling out with a noble person in wales , that call'd him bastard , walter slew him , and for his safeguard fled into scotland , where in continuance of time he gained so much reputation and favour , that he became steward of the whole revenue of that kingdome , of which office , he and his posterity retained the sirname , and from whence all the kings and nobles in that nation of that name had their originall ; here 's a goodly foundation . for his person , a man might sufficiently and truly make a volume , onely to tell of his lazinesse , and his uncleannesse ; but i cannot do it without fouling too much paper . he was a great pretender to learning and religion , and for the speculative part , had as much as any of our kings upon record ; but for the practical , and best part of it ( if we may judge of the tree by the fruit ) we may without breach of charity conclude him not guilty : he was the greatest blasphemer in the world ; sweare faster then speak , and curse the people by the clock : and it appeares by the whole course of his life , that he was a most malicious hater of this nation . that insolent act of ramsey's switching my lord of montgomery , at bansted-downs at a horse-race , was questionlesse a laid quarrel to have destroyed much of our english nobility ; and had it been practised upon any but that thin-soul'd lord , who was importun'd but to draw his sword , that had been a bloody day : what reserve the scots had was never known ; but such an affront is not to be construed without reservation . the king was naturally fearful , even as low as could be ; and what he would do , and durst not own , that he would do by his favourites , whom ( for the fitness of his designs ) he would raise from low degree , to oblige them the more , and to desert them with more ease , and shift them often til he had them sitted to his purpose . dunbar was too solid , hayes too light ; northampton too crafty , montgomery too silly , ( here 's two english , two scots , all deserted ) and now he hath found a young scot , that had been one of his pages in scotland , and turn'd off with fifty pounds in mony and cloaths , to seek his fortune ; having spent his time , and his means in france , comes over hither , and for his fashion and language , is entertained by his country man , then lord hayes , ( another scot of the like extract ) for a page , where the king takes notice of him , calls for him , and at the first dash makes him one of the bed-chamber , and suddenly his favourite , and knight sir robert , then viscount rochester , and after earl of somerset . this man the king had wound up to his just pitch , of whom we may justly say trim tram , like master , like man . when this man had long wallowed in his masters bounty , and the treasures of this kingdome , he fell the foullest that ever man did , upon the rocks of dishonor , adultery , and murder : of dishonour , to a noble peer of this land , and in him to the whole , nobility ; adultery , not only to bewhore her , but to get her divorced , and marry her ; and murder , upon the body of that unfortunate gentleman , sir thomas overbury , only for disswading him . and here it is much to our purpose , to insert how this favorites carriage had highly offended pr. henry , who understanding the loose kind of life this man lived , especially relating to her , distastes him , disrespects him , and forbears his company , and flatly fals out with him . somerset complaines to the king : shortly the prince falls sick and dies . that he was poysoned , hath been a common fame ever since : but to snuffe the candle , and make it burn cleare , take the testimony of these famous physitians , that dissected his body , and have left it upon record under their hands . the dissection of the body of prince henry . first , we found his liver paler then ordinary , in certain places somwhat wan ; his gall without any choller in it , and distended with winde . secondly , his spleen was in divers places more then ordinarily black . thirdly , his stomack was in no part offended . fourthly , his midriffe was in divers places black . fifthly , his lungs were very black , and in divers places spotted , and full of a thin watery blood . lastly , the veines in the hinder part of his head , were fuller then ordinary ; but the ventricles and hollownesse of the brain , were full of cleare water . in witnesse whereof , with our own hands we have subscribed this present relation , novemb. 7. 1612. mayern atkins hammond palmer . gifford . butler . this prince was an active man , and full of high thoughts ; a lover of this nation , and lookt upon by them with much affection and expectation . what feares & jealousies somerset might maliciously infuse into the kings too fearful and timorous soul , we cannot tell : but that language from somerset to the lieutenant of the tower , when he told him he must provide himself to go the next morning to westminster to his trial , said , he would not ; that the king had assured him , he should not come to any trial ; neither durst the king bring him to any trial . this language , i say , stinks abominably : and when he did come to his trial , fearing ( being enraged ) that he might flie out into some strange discovery , there were two men placed on each side of him with cloaks on their arms , with peremptory cōmand , that if sommerset did any way flie out against the king , they should instantly hoodwink him wth their cloaks , take him violently from the bar , and carry him away : and this could be no mans act but the kings . he would often boast of his king-craft ; but if his feares , and somersets malice took this princes life away , 't was a sweet peece of king-craft indeed , but the fruit of it hath been bitter . i cannot enough admire that language hee used , when he gave in charge to his judges the examination of sir thomas overburi●● murder : my lords , i charge you , as you will answer it at that great and terrible day of judgment , that you examine it strictly , without favour , affection , or partiality : and if you shall spare any guilty of this crime ; gods curse light upon you and your posterity ; and if i shall spare any that are found guilty , gods curse light on me and my posterity for ever . this expression hath a most honest out-side : but if the king had a designe of feare , rather to be so rid of somerset , then an inward desire of justice , 't was monstrous foule ; which we shall better judge of by the sequel . seven persons were by the judges condemned to die for this foule murder ; four of them of the least account , and accessaries , are executed ; the three great ones , and principals , the king pardons ; and to somerset himself , to his dying day , was most profusely liberal , and suffered to live with that fire-brand of hel his wife , under the kings nose , all the dayes of their lives . here 's fine jugling ! these must be saved , for fear of telling scotch tales of the king . would the spirits of those noble souls of these our dayes , put up such a piece of injustice in the master , and such an affront and contempt of this nation , both from the master and the man ( two scots ) without vengeance ? i believe not . and this favourite of his , when his estate was seised upon for this foul murder , was found to have two hundred thousand pounds in mony , plate and jewels , in his house ; and nineteen thousand pounds a year in lands comming in : a fine advance from a scots page ; fifty pounds , and a suit of cloaths : ( and can any man tel for what ? ) i never heard that all scotland was worth so much . but enough of him . this king had no wars ; but spent more mony prodigally , profusely , and riotously then any of his predecessors . what swarms of scots came with him , and after him , into this kingdome ? who perpetually suckt him of most vast sums of moneys , which stand yet upon record ; which put him upon all dishonourable wayes of raising monies , to the most cruell oppression of this nation , to serve their riot and luxury : but there are many yet living can justifie this truth : though they lived a while at such a height ; yet they died like themselves , contemptible , miserable beggers ; and at this day scarce one of them can shew the fruits of those vast donatives , either in themselves , or their posterity , that 's worth looking upon : and so let them all perish , whomsoever , scots or english , whose foundation is such . though , i see no reason but any estate may be now questioned , which is known to have been raised upon the oppression of this nation ; nor that any title of honour so bought should descend to posterity . a lord is to be a lord by merit of imployment in some noble office , for the publique good ; not by projecting tricks , and cozening devices to fill a tyrant's coffers , to the enslaving of a gallant free nation . but , &c. to return to king james . in those dayes 't is true , the bishops , nobility , and the lawyers , had a great influence upon the people for their abilities , and supposed honesties ; yet amongst these , such are found , and others are made such , that whatsoever the king would have , they are fit , and willing instruments to bring it about , and make it passe for currant divinity , and law . witnesse , the burning of a whole cart-load of parliament presidents , that spake the subjects liberty ; that were burnt at the kings first comming . witnesse the nullity . witnesse the life of sir walter rawleigh , that was taken away in point of state , whose least part was of more worth then the whole race of the best of the scots nation . witnes , the inhancing of customes . witnes , privy seals , monopolies , and loans , benevolences , sales of lands , woods , fines , new-buildings . witnes , the lamentable losse of the palatinate . witnes , the treaty of the spanish-match . in which two last , this nation received more dishonour , then in any action any former age can paralel , and all under the colour of an honourable treaty . his daughter was undone , and his son bob'd of a wife , after the hazard of his person , and vast expence of infinite treasure to this day undischarged . i could never understand what piece of king-craft it was , to let the prince his onely son , with buckingham his favourite , make that voyage into spain , unlesse it were to be rid of them both : and had he not had to do with a noble enemy , surely they had never returned . hee would sometimes call a parliament , for mony , not for busines : but if the kingdome presented any grievances , he would quarrel by his prerogative , and dissolve it . one letter of his to the parliament , i cannot read but with amazement : which being but briefe , take here from his own hand . a copy of his majesties letter to the lower-house of parliament . mr. speaker , we have heard by divers reports to our great grief that the far distance of our person at this time from our high cou●t of parliament , caused by our want of health , hath imboldened some fiery and popular spirits in our house of commons , to debate and argue publiquely in matters far beyond your reach and capacity , and so tending to our high dishonour , and trenching upon our prerogative royal : you shall therefore acquaint that house with our pleasure , that none therein shall from henceforth presume to meddle with any thing concerning our government , or mysteries of state ; namely , not to speak of our dearest sonnes match with the daughter of spain , nor to touch the honour of that king , nor any our friends or confederates ; and also not to medle with any mans particulars , which have their due motions in our ordinary courts of justice : and whereas we heare they have sent a messenger to sr. edwyn sands , to know the reason of his late restraint ▪ you shall in our name resolve them , that it was not for any misdemeanour of his in parliament : but to put them out of doubt of any question of that nature , that may arise among them hereafter , you shall resolve them in our name , that wee think our selves very free , and able to punish any mans misdemeanours in parliament , as well during their sitting , as afterwards ; which we mean not to spare hereafter , upon any occasion of any mans insolent behaviour there , that shall be ministred unto us . and if they have already touched any of these points which we have forbidden , in any petition of theirs , which is to be sent to us : it is our pleasure , that you shall tell them , that except they reform it before it come to our hands , we will not dain the hearing or answering of it . i leave every reader to comment upon it , according to his own patience and passion : but , that a scot , from so beggerly a condition , to be so peaceably and honorably received to so royal a government over so brave a nation , should use such ungratefull , presumptuous , and proud language to the parliament of england , is to my understanding monstrous , horrible , and not good . but 't was his humor all his reign ; with impatience over-ruling , with jealousies threatning , and at pleasure to dissolve all parliaments , thereby to lay that foundation of tyrannical and arbitrary government , which he intended to bring upon us . his favourite somerset being condemn'd , and quietly laid aside , he was ready provided of another , george villiers by name , a handsom young man , lately return'd out of france , from an allowance of threescore pounds a year : who comes to court , is admitted to a bearers place , presently knighted , and made gentleman of the bedchamber , and the same day a thousand pounds a yeare out of the court of wards given him ; and in a breath made master of the horse , then knight of the garter , then baron of whadon , viscount villiers , earl of somerset , and a privy-councellor , marquesse of buckingham , lord admiral of england , chief justice in eyre of all the parks and forrests on the south-side of trent , master of the kings-bench office , head — steward of westminster , and constable of windsor-castle , and lastly duke ; and then he could go no higher in title ; but by his masters pleasure and courtesie , all the affairs of the kingdome are steered by his compasse , as is at large made known in many mens writings published . yet when he knew his master ( notwithstanding his slabbering expressions of affection , and extravagant honours and riches ) to be weary of him , he found a plaister and a powder , that made him amends for all his favours ; and here the king-craft met with his match . how far king charles might be privy to this busines , i determine not ; but the private familiarity between them , continued so long after , and protecting him from being questioned for this very particular in parliament , is no small presumption . but what the king denied ( justice ) god sent by the hand of john felton , who stabb'd this duke at portsmouth , with a ten peny knife , that hee instantly gave up the ghost with these words , gods wounds , i am slain ! to write all those actions this duke did by these two kings favours , in prejudice of this oppressed nation , would make a cholerick man mad , and a flegmatick stupid : but let him go ; the king is the thing i intend , who made use of him , the flattering prelates , the poor-spirited nobility , and corrupt lawyers , to frame such a government , as all the wealth in this kingdome should be at the kings disposing . which course , with such instructions , he left to his son ; and how his son managed them , hath been so clearly published by supreme authority , fairely written by sowhite a hand , that i intend not here to say much of that prince : only this i can say ; he was a man so wilfull , obstinate , and uxorious , that he quite forsook his own interest as a king , and the honour and interest of this nation , thorough malice , and her counsel ; and did so farre incline to the interest of france against spaine , ( and no thankes for his labour ) that by his meanes alone rochel and dunkirk were both lost : but that , and his fathers instructions , lost him , with the losse of more blood and treasure to this nation , then all our wars had spent since the william the norman . it hath been to me the greatest wonder of the world , how this king could be so blind , as not to prevent that storm that came upon him , till it was too late . were all his counsellors false ? o unhappy king ! or would he be ruled by none but himselfe and his wife ? o more unhappy man ! ( surely in this was the hand of god most visible . ) mischief was in his heart against this nation ; but it came upon himself & all his , as the world hath seen . there was about the time of his death , a book published , which was presented to the world , as he the author : which was so gross an imposture , that i have much marvail'd ( the fraud being so plain , and easily detected ) that no course hath been taken to find him out , and punish'd , that made it : for that it was not his , is as plainly to be discerned , as the sun at noon . but that false perfume lasted but a while , & the scent was only pleasing to them that could not smell . so that i may say , that in our dayes we have seen two the most remarkable and most eminent passages of humane affaires , that this nation hath afforded since the creation : the entrance of king james into this kingdome , with as much pomp and glory as the world could afford : and the exit of his son , with as much shame and misery as could befall a king . and although god almighty be the judge of all men ; yet gods judgments that are so remarkable , are for our instructions , and god is to be glorified by us for these judgments of his upon this kings family . i cannot in the best stories i have read , find who was clearly king james his father . mary queen of scotland ( a lusty young widow ) marries the lord darly son to the d. of lenox , in the year 1565. or thereabouts : and at the same time , had for a reserve in great favor with her an italian fidler , and bothwel a scotch lord . after marriage , the queen proves with childe . the king her husband , that was lord darly , ( enraged by some informations ) comes into the roome where the queen his wife was at supper , and very big ; drags the italian fidler into another roome , and murders him . the queen was shortly delivered of a son , which was our king james . the solemnity of the christening ended , she and bothwel murdred the king her husband . then the queen marries bothwel , ( and all this in a moment of time ) but they are both fain to flie ; the queen came into england , and was here beheaded ; bothwel fled into denmark , and there lay in prison all the dayes of his life . and now ( reader ) observe the fortune of this prodigious family . his supposed father was strangled in his bed , by the consent of his mother , and flung out into a garden . his mother is beheaded . his eldest son pr. henry , by the jealousie , and consent of his father , in the flower of his youth and strength of his age , is poysoned . his daughter , married to the palsgrave ; where shortly her husband ( in ambition to becom a king ) is slain , and she with her many children are driven out of their estates , and flie for shelter into holland , where she hath lived ever since upon the courtesie of this state . her eldest son , having lived long upon a particular charity of this nation , is now at length restored to a feather of his goose . two other of her sons , after six yeares following arms and plunder for king charles , turn'd pyrates at sea , and so are at present . king james himself ( after two & twenty years reign , by the act of his favourite buckingham , and the consent of his son charles that succeeded him ) is poysoned . king charles , after eight years was with the parliament , is taken , arraigned and condemn'd , and is beheaded at his own dores ; his wife fled home to her friends , and his children scattered abroad in the world , to live upon the charity of others . are all these circumstances to be slighted , or unconsidered ? and shall we take the priests word ; king james was of blessed memory ? i challenge the proudest of them ; let them publish one cleare act of honesty from him all the time of his reign , or any honestman that ever he loved , & i 'le yield . his hypocrisie , perjury , cowardise , blasphemy , malice , are known to all ; and base ingratitude , which comprehends more then all the rest : whereof one example of him is well worth our remembring , to sir henry wo●●on , which briefly was thus : sir henry ( a man for person & parts highly esteemed , and honoured of all that knew him ) being in florence , when queen elizabeths death drew nigh , ( which king iames gaped for ) the duke of florence had intercepted some letters , which discovered a designe to take away the life of king james : the duke abhorring the fact , resolves to endeavour the prevention , calls for his secretary to advise by what meanes a caution might be best given to the king ; and it was resolved to be done by sir henry wotton , who ( being well instructed ) is presently dispatched into scotland with letters to the king , and most rare antidotes against all manner of poysons , whereby that mischief was prevented ; and sir henry wotton returns into italy , where shortly after came the news of the death of queen elizabeth , and james king of scots proclaimed king of england ; and away comes sir henry wotton , to joy the king . this had been a fit subject for to have shewn his noble minde upon for a favourite : but what doth the king ? takes him into two and twenty years travaile , like a pack horse , to make him an agent in forreign parts , and leaves him in his old age in eaton-colledge , unable to pay his debts , as many appear by his lamentable complaint upon his death-bed ; his words are these in his last-will and testament . i humbly beseech my lords grace of canterbury , and the lord bishop of london , to intercede with our most gracious soveraign , ( in the bowels of iesus christ ) that out of compassionate memory of my long services , some order may be taken for my arrears , for satisfaction of my debts . this president alone is so transcendently foul , as all his other actions and passions are vertues to it . fellowes of no merit , at home , must wallow in his bounty and their own luxury , to do his foul pleasure , and to execute his tyranical actions ; whilest such a noble soul as this , must suffer want , and die in it . and now lay all these things together , the lives of all our former kings , and the lamentable condition of this nation under these two last ; and tell me if it were not high time to consider of the honour , welfare and security of this nation , by reducing it to a free-state . but before i take my leave of these kings , i would willingly ( as a preparative to the cordial agreement of our free-state ) present some few considerations ; and herein i shall onely shew my hand , and my heart , wishing that some abler pen-man may more substantially publish something to this purpose , in better language , and more at large . first , how often wee have been made slaves to forreign powers , by not agreeing among our selvs . our kings having other dominions beyond seas , have consum'd our blood and treasure , to defend , maintain , or increase them at their pleasures : and their frequent matching into strangers blood , hath increased new titles , and pretences of quarrels , that have afforded matter for bitter warres , both abroad and at home . all which are now laid asleep . next is worth our serious consideration , how god almighty in his providence hath divided us from all the world by a wall of water , and hath brought us into a condition this day , by shipping , trade , and able sea-men and merchants , that no prince in christendome can shew the like for number and abilitie : so that now we have no complements for matches , nor busines with foraign princes but for trade . and here let me use the words of sir walter raleigh , in his discourse of shipping : whosoever commands the sea , commands the trade : whosoever commands the trade of the world , commands the riches of the world , and consequently the world it self . a faire invitation to cherish shipping , sea-men , and merchants . and if hereafter we fall into difference with any forreign prince , we fight for our selves , not for ill-grounded titles , nor to satisfie the ambition of particular , nor to maintain the luxury of any spurious issue . there are but two things ( which i mentioned in the introduction ) can obstruct us ( as i hope ) ireland , and envious presbytery : the royalist , i presume , will heare reason ; and scotland , i suppose , will shortly be reduced to an english province , and kept so by force ; for jocky is not to be trusted ; he is naturally so false , and hath been so high-fed since their scotch king came to this crowne , that his owne country — fare will not down , till they be humbled , ( which , god be thanked , is in a faire way . ) yet if there be any of that nation sensible of their owne security and welfare under our wing , ( which i much feare ) that shall comply in this union , i shall pray to god to make them good christians . and if any forreigne prince whatsoever , shall hereafter ( through ambition , or envy to our state , or pretence of donation from the pope ) assist or maintain , a faction either in scotland or ireland , ( as heretofore ) to hinder , prejudice , or molest our right or interest in these , or either of these places ; i see no reason why we should treat with them as friends . but i am now beside my cushion : my end is only to prepare and perswade a hearty agreement amongst our selves , to the secure setling of our free-state . so farewell scot , and farewell king ; and god blesse the common-wealth of england . finis . published by authority . courteous reader , these books following are printed and sold by william roybould , at his shop at the unicorn in s. pauls church-yard , neer the little north-door . the ( holy-arbor , containing a body of divinity , or the summe and substance of christian religion : first , methodically and plainly treated , of then analysed and applied : wherein also are fully resolved the questions of whatsoever points of moment , have been , or are now controverted in divinity : together with a large alphabetical table of such matters as are therein contained , or occasionally handled either by way of exposition , controversie , or reconciliation . in folio , by john godolphin , j. c. d. 1651. christ alone exalted . in seventeen sermons , preached by dr. tobias crisp . in 8o . 1650. the history of the bohemian persecution , from the beginning of their conversion to christianity , to these times . in which the unheard of secrets of councels , policie , arts , and dreadful judgments are exhibited . in 8o . 1650. the assertion of grace , or a treatise of justification , by r. town . the ladies vindication , or the praise of worthy women . in 12o . 1651. a further discovery of the mysterie of the last times : set forth for the good of such , as in these dissenting times know not to what society of christians to joyn themselves . in 4o . 1651. a sermon preached by dr. homes , octob. 8. 1650. at christ-church , before the lord major and aldermen . the mischiefe of mixt-communions , by dr. homes . 4o the life and reigne of king charles , or the pseudo-martyr discovered : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between his publike declarations , protestations , imprecations , and his pourtraicture , compared with his private letters and other of his expresses , not hitherto taken into common observation . in 8o . 1651. the antiquity of commonwealths , instanced by that of holland , wherein is declared the rise & continuance of that government , as also their lawes and customes both in their civil & military power . in 8o . 1652. a sermon preached at mary-aldermanbury , novemb. 5. 1651. by m. william jenkins , being the first he preached after his releasement . church-cases cleared : wherein are held forth some things to reclaim professors is that are slack-principled , antichurchians , nonchurch-seekers , church-levellers : with a pacificatory preface , &c. by d. n. homes . the interests of the several princes and states of europe consider'd, with respect to the succession of the crown of spain, and the titles of the several pretenders thereto examin'd defoe, daniel, 1661?-1731. 1698 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37429 wing d836 estc r4999 12137958 ocm 12137958 54807 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37429) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54807) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 91:12) the interests of the several princes and states of europe consider'd, with respect to the succession of the crown of spain, and the titles of the several pretenders thereto examin'd defoe, daniel, 1661?-1731. [4], 32 p. [s.n.], london : 1698. attributed to daniel defoe. cf. wing. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -succession. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the interests of the several princes and states of europe , with respect to the succession of the crown of spain . the interests of the several princes and states of europe consider'd , with respect to the succession of the crown of spain . and the titles of the several pretenders thereto , examin'd . london : printed in the year m dc xc viii . the interests of the several princes of europe , with respect to the succession of the crown of spain , &c. the present indisposition of the king of spain , seems to put a great part of europe into a consternation : the apprehension the most judicious persons have of a breach in the short tranquility this part of the world has enjoy'd , makes the concern be very just : for they who know how ill we are able to enter upon a second war , and what deep incisions the last has made into the soundest members of the confederacy , have good reason to be very chary of the present peace . 't is true , our adversaries have felt the effects of the war , as well as we ; and 't is reasonable to suppose , have as little need of another , as they had real need of the peace . but what we know of that is but suppos'd ; what we feel , we are sensible and sure of . besides , the case here would exceedingly differ ; for the kingdom of spain , which perhaps were it rightly managed , is the richest as well as the largest government in the world , is a thing so valuable , that 't is presum'd there is no monarch in christendom , were he in the king of france's stead , but would push for it at the extremest hazard . and the present king of france has never given the world any reason to expect he will omit the addition of such a trophy to his glory , especially when he has so high pretensions to the claim . in this case it seems very proper to enquire a little into the present prospect of affairs , as they respect the several interests of the princes of europe , and what probable effects the decease of his catholick majesty may have , as to peace , war , and trade ; that from thence we may judge what we ought to expect from such an event . to come at a full understanding of the case in hand , 't is necessary to take a short view of the succession of the royal family of spain , and enquire who has the fairest claim , in case of the demise of the present king. the house of austria have had an undoubted possession of the crown of spain ; and charles the fifth being chosen emperor of germany , enjoy'd a sovereignty of the largest extent , perhaps that ever any one prince in the world had under his government : for he had at once the empire of germany , the kingdoms of hungary and bohemia , of spain , naples , and sicily ; all the present united provinces under the states of holland ; all flanders , with the countries of luxemburgh , franche comte , and burgundy ; the dukedom of milan , the islands of sardinia , corsica , majorca and minorca , with a boundless empire in mexico and peru ; besides a multitude of petty sovereignties , dukedoms , and principalities . all this vast dominion , the empire of germany and its dependancies excepted , descended to his son philip ; who added to it the kingdoms of england and ireland , by his marriage with queen mary ; but that unhappy match neither raising him any children , nor keeping him in any long possession of this crown , he lost it by her death ; and in the next reign , lost the low-countries also , and by that long war so impoverish'd his own kingdom , that it never recovered it to this hour . after his decease , he left his kingdoms to his son philip , and he to philip the fourth , father of the present charles the second , who has yet no children . philip the fourth left one son and two daughters ; the eldest daughter , maria teresia , was married to the present french king , and was mother to the present dauphin of france ; and in case of the death of the present king of spain , the dauphin of france is heir apparent to the crown of spain , and to all its dominions ; and , one clause excepted , has an unquestion'd title to the succession of the said kingdoms . but in answer to the succession of the dauphin , 't is objected , that at the marriage of lewis the fourteenth of france , with maria teresia of spain aforesaid , his most christian majesty , with all the princes of the blood , did by a writing under their hands and seals , ratified and exchang'd on the borders , and firm'd by their solemn oath at fonterabia , in the year 1659 , renounce and relinquish all right or title , claim and pretensions for himself or his successors , which they or any of them had or should have , by reason of any alliance from the said marriage . the spanish ministers of state who foresaw the possibility of a claim upon the crown of spain from the children of that match , took all the care imaginable to bind his most christian majesty from so much as a pretension to it , and to that end made the words of that oath as full , and the ceremony of making and exchanging it , as solemn and as publick as possible . how far his most christian majesty will think himself bound by such an oath , time must determine . i know 't is argued , that the dauphin and his sons can be no way obliged by an oath made by their father or grandfather before they were born ; and that the father could only relinquish for himself , but not for them , on whom the right of succession devolv'd long after the oath of their father : that the inheritance was a natural right to them , which their predecessors had no power to dispense with ; and therefore they are no way concern'd in the oath of renunciation , but ought to succeed , as if no such oath had been taken . though much might be said on this point , it being not the design of this paper , i shall only note this ; that whether the oath by which his most christian majesty renounced the said succession be binding to the dauphin and his sons or no ; this is certain , that it is effectually binding to the king himself , if there be any such thing as a binding force in the obligation of the most solemn and sacred oaths in the world. now if the obligation be so sacred as to the most christian king himself , 't is most certain the dauphin or his sons will never be kings of spain , if the said most christian king be so just to his obligation as not to aid and assist them in pushing at the succession . the emperor of germany , who is the next branch of the house of austria , is heir to the crown of spain in case the title of the said maria teresia be laid aside , being the immediate line of ferdinand , son to charles the v th , king of spain ; and not only so , but his issue has a claim by virtue of his marriage with margaret teresia , the second daughter of philip the iv th , by whom he had one daughter , who was married to the present duke of bavaria . it may not be amiss to answer here a question which seems very naturally to be drawn from the premises , viz. why should the spaniards make provision to bar the claim of the french by the issue of a daughter , and not the claim of the emperor whose right is also by the issue of a daughter . this is expresly answered by the preamble to that treaty in these words : estant les deux couronnes si grandes et si puissantes qu' elles ne puissent estre reunies en une seule et a fin que dez a present on previenne les occasions d'une pareille jonction , &c. donques attendues les susdites justes raisons et notamment de l'egalité qui se doit conserver leurs majestez accordent et arrestent par contract et pacte conventionnel entre elles qui aura lieu force et vigueur de la loy ferme et stable a tout jamais qui la serenissime infante d'espagne ni ses enfans et leur descendants en quel degrè ils se puissent trover voir a tout jamais ne puissent succeder es royaumes estats seigneuries et domination , &c. qui appartiennent et appartiendront a sa majesté catholique tant dedans que dehors le royaums d'espagne non obstant toutes loix ou coutumes &c. aux quelles leurs majestez derogent , &c. in english thus : the two crowns being so great and so puissant that they cannot be united into one kingdom , and that to the end that from this present all occasion of such a conjunction may be avoided , therefore upon due consideration had of the aforesaid reasons , especially that of equality , which ought to be preserved ; it is accorded between both their majesties , and by mutual covenant and contract ordained , which shall continue in the full force and vigor of a law for ever , that the most serene infanta of spain , her children , nor descendants , in what degree soever , shall never succeed in the kingdoms , signiories , or dominions , which do or shall belong to his catholick majesty , as well within as without the kingdom of spain ; notwithstanding any law or custom , which hereby their majesties do abolish . 't is plain from this branch of the contract , that a union between spain and france has been accounted by both nations an improper , if not an impracticable thing . a union with germany has been known , and is coherent enough ; but the nature and interest of the two crowns of spain and france seem to have some particular circumstances which would make a union fatal to them both ; and therefore don lewis de haro , the great minister of state for the spaniards , insisted on this article with a great deal of zeal . i confess it seems to me that don lewis de haro , the spanish minister , acted very different from the character he had in other his publick management of the affairs of spain ; for he who past for one of the greatest masters in politicks of his age , and was the only man in all the spanish court , who was thought to be a match for cardinal mazarin in the famous peace of the pyrennes , was sure very ill read in the maxims of princes , to think that a treaty of renunciation would ever be esteem'd of force enough to limit the ambition of future times , and to oblige princes who were not then born . the spaniards were never taken for a credulous nation , and how they should come to be drawn into such a folly , seems very unaccountable . no doubt cardinal mazarine , who discover'd well enough the event , suffered the spanish plenipotentiaries to go on at their own rate , and to call in the help of all the civilians in the two kingdoms , to make an instrument of renunciation , knowing well enough that titles to crowns are generally disputed by the sword , not by deeds and instruments ; and that the succession to the crown of spain , if ever it fell by the demise of the incumbents to the heirs of that marriage , would receive very little obstruction from so weak a defence as the paper of a renunciation ; for we find contracts and writings of that nature , have very little effect against a title to a crown backt with an army of 50000 men . the spanish ministers acted the parts of men of honour indeed , but not at all of politicians . why also that refin'd politician should marry the eldest daughter , where the succession should require so strict a bar , remains undetermined ; had he given the infanta to the emperor , and the younger daughter to the king of france , the debate had been prevented ; but possibly other reasons might govern him , which we cannot judge of at this distance of time ; and the infanta being married to the most christian king six years before the younger daughter was married to the emperor , that match might be made before a marriage with the emperor was in view . upon the whole , it appears by this short view of the succession of the crown of spain , that the two daughters of philip the fourth , are the immediate heirs of charles the second , the present king , in case he dies without issue ; the eldest , who marri'd the king of france , has renounced her claim for her self and her posterity ; and the next right must devolve upon the second , whose title descends to the elector of bavaria . i am also to observe that the pretence , of the children of the king of france , not being bound by the oath of their father , and therefore their succession being clear , seems fully answered thus . the renunciation was not so much a personal deed of the present king of france and the infanta of spain , as it was a mutual compact between both kingdoms pass'd by a treaty of peace , and became a law of each country , made so by a publick instrument sign'd by the nobility on each side , and agreed by a general consent of the plenipotentiaries of both parties , in the xxxiii d article of the pyrenean treaty , in these words : and to the end this peace and union , confederation and good correspondence , might , as it is desired , be so much the more firm , lasting , and indissolvible , both the said principal ministers , the cardinal duke , and the marquis earl duke , by virtue of the special power they have had for that end of the two lords and kings , have concluded and agreed in their names , the marriage of the most christian king with the serenis . infanta the lady maria teresia , eldest daughter to the catholick king , and the same day bearing the date of these presents , have made and subscrib'd a particular treaty , whereunto they refer themselves touching the mutual conditions of the said marriage , and the time of its celebration ; which treaty by it self , and capitulation of marriage , are of the same force and vigor with the present treaty of peace , as being the chiefest part thereof , and the most worthy as well as the greatest and most precious earnest of the surety of its duration . this makes it appear that the treaty of marriage was really a part of the treaty of peace , and so became a publick stipulation between the two kingdoms , and an act of the generality ; so that not the king and queen of france only personally , but the very kingdom of france did solemnly concern it self in the renunciation of an union of the crown of spain , as a thing not fit to be done , for the reasons expresly set down in the preamble quoted before . france having thus renounced the crown , and all claim to the kingdoms and dominions of spain , the second daughter comes in with her claim ; and maria teresia stands with respect to spain , as if she had dyed without issue . the second daughter of philip the fourth , was margaret teresia , married to leopold the sixth , present emperor of germany , by whom he had three sons and one daughter ; which daughter , the sons all dying young , was married to the present duke elector of bavaria , and died in 1691 , leaving him one son , to whom the crown of spain descends by a plain and direct title , founded on the renunciation agreed on by the pyrenean treaty . if the son of this princess dies without issue , the german line of the house of austria succeeds , deriv'd from ferdinand brother to charles the fifth , son of philip the first , king of spain , who left three sons , maximilian , ferdinand , and charles . maximilian succeeded his father in the empire , and left it to rodulph the second , his son ; and he dying a batchelor , matthias his second son succeeded in the empire ; and he also dying without children , ferdinand the second son of ferdinand the first , was chosen emperor , who had several children , but all died without issue ; so the family was preserv'd in charles the third son of ferdinand the first , who among fifteen children had one son , ferdinand the third of the family , but as emperor was known by the name of ferdinand the second , who was father to the emperor ferdinand the third , and he to the present emperor leopold the sixth of the family , but the first emperor of the name , whose eldest son joseph is king of hungary , and king of the romans ; whose right to the crown of spain is clear and unquestion'd , still founded upon the former renunciation . the duke of savoy has also some pretension to the crown of spain , as he is great grandson of charles emanuel , duke of savoy , by katherine , daughter to philip the second . the titles being thus discuss'd , we come to examine how the several interests of the princes of europe stand , with respect to the succession , in case his catholick majesty should dye . to begin with the princes of italy ; and first with savoy : the dukes of savoy have always upheld their fortunes by the antipathies of the powerful princes by whom they are environ'd , the emperor , spain , and france ; either of them singly have had both power and will to crush the savoyard , but neither enduring to let the other seize him , he has ever had a protector of ' the one , when he has had an invader of the other . t is true , this has often made his country the seat of the war , and his very capital city turin has been alternately garison'd by french , spaniards , and germans . the present duke is entirely in the french interests and in a fair way to leave his dominions in the french possession , having married his daughter to the hopes and fortune of france : but if he has yet any sons , it cannot be his interest to have the dutchy of milan fall into the hands of the french , who will then perfectly environ him in their own territories : princes may take this of that party , with respect to wars foreign to their own dominions ; but in their own particular cases they are always governed by their interests . if the duke of savoy has any regard to the succession of his own family he cannot but know that if the kingdom of spain falls into the hands of the french , the milanese does so also ; and he and his successors are as absolutely in the power and at the dispose of the king of france , as any governor of a province in his own countrey ; and the powerful assistance of the spaniard is for ever sunk as to him ; so that it cannot consist with the safety of the duke of savoy to have the french possess spain . 't is true , the emperor may assist him , but the grisons must be ask'd leave to admit succours through their countrey ; which though they do generally grant , yet such an aid is remote , and the motions of the germans very slow : so that indeed to have the french possess'd of spain , is to put the dukes of savoy under an absolute dependance on the power and will of the kings of france . the dukes of mantua , parma , and modena , with the republick of genoa , will be in little better condition ; for the countries of savoy , piedmont , and milan , have always been a frontier to them , to defend them from the insults of the french ; as may very well appear by the care they took this last war , to get rid of the french garison in casal . in the south and east parts of italy , the case will be little better ; for with the crown of spain the kingdoms of naples , sicily , and sardinia , become likewise french ; the first of which admits them into the heart of italy , where they may shake hands with the venetians on one side the great duke of tuscany on the other , and the ecclesiastical territories on 〈◊〉 other ; and the last gives him an entire dominion over the whole trade of the west part of the mediterranean sea. in a word , the spanish dominions in italy falling into the hands of the french , would so involve the whole country , that it would lie wholly at his mercy , and depend entirely upon his favour ; and whoever gives himself leave to consult the histories of the wars in italy , the many attempts made by the kings of france to get but a footing in that delicious country , may with ease conclude what use they would make of so advantageous a seisure as this . francis the first , was the most eager competitor with the emperor charles the fifth , for the dominion of italy ; and the princes of lombardy owe their present establishment and tranquility to the success of the emperor's forces in that great battel of pavia ; for had king francis gain'd that battel , 't is more than probable he had united all the north of italy to his crown ; and this very humour of king francis , who was a warlike and an ambitious prince , was the very reason why he was not elected emperor in the stead of charles the fifth , lest he should either slight or attempt the subduing of the petty-states of the empire ; though they mended not the matter , the very same design being afterwards formed by charles the fifth , whom they elected at that time . and thus 't is in italy now the petty princes of italy are neither willing nor able to injure france , and are very well satisfied with being screen'd behind the milanese by the spaniard and savoyard from an irruption from france . france has several times been master of a great part of italy . pepin , and charlemaign , having conquer'd the longobards , gave all the ecclesiastical-territory in italy to the chair ; and since that , italy has been often changing masters , and the popes have as often been harass'd , one while by the emperor of germany , and other while by the french and spanish power ; and to prevent the like for the future , the constant maxim of the ecclesiastical councils , has been to keep a due balance between those three powers , that neither of them may be too powerful for one another , and then he is sure the peace of italy shall not be disturb'd . in this case the ingenious puffendorff in his introduction to the history of europe , gives his opinion thus : i am apt to believe , says he , the popes would be glad the spaniards were driven out of italy , especially out of the kingdom of naples ; but it is scarce to be supposed he should be able to do it in his own strength ; and to make use of the french would be to fall out of the frying-pan into the fire ; therefore all the pope can do is to take care that spain may not encroach upon others in italy ; and there is no question but if the spaniards should attempt any such thing , france and all the other italian states would be ready to oppose their design ; neither can it be pleasing to the pope , if the king of france should get so much footing in italy , as to be able to sway matters there according to his pleasure , which the pope ought to prevent with all his might . if this be true , what then can the pope or any of the italian princes expect , if the spaniards and french should be united , and encroach upon them in one body , they would effectually drive them all out of italy whenever they pleased ? all the refuge they could have , would be the empire , which how able it would be to cope with france , in such a case , time only can determine . to me it seems more than probable , that a union of the kingdoms of france and spain would be an entire reduction of whole italy under the same power ; for there is not that part of italy which the monarch of that union would not really have some dormant pretension to , either as king of spain , or king of france , or king of naples , or duke of milan , except the territories of the republick of venice , and some of them would not be entirely free neither . the next country which is most nearly concern'd against this union , and in most danger from it , is the kingdom of portugal . as the spaniard is now a poor and effeminated nation , portugal is secured by its own strength . in the time that the power of spain was formidable to europe , philip the second no sooner invaded portugal , than he subdued it ; for there is no comparison between the forces of the two kingdoms ; and had not the spanish power been broken by other fatal losses against england and the low-countries , i suppose 't would not be improper to say portugal had remain'd a province of spain to this day . in th year 1640 ; while philip the fourth was involv'd in several troubles , as in particular the revolt of the catalonians the portuguese shook off the spanish government , and set up john duke of braganza ; and yet even this revolt had not been able to have been made good , had not the french privately assisted them under the command of duke scomberg , by whose conduct they won the famous victory of villa vitiosa ; and yet after this , had not the diversion the french made in the netherlands , made the spaniards willing to clap up a peace with portugal on any terms , the portuguese could not have held out . the sum of all is this , that portugal is not able to support it self against spain without a foreign assistance . now if spain and france unites under one power , whenever that power pleases to demand the crown of portugal , it must and will be surrendred to it . wherefore 't is the interest of portugal by all possible means to prevent this union ; what those means are , i refer to its proper head. the swiss , the grisons , and the city of geneva , are the next concern'd in this affair : i know some are apt to say , that the greatest loss the swiss are like to have on this occasion , will be want of employment , which they have always found in the wars between france and spain ; but , perhaps , it might be answered by saying , they may chance to find employment enough in defending their own countrey ; for it is not to be questioned but the king of france , who would then be lord of all the countries southward of the grisons and swiss , would be very fond of making that warlike people his subjects , both for the advantage of having a power to force them into his armies , and also of stopping the passage of the germans that way into italye , and indeed the impossibility that seems to lie on the swissers of maintaining their neutrality , makes it almost natural to believe the new monarch will attempt all feasible methods to bring them over to him , if it be only to anticipate the germans and prevent their being parties with the emperor . 't is true the swiss are a fighting people and not easily conquered , and a poor people not worth conquering ; there is nothing to be had from them but blows and barren mountains ; but yet the reasons abovesaid would , in case of such a union as we speak of , make it absolutely necessary to the french to make themselves masters of them , cost what it would . 't is confess'd some of the most powerful princes of europe have attempted the swiss in vain ; as leopold archduke of austria , whom they defeated and kill'd at the battel of sempach , anno 1444. and charles duke of burgundy at the battel of granson was routed by the switzers , though he was a gallant soldier , and had in his army an 100000 men ; and it would be a very difficult thing for the strongest power of europe to make a conquest of them by force ; but the present king of france has found other ways to conquer , besides downright fighting , and the swiss who are a needy people , may , perhaps , be as easily divided as another nation , by the help of money especially , their government being composed of two different religions ; and each party very positive and zealous in their own . if therefore the french and spanish monarchies should unite , the swiss may find it very difficult to maintain their confederacy , either from the force or the subtilty of their great neighbour : for in case of such a union , the monarch of that empire will presently see , that to get the swiss cantons under his power , will be the first and most necessary work to employ his politicks ; for it would be the only way to secure himself from any disturbance in his entire reduction of italy . so that it must be of the last consequence to the swiss cantons , to prevent such a mighty union in europe , which seems to bring with it a necessity of involving them in a war with the most invincible power of two united monarchies ; in which war they must of necessity at last submit or be conquer'd ; for a victory obtain'd by them , could have no other tendency , than to make their terms of accord the easier ; which they must always be bound to preserve at the price of a war , whenever their potent neighbour please to impose upon them . as to trade indeed , the swiss are not much concern'd , because they trade little but among themselves , nor have no sea-port for foreign trade , nor any manufactures to export . the empire of germany is the next to be consider'd : the conjunction of france and spain seems to threaten germany with a fatal and a bloody war ; the frontiers of france and spain united , extend in length , fronting the limits of the empire , for a contiguous range of near a thousand miles , if the swiss grisons and the north-east part of italy are included , as they are of necessity to be . 't is true , the emperor of germany is not under an absolute necessity of quarrelling with this supposed empire ; but the circumstances of italy , which has so many fiefs and dependancies on the empire in it , are such , that it seems impossible , speaking of common politicks , that the french should possess the spanish dominions in italy , and not commence a war with the emperor of germany ; for the italian princes cannot subsist in italy , without being incroach'd upon in such a case ; and the only prince they can have recourse to for protection , is the emperor : possibly it may be the truest interest of the emperor to lye still at this time , and rather prosecute his wars against the turks with his utmost vigor , by which he gains an extraordinary glory as well as revenue ; and that being once happily finished , he may be the better able to cope with such an united power : for as he is now engaged in his wars in hungary , it must be own'd that the empire of germany would be in very great danger , and a very unequal match to the french upon the rhine . it is without question the present interest of the emperor to preserve his peace , because the towns which are to be restored by the present peace are not yet quitted by the french ; but that once done , the emperor might with the greater advantage preserve the peace of the empire , and transfer the war into italy , where the germans always fight cheapest , and the french dearest . the emperor's interest in this affair lies distinguish'd with respect to the several parts of the empire . the states of the lower saxony , whose troops , together with the swabian and franconian circles , compose the forces on the rhine , are maintain'd by quota's at the charge of the several princes of the empire , and the same princes are an inexhaustible magazine of men and money , and perhaps well united are invincible as to the french. in italy the germans can maintain the war three parts in five cheaper than the french , because the feudatories of the empire bear their proportion : but if the french by this conjunction unite also the italian princes , the heat of the war between the emperor and the french is most probable to lye on the frontiers of bavaria , or the lower parts of austria and bohemia , the emperor 's hereditary dominion , which indeed is the tenderest place the emperor can be touch'd in . 't is true , that germany united is a most formidable empire ; but the present condition of the empire , very much weakned by this last war , and involved in a vigorous war against the turks , is such as renders it in but an ill condition to engage in so bloody and expensive a war as this would be . 't is therefore the interest of the empire with all its might , by way of prevention , to secure the crown of spain ; that by such an addition the french greatness might be curb'd and restrain'd , and the french anticipated in all their vast and ambitious designs upon italy . the king of poland seems to be the only prince that will be easy at this union , and that only as it serves his present purpose , by diverting the french from disturbing him in the peaceable possession of his new-gotten kingdom . the disorders of his government seem to grow upon him , and the party of the prince of conti , or the cardinal primate rather , are only upheld by their expectation of succors from france , in order to dispossess the present king : now this union of france with spain , may be beneficial to the king of poland , only as it may divert the court of france from raising and encouraging rebellions and disorders in his affairs , before he is well settled in his new-gotten dominions : and yet the king of poland will not approve of this conjunction , as a friend to the french interest , nor any way , but as he would be glad of any circumstance that would divert the french from giving him disturbance in the particular settlement which he has before him . the dutch are the next state most concern'd in such a conjunction ; were it not for flanders the dutch would have no manner of concern upon them , but what respected trade only ; of which by it self . but as they now stand with respect to the several provinces of the spanish netherlands , to have those large and populous countries fall into the hands of the french , would be of the most fatal consequence to their affairs of any other event that could possibly befal them . their territory is entirely encompass'd with the flemings , legois , and germans , and that subtle government have at all times taken special care to keep off the neighbourhood of the french , and have ever so ordered the matter , that they have had some or other strong town of the spaniards to stand between them and danger ; what they are to expect from the neighbourhood of the french , they have room enough to judge from their own sad experience in 1672 , when the french broke into the bowels of their country , and like a torrent bore down all before them ; if then the spanish low-countries fall into the hands of the french , as by such a union they would immediately do , the dutch would be even besieged by the french power from the mouth of the scheld to the rhine , and have no frontier but their own towns ; and on the least breach between them and the french , their own fruitful countries which they have hitherto been so chary of , would become the seat of the war , and be impoverisht and over-run with the numerous armies of franc. in a word ; it does not seem very probable that the dutch can maintain their commonwealth , but will fall a certain prey at some time or other , to the overgrown greatness of the french monarchy ; for they have but two ways of supporting themselves , by war or peace ; the first must be precarious , and at the absolute will of the french ; and the last will be destructive to them . there is a vast difference between the charge of a war maintain'd abroad , and the desolations of a war brought home to our own doors . while the dutch maintain'd their army , and sent them into flanders to fight ; the war , though it was long and very bloody , yet was easy to them ; but to have the french army in the bowels of their country , leaves nothing but ruin and desolation behind ; witness the rage of the french armies at swamerdam in the years 1672 , and 1673. the dutch by their hired troops are a very powerful state ; but are on the other hand the worst of any nation in the world to entertain a war in their own dominion , because they are so exceedingly dependant upon the openness and freedom of trade , which if it be once obstructed , as to be sure it must be by such a kind of a war , they are presently impoverisht . the uniting the spanish netherlands to france by this succession , would leave holland in a manner quite naked of all its defence , and exposed to the will of the french ; for if flanders be lost , all the blood and treasure spent by the whole confederacy in three long and chargeable wars , for the rescuing flanders out of the french hands , would be lost , and all the labour of the king of england and his armies would be utterly lost . the dutch are certainly exposed to the last degree , and in so much danger of being absolutely subdued in such a case , that i think they are concern'd in the highest degree , to prevent , if possible , such an union as that , which would to them be the most fatal thing in the world. we come in the next place to examine how england stands with respect to such an union ; england is not one jot less concern'd in the matter than holland ; the king of england , whose hazards in flanders may seem needless to those who understood no better , has given sufficient . testimony of his opinion how much the safety of england depends upon maintaining the frontier of flanders as a barrier for the kingdom against the insults of the french nation : and indeed , if nothing but the prodigious increase of the naval strength , which france would attain by such an union , were considered , it would be sufficient to make all the northern parts of europe join their interest against it . i noted in the article about the dutch , the naked condition they would be in with respect to a war by land ; but should the french once make themselves masters of flanders , and of some of the dutch ports and harbours in the scheld , or the maez , the addition of their naval strength would make them too great a match for all europe at sea. the present conjunction of the english and dutch fleets have not without great difficulty preserved the command of the sea during this war ; the advantages gain'd by it are visible to the meanest understanding ; and i question whether it would be possible to maintain that command in case of such a union . the present growing greatness of the french genius infus'd by vigorous councils into the spaniards , may once again make them , as they formerly were , the most powerful nation in the world , both at land and sea ; if then the french and spaniard united , should make themselves in proportion too strong at sea for the english and dutch , they may bid very fair for a universal empire over this part of the world. our interests in the west-indian colonies of america , come next into consideration . 't is absolutely necessary for the security of our plantations , whose extent is exceeding great , that no union be made between the french and spanish dominions ; otherwise the whole trade from these parts of the world , to both east and west indies , may lie at the mercy of the french : for england and holland being nations subsisting and depending wholly upon trade and foreign negoce , any union in the world , which shall be too strong for them at sea , may in the end reduce both those nations to what terms and what subjection they please . and this leads us to the other great consideration of this union , as it respects the interest of trade in the world. the interest of trade is the interest of nations : peace is the end of war , or at least ought to be so : trade is the end of peace , and gain is the end of trade . the trade of europe is principally in the hands of the english , dutch , and spaniards ; from the two former to the latter , in manufactures of their own growth and operation . the spaniards , who are a nation that make the best return in trade of any nation in the world , namely , bullion , may be said to suffer us to trade with them , rather than they to trade with us : they are a subtle , but a very slothful nation ; they buy almost all their necessary things of foreigners , they have in a manner no manufacture among them , they hardly make their own cloaths ; and in return , the growth of their countrey , as wines , oyls , and fruits , are brought back , and the overplus made up by exchange , supplied by the bullion of their west-indies . as a further demonstration of the ill husbandry of the spaniards in trade , it appears that all the trade carried on with them by the english and dutch , is carried on upon our own stocks ; and some have ventured to say , that the english effects in spain do not amount to less than 50 millions sterl . ; which way of trade has always been the greatest ligament of the peace between the english and dutch , and the spaniard : for on the first occasion of a rupture with these countries , the immediate course the spaniard takes , is to seize upon all the english or dutch merchants , and confiscate their effects , which are always so considerable , as that those nations have no equivalent to lay hold on by way of reprisal . 't is true , they have taken their plate-ships , and sometimes plunder'd the coast-towns in the spanish west-indies , which at best would be but a small amends , to the seizure of the effects of so many merchants . nay , they are not only so ill merchants as to suffer strangers to engross their trade , but even those strangers , as if the spaniards were neither able to manage , nor fit to be trusted with business , employ all agents , factors , and servants of their own , sent over and resident among them , with the same methods : as they plant amongst the most barbarous nations of africa ; and by this method the trade of spain is so managed , that whatever it be to the spaniards themselves , 't is certainly a trade exceeding gainful to the merchants of these countries in particular . 1. as it occasions the consumption of their manufactures , and from thence the improvement of their stocks at home ; by which the whole countries are enrich'd , and the poor employ'd and supported . 2. as it makes a return of bullion , which is the greatest advantage that can accrue to trade ; for manufactures exported , and bullion return'd , make always an account of profit to the publick stock of a nation . 3. an increase of navigation , and encouragement to seamen ; the spaniards not only trading with us all in our own vessels , but employing our ships in their own affairs from port to port , in italy especially . in case of a union with france , 't is very probable the channel of trade to spain may be entirely alter'd : the french are a busy trading nation themselves , and are very apt to vye with the english and dutch in their manufactures : and to go no further , when 't is in their power to admit their own merchants to import their manufactures custom-free , while we shall pay 23 per cent. 't is easy to see that our trade thither must dye . i know it will be objected here , that the chief export of english manufactures is to cadiz , for the trade by the galeons to new spain , &c. ; and that if the french should by their conjunction any way discourage that trade , it is but our opening a correspondence from jamaica to their west-indies , and we should be as great gainers , and the trade from spain by the galeons , be very much impair'd . by the treaty of commerce between the two nations , it is stipulated in particular , that the king of england shall not permit any of his subjects to trade , correspond , or sail to or with any of the subjects of his catholick majesty in the west-indies : the reason was , that the trade from hence to spain being so considerable by the way of cadiz , and the return so good , keeping it in that channel , would be the only way to maintain that beneficial negoce to advantage : whereas supplying the indies directly from england , would be very prejudicial to the particular trade of spain it self , the navigation from cadiz to the havana , and in general to the whole trade . now the most effectual method of prohibiting this trade , has appear'd to be observing the prohibition strictly at our colonies and islands in america , jamaica in particular : for did our government give the liberty to trade from jamaica to new spain directly , the spaniards are so eager to trade , that all the precaution their own government could use to prevent it , would be to no purpose : and there is this reason to be given for it ; that the sale from the english by the way of jamaica is so much cheaper than that by way of cadiz , and yet our merchants great gainers too , that the spaniards of america will run all hazards to get our goods on shore , and coming off to us in sloops and canoes , they trade super altum mare , bartering immediate money for our commodities at an extraordinary rate . the reason is plain ; because goods sent from england or holland to cadiz , there paying freight and charges , with a custom of 23 l. per cent. to the king of spain , and afterwards reshipt on board the galeons , paying a second freight , with some indulto at their lading on board , and again at their landing in america , must of necessity be sold dearer than goods brought directly from england . now if the prohibition on our side be but removed , the trade of cadiz , as far as respects english goods , would be ruined . 't is acknowledg'd this would be very detrimental to the spanish trade ; but a trade carried on by stealth could be neither very durable , nor very considerable , and therefore could never amount to an equivalent to the loss of that great branch of our trade from england to cadiz . another answer may be given as to the damage of trade , that a powerful union between holland and england , for the augmentation of their naval strength , in order to preserve always the command of the seas , will be effectual either to prescribe the french , though they are united with the spaniard , within the ancient regulations of trade , or to prohibit their own trade to their american colonies , nay , even to take all america from them . to this i say , spain indeed , as now consider'd in the hands of the spaniards , has but an inconsiderable naval power ; but spain in the hands of the french must be otherwise consider'd . the french are a nation who improve every thing to the utmost ; they are a diligent indefatigable people ; if it be possible to recover the naval power of spain ( as no doubt it is ) , they will recover it : and what a prodigious extent of the sea will they possess by a contiguous coast from dunkirk to the streights-mouth ; ( for i must suppose portugal to be swallow'd up by them , it cannot be avoided , the pretensions to that crown are so great , and the power to oppose them so small ; ) and from the streights-mouth , a few small ports excepted , quite to loretto on the east side of italy , almost to venice : they must be a more slothful people than the spaniards , if they do not make themselves the strongest nation at sea in the world. and if they are so , no trade can be secur'd to us , but such as some particular advantage to themselves , makes it their interest to permit . in a word , it seems to me that trade in general will lie too much at the mercy of the french ever to be of any advantage to their neighbours , and i 'll instance in one particular trade , in which at present we rival that nation , viz. the newfoundland fishing . we take our fish on the banks of newfoundland , and on the coast of new england , and the french do the like ; the market is general , and equal to both nations ; if there be any advantage , 't is on the side of the english ; but if spain , which is the place where all this fish is disposed of , falls into the hands of the french , 't is but prohibiting fish , excepting in their own bottoms , and all our newfoundland colonies must sink and be deserted , and three hundred sail of ships be at once unemployed . that such a prohibition would be the consequence of such a union , is as natural as can be , and no one could blame the french neither , for we would do the same our selves . the trade to venice , to italy , and to turkey , would have like circumstances and consequences , for the french would keep the key of the mediterranean , and they would be very much to blame if they let any pass the streights mouth without paying them such a toll , as that all those trades should be managed by us under considerable disadvantage , if they were not entirely lost . to speak of the dutch , whose fishery in a great measure is the staple of their navigation , this fishery depends as much upon their st. ubies fleet for salt , as the brewers in london do upon the new-castle fleet for coals : should this union of france and spain succeed , and portugal be subdued , 't is in the power of the french to destroy all the dutch fishery , by laying a great duty on the salt at st. ubies , while their own subjects shall have it as before ; by which means the french shall bring their herrings cheaper to market , and consequently have all the trade . the instances which might be given of this nature are too many to be included in this short discourse , and too plain to need it ; a very mean capacity as to trade may make a judgment of it . from the whole i take the freedom to draw this conclusion , that such a union of two such powerful monarchies as france and spain , would be very pernicious to the trade of england and holland in general , and absolutely destructive to some branches of it in particular ; it would be hazardous to the peace and liberty of the dutch , and absolutely inconsistent with the ballance of power in europe ; it would be fatal to the princes of italy , the cantons of switzerland , and the kingdom of portugal ; 't would be very troublesome and uneasy to the empire , and would very much endanger the liberty of christendom . and if so , then it must be the interest of all the princes of europe to join their forces with the utmost vigour , and endeavour to prevent it . 't is certainly the interest of england and holland to preserve the freedom of their commerce and their empire of the seas ; and i see no event in the world that is in the least probable to deprive 'em of it but this ; no union in the world but this can put any prince or people , or confederacy in a condition so much as to dispute it with them ; france by it self cannot do it , as has appear'd this last war ; spain is in no probable circumstances for it ; but france and spain together seems to be plac'd in a scituation for the universal government of europe . 't is certainly the interest of the princes of italy , by all that is possible for them to do , to prevent this union ; and that is so plain from all the histories of those countries as to the times when the french were masters of the greatest part of italy , that it needs no other demonstration . portugal has nothing to protect her , but the difference between those two nations , as i noted of savoy , that when she is opprest by one , she may have succour from the other ; for i think it can hardly be supposed that the french king would omit uniting that small kingdom to his empire , having a kind of a right to it by a former possession . germany has various reasons to oppose this union . first , because the real right is in the emperor or duke of bavaria , or both , rather than france , if the article of the renunciation be good , as no doubt it is . now the title to the crown of spain being renounced before it was really a title , seems to take off all pretences of exception ; for the king of france did not quit a title which he had , but agreed to remain without a title which he had not ; and the renuncation was made by the two kings , not by the infanta only , but by her father too ; as appears by the particular words of the renunciation , which are as follow : placuit utrique regi pactione instar legis semper valiturâ sancire , ne unquam serenissima infans teresa , aut posteri ejus ulli , ad seros usque nepotes , quocunque gradu sint , admittantur ad successionem ullam , sive regnorum , sive principatuum , provinciarum , ditionum , dominiorum quorumcunque regis catholici , non obstante lege ulla , consuetudine aut alis jure in contrarium , cui utriusque regis authoritate plenissimè derogatur , contemplatione dictae aequalitatis , & publicae utilitatis quae inde emanatura speratur . it was consented to by both their majesties , and by them confirm'd , that neither the most serene infanta teresa , nor any of her issue or posterity , in what degree soever , be admitted to succeed in any of the kingdoms , dukedoms , provinces , or dominions of his catholick majesty , any other custom , constitution , or law to the contrary notwithstanding : so that if any such custom or constitution were , it was by authority of both kings absolutely annull'd and destroyed . and this only to adjust the dominion of both crowns , so as each of them might receive an equal benefit by it . lastly , 't is the interest of spain it self to oppose this union ; for whereas it is not an addition of france to spain , but of spain to france , it changes it from a soveraign self dependant kingdom , and one of the most powerful in the world to a province of the french empire ; to be subject to the laws and maxims of a nation , whose genius and tempers are as directly contrary to one another , as heat and moisture , as light and darkness ; 't is subjecting the spanish nation to a people for whom they have ever had a stated mortal aversion , from whom they differ in every thing that nature can contrive two opposite constitutions to partake of ; differ in complexion , differ in temper , differ in customs , in habits , in manners , in every thing but religion . to conclude ; i firmly believe that to all this may be added , that notwithstanding the french greatness and policy , 't is no difficult matter effectually to prevent this union , if his catholick majesty should dye , and that without involving europe in a new war , unless the most christian king should resent any preventive methods to such a degree , as to declare war himself against the confederates . how this may be done , is not the business of this paper ; nor is it an affair proper for a pamphlet . i doubt not but those princes which god has plac'd at the helm of government in europe , understand both the means and the time for such a work , being no more without council to direct , than without power to perform ; and to them i refer it . finis . a sermon preached at white-hall, on the 26th of novemb. 1691 being the thanksgiving-day for the preservation of the king, and the reduction of ireland / by the right reverend father in god, gilbert lord bishop of sarum. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1691 approx. 58 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30439 wing b5897 estc r19828 12115848 ocm 12115848 54301 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30439) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54301) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 760:8) a sermon preached at white-hall, on the 26th of novemb. 1691 being the thanksgiving-day for the preservation of the king, and the reduction of ireland / by the right reverend father in god, gilbert lord bishop of sarum. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. [3], 35 p. printed for ric. chiswell ..., london : 1691. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -sermons. bible. -o.t. -proverbs xx, 28 -sermons. kings and rulers -duties. sermons, english -17th century. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-09 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of salisbury's thanksgiving sermon before the king and queen . printed , by his majesty's special command . a sermon preached at white-hall , on the 26 th of novemb . 1691. being the thanksgiving-day for the preservation of the king , and the reduction of ireland . by the right reverend father in god , gilbert lord bishop of sarum . london : printed for ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard . mdcxci . a sermon preached before the king and queen , at white-hall , &c. prov . xx. 28. mercy and truth preserve the king ; and his throne is upheld by mercy . there is no properer nor usefuller way of praising god for the repeated blessings with which ●he crowns every year , and by which he is establishing and perfecting that great deliverance which he wrought for us three years ago , than to observe the dependance of these blessings upon the following of those rules which he himself has prescribed : by this , we are preserved from the false opinion of a partiality of the divine providence towards our selves or others ; or the supposing that it will still favour us , let us be or do what we please . and by this we are taught , that we ought not to expect the continuance of gods favour to us , any longer than we continue true to those laws and rules that he has given us . and therefore in psal. 107. where the blessings that god grants to those who in their extremities call upon him , are set forth with much variety , and in a very poetical strain ; the conclusion of all is , who is wise , and will observe these things , even they shall understand the kindness of the lord. if we are full of the sense of the goodness of god both to our king and to our selves , in the preserving the king's person , and in the maintaining the throne , which are the two subjects of the present thanksgiving ; it is fit and proper for this occasion , to observe what may be supposed to be the conditions upon which such blessings are granted , and upon the continuance in which , we may hope for the continuance and encrease of them . since then solomon was the wisest of men , as well as of kings , and that his wisdom was , without doubt , chiefly applied to that which was his proper business ; we may very certainly depend upon his observation , tho' there had not been a special inspiration accompanying it . he , in the words of my text , makes the preservation of kings , to depend upon their mercy and truth : but he plainly insinuates , that mercy had in this , the largest share ; and therefore in the redoubling of the period , mercy is only named ; so that the weight and stress of his observation , and by consequence of this discourse , must lye upon mercy , tho truth and fidelity must likewise have its share . the chief glory of princes , and the chief of their titles , tho they should swell them up with all the loftiness of the eastern courts , is , that they are god's deputies and vicegerents here on earth ; that they represent him , and by consequence , that they ought to resemble him . the outward respect paid them , carries a proportion to that character of divinity which is on them , and that supposes an imitation of the divine perfections in them . every man is made after the image of god ; and in the right of that , he hath a dominion over this earth , and all its productions ; over all the beasts of the field , the fowls of the air , the fishes of the sea : but as much as men are preferable to all these , so much ought those who have dominion over them , to excel all others in this resemblance . it is a noble thought in plutarch , that there are three things for which we adore the deity , and in which we desire to resemble it ; eternity , power , and goodness ; for eternity , we all know we are mortal , and cannot live for ever ; the elements and frame of things last much longer ; power is a gift of fortune , nor is it in it self any great matter ; storms and thunders have more force , than the most mighty potentates : but virtue and goodness , which lye within all mens reach , are the resemblances of the supream being , which make every man shine ; and render those that are in power and authority , truly divine . the famous panegerick has exprest this , not more nobly than truly : what greater , or usefuller gift can the divinity bestow upon mortals , than a prince that is virtuous and holy , and that resembles the gods themselves ? ( pardon this ill-sounding expression of his heathenism ) who governs so as to remember , both that he himself is a man , and that they are also men over whom he is set ; and that considers that his own innocence is his best defence , and his surest guard. crowns and scepters when ill-placed , discover the defects of those whose minds are not equal to their fortunes , and make them more conspicuous and sensible : but when those whom they adorn , have the inward ornaments of real worth and goodness , they give them all possible advantages , and set them in a true light : for the brightness of majesty , when not tempered with the softness of mercy , is like a scorching sun , who destroys every thing upon which his beams do fall . the simplest notions which all men have of god , as well as the discoveries which inspired writings give us of him , represent him as a being , in which truth and goodness do dwell in perfection ; which are the attributes that we need the most , and to which we trust chiefly ; in which we rejoyce daily ; and for which we offer up our most solemn adorations . therefore whatever other characters of glory may appear upon princes , be they ever so wise and vigilant , so brave and generous ; let them have all the arts of government , all the oeconomy and conduct , all the magnificence and lustre possible ; the vastest treasures , the strongest frontiers , and the most victorious armies ; yet where mercy and truth are wanting , where they are perfidious and cruel , they are rather the representatives of him that was a lyar and a murderer from the beginning , than of that god , who is just and true in all his ways , and merciful and gracious towards all his works . if these are wanting , the greater they are in all other respects , they are the juster resemblances of those apostate spirits , the princes of the power of the air , who have great dominions , and a vast activity , but it is all imployed to mischief and ruine ; and as their worshippers in some barbarous nations , reckon that nothing works so powerfully for appeasing their anger , or procuring their favour , as rivers of gore ; and that they are then best pleased when their altars swim in humane blood ; so those who delight in blood , in innocent blood , and especially in the blood of their own subjects , shew what is the original after which they copy , and the pattern upon which they form themselves . a true picture of the deity , is a prince , that loves his people , and is tender of them ; that renders them safe by his protection , and happy by his justice : that is true to his promises , and careful of his laws : and that how severe so ever he may be in punishing offences against others , and in maintaining the peace and order of the community , yet is gentle to offences against himself : except when his care of the publick obliges him to let the law take its course : and even then , private revenge is so far from being his motive , that he is forced to do violence to his own inclinations , which are always gentle and compassionate . a prince so tempered puts a temptation upon his people , ( if they are not under the conduct of a religion that guides them by surer lights ) to suspect that he is allied to the divinity it self ; and is something of a god in humane appearance : and therefore no wonder if after his death they follow him with divine adorations . and as this in barbarous ages gave the rise to almost all the idolatry of the greeks , so even in more polite times the roman historian observes , that no man made any shews of mourning or lamentation at marcus aurelius's funeral , all men holding it for certain , that as he had been lent to the world by the gods ; so he was then gone back to take his place again among them . to us who know better things , this is certain , that a bad king is one of the severest instances of gods anger against a nation : a plague heavier than either famine , sword , or pestilence . for how sensible or afflicting soever these may be , they are no sooner over than all their ill effects go off with them : whereas a prince whose ill example has corrupted a nation , or whose ill designs have divided and distracted it ; leaves behind him a ferment which will be working perhaps for some ages after he is asleep in his grave : on the other hand a prince that is just and true , gracious and merciful , shines with so benigne an influence that as a good season not only gives us warm and healthful air while it lasts , but does also ripen those fruits of the earth , upon which we must subsist after it is gone ; so by his good government that is duly tempered between rigorous severity and too indulgent goodness , he no ● only makes his subjects happy , during so blest a reign , but lays the foundations of a felicity which will be more lasting then the princes themselves , who tho they are called gods , yet must die like men . there is no need of the art and eloquence of a studied paneygrick to set forth the happiness of such a government : it speaks it self , and is well perceived , tho it may neither be decent nor indeed scarce possible to set it out in words . it argues a defect in the subject , when art and skill must be imployed to raise it . pompous figures , big words , and a laboured method are false lights which are only necessary for counterfeits : and as the arts of juglars can impose no belief when every one is before hand perswaded , that their performances are only the sleights of hand , so it is as vain an attempt to perswade men that they are happy when they know they are not so ; as it is a needless one to enlarge upon that which all men feel better then any one can describe . it becomes this place and this day better to observe what god has made the means of preserving the persons and upholding the throne of our kings , that so by adhearing steadily to these we may secure the blessings that we have in hand and promise our selves such a progress in them that the next return of a day of this kind , may be to celebrate an entire deliverance from all our enemies ; a peace abroad as well as we have it now at home , of which the advances made this year are to us a good pledge , if our relapses do not retard and set it back . we sent away our king with fasting and prayer : we seemed then all sensible how great a hazard every one of us run , in all those dangers to which we knew he would be ready to expose himself : it is to be hoped that many continued to send their most earnest prayers after him . we wished to hear of action , but we wished and trembled at the same time : we knew he was not like those princes who never fail to take care of themselves , whatever they may do of their people : and will keep themselves at a sure distance , when by a very unjust division they leave the danger wholly upon others , while they assume the honour intirely to themselves . we trembled , for as davids men said , not more truly than we might do upon this occasion , that his life was worth ten thousand of us , so we were sure that danger could have no other effect upon him , but to make him run the deeper into it , till he should break through it : our wishes for action , and our fears for his person were things so interwoven that it heaven has not granted us that we wished for , it was that we might be saved from what we feared , since an entire victory with that loss had been our ruine . god has now brought him back to us in safety , and with this fresh lustre on him , that as the enemy by their extravagant rejoycing last year , upon his supposed death , shewed how much they apprehended his life ; so this year by their constant declining of all actions , how much soever invited and provoked to it by him , and by the attack that was made just after his leaving the army , shewed that they considered him as an army alone : or as the soul that gave life and spirit to all the rest . but they found that he had been so long among them and was so newly gone from them , that the powerful influence wrought still in his absence . we have had many instances , in every season , and in both elements how watchful providence has been about that life , that secures all ours , and renders them comfortable and happy to us : had it not been for this , the second gunpowder plot had proved as fatal as the first was intended to be . in defeating the first the good nature of the discoverer , and the sagacity of the prince had their share , but here providence interposed without an instrument : the train was fired and had its first effect , but the invisible direction appeared in that critical minute next to a miracle , the dismal treachery was defeated , and the traytors were discovered . can we but open our thoughts a little to measure all the terrible effects of one dreadful moment , the destruction of a great part of the army , and but too probably the loss of that sacred life , which if it had escaped the first violence of the fire , must have perished in the fatal train of consequences that would have followed upon it : who is so fond of life as to desire to have outlived the fate of religion , of england and of europe ; with which that black night seemed big ; after that darkness who would have desired to have enjoyed the light any more ; or to have beheld those scenes of horrour and spectacles of misery that must have followed , and have seen europe divided between its eastern and western devourers . but that a train so dextrously laid , and so successful in its first operations , should have no farther effect but to shew at once both the greatness of the danger , and the yet greater care of heaven , to teach more precaution , and to discover the blackness of our enemies , looks , as if every year were to produce a new and unlookt for wonder ; and that the cannon ball upon the boyne , and the bombs upon the eure , are instances vying one with another , both in the nearness of the danger , and in the greater nearness of that favour which compasses the king about as with a shield : such an extraordinary preservation may justly swallow up ones thoughts so entirely , that other things may be forgot by the transport it raises yet upon due recollection tho this is enough to fill us with deep acknowledgments ; we have another scene of wonders before us . our neighbouring island had been long in a most terrible convulsion , the seat of war and rapine : the fire and the sword , had gone over the breadth and the length of it , and had turned it to a heap of ruines and ashes . the inhabitants reduced on the sudden , from a full plenty , to the extremities of misery ; multitudes of all ranks and ages , and of both sexes , were forced to fly hither , and sink under the heavy load of want. it is true , they found relief both from the royal bounty , and the charity of this nation : but after all , as charity is a word of hard digestion to a generous mind , so their numbers made , that every ones share must be small where so many wanted . our enemy had created to us a vast distraction on that side , which supported the spirits and hopes of our secret , and perhaps , our most malicious enemies here at home . the slow motions at the beginning of the summer , together with some other accidents , made all people apprehend that the miseries of that kingdom were like to lie upon it yet one year longer . but the unexampled courage of our army , and the great zeal and fidelity of those that commanded it , broke through all obstacles ; in a series of actions , every one of which will pass down to posterity among the wonders of military valour , and the prodigies of gallantry and success ; and , in conclusion , when relief was so near , when they were pressed with no necessities , but those which their own fears or disorders threw them into , so that there was all possible reason to fear another cruel winter , as well as a fourth bloody summer ; that kingdom is intirely reduced , and in that , the civil war is at an end , and our kings are possessed of the love and duty , or at least , of the fear and dread of all their subjects . here we have all that can work , either on our compassion for our brethren , or our care of our selves to raise and fill our hearts with joy and gladness . our miserable brethren , who for a great while never lay down without looking for a dreadful alarm of flames about them , or of enemies no less merciless than these , and , next to the fury of their cruel enemies , were most affraid of some of their unruly friends ; they do now lie down and sleep in peace , and are setting about the cultivating of their wasted fields , and the re-building their ruinated cities . we are delivered from the danger , as well as the charge of that devouring war , and being now quiet at home , we are more at leisure , and in a better capacity to look abroad into the world , and to reassume that which is the true honour , as well as the interest of this government , ( how much and how fatally soever it may have been , not only neglected , but betrayed for almost a whole age ; ) of adjusting the scales , and maintaining the ballance of europe . these are such signal blessings , that it may seem a diminution of them , to bring lesser matters into the account , which yet deserve well to be remembred : every one of them carries shining characters upon it of gods care of us , and his goodness to us . all that related either to our selves , or our allies , has been visibly under that protection ; our concerns have been every where safe , and in many places glorious and triumphant . our enemies have failed in their undertakings , and most of ours have succeeded : our wealth and trade has been preserved , and our fleets have returned with this glory , that no enemy durst look upon them . we are now in peace and safety , in plenty and abundance : and let us look abroad , and see if there is any nation under heaven that has half the blessings to answer for that we have . thus it is plain , that our king has been wonderfully preserved , and his throne no less wonderfully upheld . our next enquiry must be , what share mercy and truth , but more eminently mercy , may have in this . mercy is that divine temper that makes us both pity the miserable , and forgive the injurious ; the former of these is more universal and natural to mankind , the second is more heroical and divine , it works in opposition to the sense of injuries , and the resentment which arises out of that , which if not check'd by better thoughts , and a nobleness of soul , raises a ferment that works strongly in ungoverned nature . the elevation of princes , as it raises them above the common miseries of mankind , so it very often makes them insensible of those calamities which their subjects suffer often by their means ; they are so accustomed to be slattered by others , that by degrees they come to slatter themselves , as if they ought to take no share in other mens troubles . but as the divine goodness extends to all , and his tender mercies are over all his works ; so princes that pity the miserable , and provide for them , that give both access and redress to their complaints , that protect them by their justice , and relieve them by their mercy , and that with the roman emperour , reckon that day lost in which no occasion has been given them of doing good , of making a sad heart glad , and a miserable family easie ; such princes , i say , by imitating the supream being in one of its fairest and lovliest perfections , come under its particular care . they have also instead of other taxes , the praises and prayers of great multitudes ascending up continually as incense before god : these according to daniels advice to a very bad king , are a redeeming their iniquiries , and do procure a lengthning of their tranquillity : and if they could have such effects in favour of an idolatrous tyrant , what may princes that are good and religious expect from them ? what may they not expect from them ? they by such acts of mercy , procure to themselves many affectionate and zealous subjects . even those who do not need this instance of their mercy , yet must love them for it ; they know they may need it , so they have that reserve for misfortune . in a word , this forces the love of mankind , and draws down the favour of heaven : yet , after all , a good and generous nature finds no difficulty in such acts of mercy . treasure is not much exhausted by them , and the true pleasure that they give a noble mind , seems to be reward enough : therefore we must next look to acts of mercy of another sort , where nature is more heated , and has a biass another way . mercy to the injurious is certainly the harder performance : where the dignity of the person exalts one to so high a sublimity , the insolence of an injury gives a particular sharpness , which is heightned if done with scorn , and delivered in opprobrious words ; if there is black ingratitude as well as deliberate malice in it ; if there is a venom in the spite that makes it both restless and poisonous ; and if it has ill effects at present , and may probably have worse afterwards . when all these concur in offences against princes , it must be acknowledged , that acts of mercy , done after such provocations , carry so very near a resemblance to that infinite goodness , which is kind to the unthankful and the evil : that , all things considered , mortals can scarce rise up to a higher pitch of conformity . david found in himself , that if an enemy had reproached him , he could have born it ; but it was his equal , ( one whom he had made so by his friendship , ) his guide , and his acquaintance : and this was too hard for him , his heart burnt within him : and he broke out into such complaints and wishes upon it , that it is not easie to know how to explain or justifie them . it is a consideration apt to beget rage even in the mildest breasts , of those against whom the injury does not work immediately , to see a sort of men who live safe under the justest and gentlest of all governments , go about with a restless fury , endeavouring to overturn it , to corrupt the minds of the nation , and to debauch them from the duty and gratitude that they owe to princes , who seem born for the good of mankind , for the protection of religion , and for raising the honour of the nation , that was sinking into such a shameful degeneracy , that a mighty influence and great examples were necessary to restore us to that from which we had fallen . if these were only the practices of those of a different religion , we might the better bear them , because we could expect no other from them : but the reproach is more sensible , as well as the danger is greater , from false brethren , who like the men of smyrna that called themselves jews , but were not , and were of the synagogue of satan , may call themselves english men and protestants , but are of the synagogue of the great enemy ( for that is the signification of the word satan ) of our nation , of our religion , and of mankind . they seem to have persuaded themselves and study to persuade all others , that what we may have heard of his cruelty , are only tragical stories aggravated far above the truth ; that we need fear nothing , tho' we should fall under the heaviest of all plagues , even his tyranny ; but might be safe and happy under his protection , and in his friendship : and tho' the best soils of europe , even those of his own religion , no sooner become a prey to him than they are immediately fields of blood and bones , and scenes , of horrour and cruelty ; yet we have an unnatural race among us , that are so far in love with him , that even this dismal prospect cannot cure it . it cannot be denied , but that in all this there is great and just ground of provocation : but those who are called up to the higher regions of human nature , the elevation of whose souls is proportioned to that of their condition , as they have a greater compass in their prospect , so they have another pitch of sublimity in their minds . they know that mercy does then shew its utmost force , when it is the most provoked . natures stampt upon with the divine image , feel more pleasure in pardoning than the most spiteful can do in revenging injuries . the interest they have in their people makes them reckon it a real diminution of their own strength ; when any member of the body is cut off : they feel the force of a generous action upon themselves , as they scorn the terrours of dreadful things , and are apt to make such experiments upon others to see how far the ingenuity of mankind can be wrought on ; and their courage makes them despise danger from a forgiven enemy . for tho' the trial succeeded ill with caesar , yet they do highly esteem that great saying of his , that it was better once to die , than to live always in fear . the princes whose names shine the brightest in history , are those whose clemency shewed it self , in the greatest instances , and after the highest provocations . saul , while under the influence of the divine spirit , and of that new heart that was given him at his exaltation , how much soever he degenerated afterwards , when he forsook that conduct and was forsaken by it , set a noble pattern in his first advancement , which is remarkable in all its circumstances . he was told by the prophet samuel , that god had designed him to be king of israel , and he felt the earnest of that in a prophetical spirit that rested on him . soon after , the whole nation fell into a great fermentation , and a hot canvassing for the crown : he who knew where all must end , yet would not make one step towards it ; he did not go about to manage intrigues and render himself popular , but withdrew and shut himself up all the while : at last the matter was put to a decision by lots , and the lot fell on him . he did not upon that rush out with any unbecoming joy , but staid till he was addressed to for it . then he was received and proclaimed king. immediately upon that he went into the country , probably without any great affectations of pomp or state : he considering his new dignity as a trust from god , a tie to his people , and an authority vested in him , not to make himself look big , but to make his people truly great and really happy : they whose heart god touched followed him : they distinguisht aright between the forms of majesty , and that true sublimity of mind , which makes kings great in themselves . but the men of belial who could not bear the yoke , nor be kept within the bounds of law and justice , who had a notion of a king , as a creature of pomp and pageantry , of vice and luxury , and of pride and insolence ; that should have authorized rapine and have dissolved law ; and who knew well that they would make a figure about such a prince , and were the only proper instruments that he could imploy ; now when they saw a new scene , and a court that could not be for them , they resolved they would not be for it : they said , how shall this man save us ? and they brought him no presents . in that infancy of kingship among the jews , the crown had no other revenue , but the free gift of the people : not given in a body , for every one brought his benevolence apart . and then some of those ungovernable men , who perhaps had been among the first and hottest of those who desired a king , when they had one , intended to keep him low , and not to furnish him with that which was necessary to support the government . upon all this saul held his peace ; he not only overcame , but quite supprest his resentments : and tho' he resolved that his mercy should triumph over their perverseness , yet he staid till he might do that with advantage : some perhaps imputed his silence to coldness and insensibility , others to a sense of his seebleness , but no doubt they thought that he laid up in all his mind , and resolved to take severe revenges as soon as he durst adventure on it ; but very few could imagine that he resolved to connive at all , till some great occasion should be offered him to shew his care of his people , and his zeal for the publick ; after which , he might with a better grace extend his clemency , to those who deserved it so little : this was so great a thought , that few could suspect it , because few were capable of it . but a prince , whose soul is raised to a level with his fortunes , has a nobler sence of things , far above the fretful peevishness of little and angry minds . a remarkable occasion gave saul the advantage , that he looked for . nahash king of ammon , a cruel and an idolatrous tyrant , pushed on with a desire of glory , and of enlarging his frontier , did , against the faith of treaties , invade the country , and besiege jabesh gilead : the poor inhabitants , struck with terrour , offered to capitulate ; he who was sincere , though brutal , not like those who offer any conditions , that they may be once possessed of a place , though they do not intend to observe them , told them he must make sure of them ; and since the way of war in those days was chiefly in archery , in which nothing can be done without the direction of the right eye , he told them he must thrust out all their right eyes . to this condition , hard as it was , the besieged agreed , if they should not be relieved within seven days : they gave notice of their extremities to their country-men on the other side of the water ; who upon that wept , they broke out into feeble mournings and complaints . saul was then looking after his cattel , and perhaps some thought him capable of no higher cares : but upon the news , he gathered together as great an army as was possible on the sudden , and in great marches came to jabesh in time , and did so entirely defeat the ammonites , that two of them were not left together : and then it appeared , that saul , for all his coldness and silence , had all the flame in him that became his great post , and that urgent occasion : upon this the men of belial looked a little out of countenance , and began to be afraid for themselves ; if the people had seen them , probably they would not have staid for the forms of justice , but in the first rages of their fury , have taken the shorter way , and have run upon them without order . the body of the nation , full of resentment , move samuel , that a search might be made for those that had said , shall saul reign over us , that they might be brought out , and then they would put them to death ; they would ease their king both of the trouble of prosecuting , and of the reproach of a severe execution ; they would both impeach and execute . but the hitherto well kept silence , was now broke through : saul would not be so much as passive , when so much blood was in danger to be shed ; and since his people had not temper and union enough to sue to him for an indemnity ; he prevents the applications of the guilty , and the intercession of their friends , by an act of grace , prononunced in these words , there shall not a man be put to death this day , for to day the lord hath wrought salvation in israel : samuel saw well how this must needs end , and that so eminent an act of mercy , would both settle and uphold his throne ; therefore he diverts the people from their zealous , but ill-governed heat ; and directs them to go to gilgall , the place of their publick assemblies , and to renew the kingdom there ; which was done with that solemnity , that both saul and all the men of israel rejoiced greatly : upon all this , i shall make no other remark , but that the thing which hath been , is that which shall be , and there is no new thing under the sun. another eminent act of mercy meets us in david's story ; who when he was in one of the lowest ebbs of fortune , was affronted by shimei , who followed him with the insolence of flinging stones , as well as curses at him ; but neither at that time , when the freshness , as well as the unusualness of the injury , might have justified the utmost rigour , nor afterwards upon his re-establishment on the throne , would he give way to the demands of justice against him . he bore the injury decently at first , and forgave it graciously at last . the reason that he gave for it , agrees with the maxims in my text , do not i know that i am this day king over israel ? there was no need of acts of severity to bring him to the throne , but of acts of mercy to uphold him in it ; and therefore he reckons those that called for justice in so unseasonable a time , his adversaries . augustus began his reign with great severities , which were extorted from him by mark anthony ; who , no doubt , had often pressed caesar , tho' in vain , to the same courses , and could not fail to persuade the nephew from his uncle's fate , that there was but one sure way to be safe from his enemies . such counsels well became a creature of vice and pleasure ; who , intending to abandon himself to his luxury , knew he could not be secure as long as so many brave romans were left alive . but as soon as augustus got out of his conduct , he shewed how well he deserved power , that could use it as he did . a remarkable instance of this is related by seneca . cinna that was descended from the great pompey , as well as from the famous roman , whose name he carried , conspired against him , after he had received large accessions both of wealth and honour from him , and was in high favour with him . all was discovered , and in the first emotions of anger , augustus resolved on extreme severities . his friends were brought together to consult about it , for he honoured some of his court with that familiar title ; but his heart , nobler than theirs , turned him to softer councils . he broke out into those memorable words , life is not worth all this , that it should be preserved by the destruction of so many persons . he communicated the matter to the empress livia , who was upon that occasion more governed by the tenderness , than the fearfulness of her sex : she told him he had tried severity enough , and that therefore he had best do , as physicians , who when one sort of medicines do not succeed , change their course , and try another : this advice suiting with his own inclinations , prevailed . so he sent for cinna , and in a conversation of two hours , he set before him the kindness he had shewed him , and the baseness and blackness of his crime , the folly as well as the ingratitude of it , in such terms , that after he had almost killed him with his discourse , which he drew out to the greater length , that being all the punishment to which he had condemned him ; he revived him , in conclusion , with so entire a pardon , that he kept him still about him , and found him ever after that both faithful and affectionate . and thus he not only gained him , but all the romans likewise , who were forced to confess , that he deserved to govern the whole world , who had learned to govern his own passions and resentments . upon this seneca observes truly , that princes become safest by their gentleness ; that severities may perhaps chastise the insolence of a few , but they provoke mankind , and make that hatred become general , which was before particular only to a few : and that for rendring princes universally amiable , it must appear , that their mercy flows from the want of will to punish , and not from the want of provocation . it is hard to set forth any of the vertues that become princes , without some memorable instance out of the life of marcus aurelius , whom all writers represent as the compleatest pattern of a perfect prince . in his time avidius cassius assum'd the empire ; probably displeased with the vices of the emperour's brother , whom he had made his partner of the empire : tho he found it more easy to give him a share of his throne than of his vertues . cassius was a man of great probity , and highly esteemed by marcus aurelius upon that account . his brother wrote him a vehement letter , setting forth the danger of this revolt , and how fatal it might prove to himself and his children , if not check'd in time : and to sharpen him the more , he said , that cassius called himself a vitious fool , and him a learned fool. for the truth was , cassius had publickly complained , that tho marcus himself was a good man , that led an exemplary life , yet he gave way to the vices of others , and did not imploy his authority enough to repress them : which is the single blemish that lies on his memory . marcus answer'd his brother's letter very coldly , he said it was writ in too earnest and too anxious a stile ; neither suitable to his brother's dignity , nor to his own times . upon the head of his children he writ , may my children perish , if avidius deserves the love of his country more than they ; or if it is the interest of the commonwealth that he live rather than they . the love of marcus was indeed every-where so great , that cassius had no other way to work against it , but to give out that he was dead . at last , cassius was forsaken , and killed : upon that faustina the empress writ most vehemently to the emperour , pressing him to order a severe inquiry after all the complices of the revolt , that so he might secure himself and his family . to this he answered , that she writ as became her , to be concerned for him and his children ; but he would do what became him , he would pardon all cassius's friends , and write to the senate to proceed gently in that matter . nothing became a roman emperour better than clemency . as for her apprehensions of danger , she might depend upon it , that god would protect him , and have regard to his piety . he writ also to the senate , and descended to the language of praying them most earnestly , that they would do nothing that might rob him of his piety and clemency : that no man's life might be taken , but that such as they had already banished might be recalled : he wished he could restore life to those who had been killed on that occasion ; and professed that if cassius himself had fallen into his hands , he would have only reproached him a little for his errours , and then have preserved him : he desired therefore that no hurt might be done to any of his friends or relations , but that they might live safe , knowing that they lived under marcus. and for his complices , he desired that no further enquiry might be made about them , that no person might fall under any diminution of his fame , or any hardship or reproach whatsoever upon that account : and concluded all in these few , but weighty words , detisque hoc meis temporibus , grant me this in return to what you enjoy by my reign : words that carry an air of pride in them , but it is of the noblest and best sort ; and that could scarce have been said by any but him that had a right to say them . these are shining passages in the lives of those princes , that have rendred them famous to all posterity , and make them still live fresh and glorious , when the memory of tyrants gives horrour and detestation : for , as the panegyrick has it , this is the true and lasting glory of a prince ; these are the honours that outlive them , which neither length of time , envious successors , nor the flames themselves can deface . shine then , great princes , with your own glory , which makes you look brighter now , than you did in all the attire of majesty at your coronation : this is a lustre that you give your selves , and borrow not from ceremony . triumph in the hearts of your people by your vertues , and over your enemies by your mercy : this will cover them with shame , and you with honour ; and tho it may not be due to them , yet it is due to your selves . this shews that you were born for crowns , that you well deserve those you wear , but that greater ones are reserved for you : this gives you the love of your people , which to you will be always instead of treasures , fleets and armies : for it will always supply you with every thing you need . may the greatness of your own minds be your constant guides , rather than the peevishness of spiteful men , who may , as parmenio did , suggest what was sit for parmenio to do ; but your royal hearts will always move you to do what becomes an alexander , or , to speak truer english , what becomes william and mary . thus i have considered how the king is preserved , and the throne is upheld by mercy . if this is a sure fence , and a good bottom , we may all conclude that we are very safe . this speaks so much , that i may may well say nothing upon a head , which is capable of no censure on the one hand , how much soever the narrowness of some angry and impatient minds may have blamed the excesses on the other . but little people must have low thoughts ; whereas exalted souls have a compass of mercy far beyond their measure : and tho it is not to be denied , but that too great an easiness to forgive , may have some mischiefs attending it ; yet happy is the nation that is under princes , who may be too good on some occasions , but can be cruel on none : especially , when that flows not from a feeble easiness , but from true principles , and a real firmness and strength of mind . but after all , mercy hath its bounds : and it is often fit , and sometimes necessary , that those who have long abused it , and have presumed much upon it , should feel the weight of the law , and the burden of their own crimes : if mercy has its limits , the next fence in my text has none at all . truth does also preserve the king , and that does at all times , and upon all occasions , bind equally . the notion of truth is so plain , and the necessity of it is so visible , that all mankind seem to agree almost equally , both in commending and in neglecting it ; all men claim it from the rest of mankind , but almost every man pretends here to a dispensing power for himself . the common notion of truth is an opposition to all manner of falshood , doubleness or deceit : this is the foundation of all confidence , and the cement of all society ; and it is not only the honour , but both the chief strength and the best treasure of princes : this makes their subjects depend upon them , and their allies trust to them : the pressures and the fears of men of low degree , force them sometimes to make lies their refuge , they escape to it from a present mischief , which to them is more sensible than a lasting inconvenience , that a discovery which often comes and is always to be feared , will bring upon them . but princes are exalted far above all those occasions that poorer men may have for a lie , as long as their designs are noble and good : when these grow bad , they must indeed betake themselves to as bad shifts , but those will soon be found out ; and then though their condition will free them from the injuriousness of a discovery , yet the inconveniencies of it will hang upon them as long as they live : and therefore solomon reckoned lying lips in a prince one of the greatest incongruities that could be thought on . happy those , who how hard soever it may be to have the word , or obtain the promise of a prince , yet when they have it , know that they can trust to it , and depend upon it . truth stands sometimes for integrity , in opposition to corruption and bribery ; this is that to which princes in their own persons are little subject , unless it be to betray a confederate , or sell an alliance ; accidents that happen but seldom : but the best courts and the worthiest princes are subject to corruption by proxy , to have their favour , and often their justice too , and the protection and security of their people , set to sale , and that sometimes so grosly , as if an auction were proclaimed to him that bids most . men of vanity , avarice and luxury , that design both to live profusely , and to raise vast fortunes , cannot compass all this with regular appointments , and fair purchase ; but rather than fail in it , they will prostitute themselves , and , as much as in them lies , the honour of the prince likewise : by this means a king suffers not only in the esteem and love of his people , but all his affairs do likewise suffer sensibly , especially in critical times . no man thinks so much how to serve him , as how to rob the publick ; and every one reckons that he owes neither gratitude nor duty when he comes in as a purchaser : the first duty he thinks is to himself and his family , to recover once what he laid out , that so he may live afterwards on clear gains . one emperor nailed to the bench the skin of a judg that sold justice ; and another ordered a favourite to be smoaked to death , for selling the credit he had with him , and said , it was fit that he should die by air , who had sold it : if this death was too witty , yet certainly it was not too severe . corruption is so apt to return to courts , as a plant that grows in its proper soil , that many and great examples will be necessary to root it out . even samuel's sons took bribes , and neither the vertues of their father , nor the fall of eli's family , which was ruined for the sake of two bad sons , could keep them from corruption : and so indulgent are even good governours to those they love , that samuel , who had good reason to know how dear eli's indulgence to his sons stood him , was yet too remiss himself in looking narrowly to his own sons , which brought on him that publick affront , that the people did openly reproach him with it , and for that very reason desired a change of government . this evil is so common and so natural to men of power , and the poison of it is so pernicious , that princes who desire to preserve themselves and their people , cannot use care enough to watch over it . there is yet a third sense in which truth stands frequently in scripture ; we find it often both in the psalms and in this book , signifies true religion , and not only the profession , but the practice of it : of all men princes are those who owe most to god ; for as he has raised them to high degrees of earthly glory and happiness , so he has put it in their power to do the greatest good to mankind , and to make the world happy both in them and in one another : and as their zeal for truth in this highest and noblest sense , is that which gives them the clearest title to the favour and blessing of god ; so true and unaffected piety has a beauty in it that strikes the greater as well as the better part of mankind ; even men that are resolved to be bad themselves , are sorry to see their prince so ; for they do clearly perceive the ill effects which that may have upon the community , and that it may end in their own ruin at last : and all considering princes will have many occasions to observe , that impiety and vice are as hurtful to their affairs , as to the greater , the vastly greater concerns of religion . what fidelity or zeal , what duty or affection can be expected from men , who will be always truer to their interests and lusts , than to their own honour , or their masters service ? that are slaves to pleasure , and whose spirits are enervated , and their hours , as well as fortunes , devoured by luxury . it is an observation so obvious , that none can scape it , which gives one much regret , but yet with it some satisfaction , that our chief misfortunes are owing to those vices and excesses , which have not been yet severely enough repressed and punished . but as you , great princes , have begun to shew your dislike and hatred at these , and not contented to teach your court and subjects by your example , are resolved to imploy your authority , in obliging them at least to the decencies of vertue and religion : go on and prosper in these noble designs . what are conquests and triumphs , the wasting and dispeopling of cities and provinces , which make such a figure in the false estimate of the world , compared to the more real and solid honours of reforming vitious courts , luxurious cities , and degenerated countries ? this is so hard , and will be such a decried undertaking , especially by those who need it most , and who ought to promote it chiefly , that no small degree of courage and resolution is necessary to support those that set about it . suffer me to repeat to you the words with which god himself animated joshua on the like occasion ; be thou strong and very couragious , that thou mayst observe to do according to all the law which moses my servant commanded thee : turn not from it to the right hand or to the left , that thou mayst prosper whither-soever thou goest . this book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth ; but thou shalt meditate therein day and night ; that thou mayst observe to do according to all that is written therein ; for then thou shalt make thy way prosperous , and then thou shalt have good success . have not i commanded thee ? be strong and of a good courage , be not afraid , neither be thou dismayed , for the lord thy god is with thee whithersoever thou goest . these words were said to joshua , after he had shewed his military courage upon great occasions ; and import , that besides the magnanimity of affronting danger , there is a courage in the mind , necessary to repress sin , and to maintain vertue and religion , that must compleat and perfect the other . happy you , that have it in your power to be such blessings to mankind ! may your will equal your power , and may all things bend to your authority : may it be ever imployed in advancing the honour of god , and the kingdom of his dear son ! may your persons be ever safe under his protection , and your government happy under his influence ! and may we at the conclusion of every year have fresh matter to rejoice in god , both on your account and on our own , who hath done great things for you , and for us all , both in you and by you . and let us all study that our thankfulness to god , may at least bear some proportion to his goodness to us : let us pay the vows that we made to him in our days of fasting and prayer : and as we desire another happy year to conclude what is so far carried on in this , let us make such a right use of our present advantages , and such decent returns for the blessings that we have in hand , as may give us a title to expect the compleating them in another season . we are now almost in sight of land , and the prospect is so fair , that nothing but our sins and our divisions can stop a course of success and glory , that is near its last and highest point . may no corrupt nor misguided humours , no unjust jealousies nor peevish resentments , no faction nor animosity in our councils , retard or defeat those great designs which have been hitherto under such a visible conduct and blessing from above . suffer me to sum up all in the words of samuel , upon an occasion not much unlike this : now therefore this is the king and queen that you have desired ; and behold , the lord hath set them over you ; if you will fear the lord and serve him , and obey his voice , and not rebel against the commandment of the lord , then shall both you and the kings that reign over you continue following the lord your god. and a little after he redoubles the exhortation : only fear the lord , and serve him in truth with all your heart , for consider how great things he hath done for you : may they be compleated ! may they be lasting ! and may they produce amongst us , all that for which they are intended ! may our princes still triumph ! may their councils be always wise ; and their forces ever prosperous ! and may we and our posterity after us rejoice long in our kings ! may they live long , and may their names live for ever ; and may all nations call them blessed ! may religion and vertue prevail and flourish , and the church be established under them ! may they ever preserve mercy and truth , that so they may be ever preserved , and their throne always upheld by them ! may justice and righteousness ever flow from them , and such an abundance of peace , as may make us both safe and rich , great and happy under their protection : so that both we and all round about us , when we reflect on the 88 of this age , may almost forget the 88 of the former , and that our second 5 th of november may wear out the remembrance of the 1 st . and to conclude all , for i can rise no higher ; may the happy and glorious days of queen elizabeth be darkned and eclipsed by the more happy and more glorious reign of king william and queen mary . finis . books lately printed for richard chiswell . some remarks upon the ecclesiastical history of the a ●olent churches of piedmont . by peter allix , d. d. a vindication of their majesty's authority , to fill the sees of the deprived bishops , in a letter out of the country , occasioned by dr. b — 's refund of the bishoprick of bath and wells . 4to . v. cl. gvlielmicamdeni , & illustrium vi ●erum ad g. gamutnum epistolae . cum appendice varii argumenti . accesseruit a ●ndli ●● regni regis jacobi i. apparatus , & commentarius de antiquitate , dignitate , & officio comitis marescalli angliae . praemittitur g. camdeni vita . scriptore thoma smitho s.t.d. ecclesiae anglicanae presbytero . 4to . memoirs of what past in christendom from the war begun 1672 , to the peace concluded 1679. 8vo . remarks upon the ecclesiastical history of the ancient churches of the albigenses . by peter allix , d. d. treasurer of the church of sarum . 4to . advertisement . proposals will be shortly published by richard chiswell , for subscription to a book ( now finished ) intituled , angliae sacrae , pars secvnda ; sive collectio historiarum , antiquitus scriptarum , de archiepiscopis & episcopis angliae , à prima fidei christianae susceptione , ad annum mdxl. plures antiquas de vitis & regni gestis praesulum anglicorum historius sine certo ordine congestas complexa . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30439-e160 in arts ●●de . plin ●inlr ●● quod enim pr ●●stabilius aut pulchrius munus deorum quam cistus & sanctus & dii ● simillimus princeps ? — qui nec minus hominem se quam hominibus prae ●●se meminit . — sid ●lissuna custo ●li ● principis ipsius ●ano ●●ncia . jul. capit. nemo illum plaugendum censuit : oertis omnibus quod a diis comodatus ad deos rediisset . 2. sam. 18. 3. 4. dan. 27. luke 6.35 . psalm 55. 12 , 13. rev. 2. 9. 1 sam. 10.9 , 10. 1 sam. 10.1 . chap. 1 ● . 24 , 26. verse 27. 1 sam. 17.3 . verse 12. v. 13. v. 14. 2 sam. 19 22. non est tami vita , ut si ego non periam cum mul ●i perdendi sunt . lib. de clem , regibuscertior est , ex mansuetudine securitas : quia frequens vindicta paucorum odium reprimit , omnium irritat . voluntas oportet ante saeviendi quam causa deficiat . liberi mei pereant , si magis amari merebitur avidius quāilli : & si magis reipublicae expediat cassium vivere quam liberos marci . oro atque obsecro ut censura vestra deposita , meam pietatem clementiamque servetis . vivant igirur securi , scientes sub marco se vivere . scis enim ubi vera principis ubi sempiterna sit gloria , ubi sint honores , in quos nihilflammis , nihil senectuti , nihil successoribus liceat . 1 sam. 3.11 . 1 sam. 8.5 . josh. 1. 7 , 8 , 9. 1 sam. 12 , 13 , 14 , 24. the measvring rod of the lord stretched forth over all nations and the line of true judgment laid to the rulers thereof wherein all governours and rulers, potentates and powers are measured, and all governments and lawes weighed in the true weight : wherein they all may see how far they are degenerated from the law of righteousness, and the rules of wisdome, which was in the beginning, before tyranny, and persecution, and rebellion had shewed it selfe : also shewing the end that will come upon all those rulers and governments, rulers and lawes that have been made in the apostacy, which is to all overthrown ... : also an advertisement to all the rulers upon the earth ... : published for the information of all the rulers upon earth ... / by one who waits to see the kingdoms of the world to become the kingdomes of the lord ... francis howgil. howgill, francis, 1618-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44798 of text r6600 in the english short title catalog (wing h3171). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 65 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44798 wing h3171 estc r6600 13506122 ocm 13506122 99799 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44798) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99799) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 791:11) the measvring rod of the lord stretched forth over all nations and the line of true judgment laid to the rulers thereof wherein all governours and rulers, potentates and powers are measured, and all governments and lawes weighed in the true weight : wherein they all may see how far they are degenerated from the law of righteousness, and the rules of wisdome, which was in the beginning, before tyranny, and persecution, and rebellion had shewed it selfe : also shewing the end that will come upon all those rulers and governments, rulers and lawes that have been made in the apostacy, which is to all overthrown ... : also an advertisement to all the rulers upon the earth ... : published for the information of all the rulers upon earth ... / by one who waits to see the kingdoms of the world to become the kingdomes of the lord ... francis howgil. howgill, francis, 1618-1669. 32 p. printed for giles calvert ..., london : 1658. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng kings and rulers -early works to 1800. a44798 r6600 (wing h3171). civilwar no the measuring rod of the lord, stretched forth over all nations, and the line of true judgement laid to the rulers thereof; wherein all gove howgill, francis 1658 13303 33 0 0 0 0 0 25 c the rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-01 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the measvring rod of the lord , stretched forth over all nations , and the line of true judgement laid to the rulers thereof ; wherein all governours and rulers , potentates and powers are measured ; and all governments and lawes weighed in the true weight ; wherein they all may see how far they are degenerated from the law of righteousness , and the rules of wisdome , which was in the beginning , before tyranny , and persecution , and rebellion had shewed it selfe ; also shewing the end that will come upon all those rulers and governments , rules and lawes that have been made in the apostacy , which is to be all overthrown , and all that which is acted out of gods power , to be thrown down by him , unto whom all power is committed . shewing also that they in whom the power of god is made manifest , cannot be subject to any usurper , or to that power which is gone from the life of god . also an advertisement to all the rulers upon the earth , that they may wait for the restorer to be revealed in the nations , to make up the breaches , and to crush that down which hath made the breach , that so righteousness may cover the earth , and gladness of heart may possess the people . published for the information of all the rulers upon earth : by one who waits to see the kingdoms of the world to become the kingdomes of the lord and his christ , that he alone may rule for ever and ever , called francis howgill . london . printed for giles calvert , and are to be sold at the black-spread-eagle at the west end of pauls 1658. the measuring rod of the lord streched forth &c. listen oh world , hearken oh earth , and all the inhabitants thereof , give eare , oh all nations that are therein , and all the isles thereof , draw near ye potentates thereof , ye ▪ emperours , kings , earles , dukes , nobles , princ●pallities , and dominions , my mouth shall speake the thing that is right , and my lips shall utter forth understanding , my toungue shall declare unto you the counsell of the most high , and what he is bringing to pass in the latter dayes , he that is higher than the highest hath said , he that is greater than the greatest hath spoken , the whole world lies in wickedness , and thick darkness is over the world , his way is perverted , his counsell is despised , and all nations is out of order , notwithstanding the multitude of their counsellers , and notwithstanding all their wisdome , yet folly is brought forth in the middest of the nations . because they have asked counsell and not at the lord , and taken advice and not at the holy one , therefore violence is set up as an ensign , and wickedness runneth down as a river , and cruelty and opression as a mighty stream , the whole earth is full of folly and madness , and all the people thereof are degenerate and grown out of the image of god into a monstrous and strange nature , the prophets are all fooles , the diviners thereof are mad , and they being degenerate themselves from the life of god , have not turned the people from their iniquitie , but hath led them into further blindness , darkness , ignorance , and deceit , and hath made the word of truth of none effect through their traditions , & hath taught for doctrine the precepts of men , & the traditions of them who are out of the faith , and out of the life , and out of the power of god , and the counsellors they have established wickedness by a law , they themselves being stranged from the life of god , therefore violence is broken forth into the earth as a flood , and now all kings , rulers , potentates of the earth who have given their power to the whore , who sitts upon many waters , and the waters are kindreds , and tongues , and people , and nations , yea all nations have been drunk with the cup of her fornication , and being all gone forth from the life , in which the prophets and the holy men of god lived in , and were established in ; the nations are become as waters , reeling to and fro , hither and thither , unsetled , unstable , there the whore hath her seate , and all having drunk of her cup of iniquity and fornication , even of mystery-babylons cup , and are inflamed therewith ; and so reeles to , and fro , as the waters , and are as the waves of the sea unstable , by her who hath made all nations drunk , and by them who have been made drunk with her , even all nations , kindreds , tongues , and people , have the prophets been slain , and the witnesses slain , and none to bury them , not in mystery-babylon , who is drunk with the blood of the saints , and they that have drunk of her cup of fornication , even all the kings , nobles , potentates of the earth , they have acted the like , and have slain the appearance of god , where ever it hath been brought forth , and the red dragon hath stood ready to devour the heir , which is borne of mystery-ierusalem which is the mother of all who are borne from above , who are heires of the promise of eternall life , and the powers of the earth hath joyned their power to the dragon , who cast out floods of venome after the child , which is brought forth by the woman , which is clothed whith the sun : and now the powers of the earth taketh part with the dragon , and their authority and dominion that they exercise is by his power which arises out of the bottomless pit ; and shall goe into perdition , and he hath deceived the nations long , and all hath exercised their power against him who is the heire of the promise , the first-born of every creature , who is higher than the highest , and greater than the greatest , and have changed his lawes , and made them void , and hath set up the law of sinne and death , & hath established unrighteous lawes by the power of darkness , in which all nations hath been involved in , since the dragon hath power , and whosoever would not obey those lawes and customs , and constitutions , the dragon hath had power , and all that have joyned to him for a time , to kill , to imprison , to destroy , and they who have been exalted have had thought to weary cut the saints of the most high , and to root out the memoriall of the just , that he and all his adherents , might reign for ever , in the kingdome of unrighteousness , and in the dominion of darkness , which is the devills dwelling place , and residence for ever , who is at enmity against god , and the children of light , which worship god in spirit and truth , in life and righteousness . now is the time drawing near , and he who is the desire of all nations appeareth , the ancient of dayes is coming , whose throne is established in righteousness for ever , who will break the head of the dragon , and will lay hold upon him , and chaine him up that he deceive the nations no more , and all you emperours , kings , dukes , earles , nobles , lords , and potentates , who have joyned to him , your kingdome shall be rent from you , and your hands shall grow weake , that you shall not be able to defend your selves against him who travells in the greatness of his strength , who is comming up against you , as a lion greedy of his prey , and will devoure at once all his enemies , that thought in their hearts to reign for ever , and to settle themselves in iniquity for ever : now the time draws near when he will put down the authority of the dragon , and of the beast , and the beast with many heads and hornes , and their rule shall come to an end , and he will dash you one againe another as broken pitchers , till you be consumed and brought to nought , and be worn out as a motheaten garment , and will overthrow your lawes and customes , which is made in the night of ignorance , and blindness , and will change your customes and the times , and will reduce the earth again into its first purity , and you that have ruled , shall serve and be tributary ; and as you have had a time of rejoycing over the wittnesses ( who hath troubled your earthly and devillish peace ) and slayn them as sheep for the slaughter ; a time of mourning is comming upon you , when you shall say alas , alas , for your glory shall pass away , and your renown shall wither ; and for your dominion which shall grow so weake , tht you shall not be able to resist him who travells in the greatness of his strength , and treadeth the winepress of the wrath of god , who is mighty and strong to judge the whore , and all they that have committed fornication with her , and have drunk of her cup , and are inflamed with adultery , and cannot cease from sinne , but burnes in envie against the appearing of the manchild who is heir of the promise , yea of life everlasting , born heir to the inheritance which is incoruptible , unto whom all power belongeth both in heaven and earth , who will subdue the lower power , and powers of darkness , and tread them under foot , and all who act from that power which is below the life , below the truth , below the light , that power will he ( and all whom he brings out of the grave , and raises above the grave ) tread down under foot , which stands but in the earth wherein dwells unrighteousness . allthough thy teachers and diviners in the oh earth , who preacheth a divnation of their own brain , & from the imagination of their own hearts , hath made you beleive , oh you powers of the earth , who are in the fall , in the transgression of the life , that you were the higher powers , every emperour , king , duke , earle , nobles , lords , and that all were to stoop to your wills , how contrary soever they have been to god , but you and they must know , there is one higher than the highest , who is king of kings , and lord of lords , who alone will judge the hearts of his people , and their consciences , for he will not give his glory to another , although you have long usurped it , since the dayes of the apostacy , and would have had all to bow to that power which hath transgressed the life , and is gone from the power of god , oh long hath been the night of ignorance , and darkness , and great hath been the apostacy in the earth , since the dayes of the apostles , and since the false christs and false prophets entered into the world , which christ said should come , and cry lo here , and there , and should deceive many , yea all the world wondered after the beast , and iohn , sa● it all ly in wickedness , and the time that christ prophesied of came to be fullfilled in the dayes of iohn , and he saw it ; matt. 24. 23 , 24. that many false prophets and antichrists , were gone out into the world , out from the life , out from the truth , cut from the light , wherein the saints had fellowship , who wrote forth the scriptures , and he said they were gone into the world , and he said the whole world lay in wickedness , and so they went from holyness into wickedness , and from the fathers love into the love of the world , and peter and jude , who lived in the same age , they saw them that went in the error of balaam , and in the way of cain , and in gainsaying the power , being turned from it like corah , and also their hearts were exercised with covetuous practices , so iohn saw they were come , 1 john 2. 18 , 19 , ver. little chilldren it is the last times as you have heard that antichrist shall come , even now there are many antichrists , whereby we know its the last time , and peter saw that false apostles should come , who should make merchandise of the people , and prophesied of it , as you may read 2 pet. 2. 2 , 3. and in the 14 , 15. verses , you may know them by their fruits , having eyes full of adultery ; and cannot cease from sinne ; beguiling unstable soules , and hearts they have exercised with covetuous practices , and they were the cursed children ; and these had forsaken the right way , christ the way and his command also : freely ye have received , freely give , and they laboured to keep the gospell without charge , who were true apostles , but these false prophets , deceitfull workers , antichrists and false apostles , they were gone in balaams way , after the wayes of unrighteousness in cains way , in coras way , in antichrists way , cut of christs way , and these false prophets , false apostles , they spoke swelling words of vanitie , and did allure through the lusts of the flesh , and they like the rest of the false prophets gone before them , cried peace , and promised peace unto others , while they run with them into riotousness , and while they put into their mouthes , and these promised libertie to themselves and others , while they themselves were servants of corruption , and jude bore witnesse that they were turned from the grace of god into lasciviousnesse , and wantonnesse , even from the grace that taught them to deny ungodlinesse , and was sufficient to preserve them from these errours before mentioned , but they went from it , and from the light and life of men , and denied him , and owned another , even him who abode not in the truth ( the foundation of god ) but went out of the truth , and so are bottomlesse or without foundation , and there is the very center , ground and residence of all the false prophets , antichrists , deceivers , all comes from or out of the bottomless pit , and leades to perdition . and paul if not in that age , yet in the next age after lived , & he saw the mystery of iniquity already begin to worke , 2 thess. 2. 6. and paul an apostle of christ wrote to timothy his son that the spirit spoke expresly some should depart from the faith , and they should speake lies in hypocrisie 1 timothy 4. 1 , 2. and in the 2 of tim. he gave him notice what fruits they should bring forth , they that departed from the faith , chap. 4. ver. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. yea a great apostacy from the faith there was , while paul was yet living , for he writes to timothy 2. tim chap. 1. this thou knowest , that all they which were in asia , be turned away from me , and there were a great people in asia , for great persecution he suffered in asia , and stayed 2 years in asia , acts. 19. ver. 10. in so much that all they that dwelt in asia heard the word of the lord , yea and divers great men and of the cheife of asia were his freinds , acts 19. ver. 21. so its manifest there were 2 great people , for acts 19. 26 verse , not only at ephesus , but almost throughout all asia this paul hath perswaded , and turned away much people , said demetrius : and paul writing to the corinthians , saith 1 cor , 16. 19. the churches in asia salute you ; and iohn writes to seven , rev. 1 , 4. rev. 11. and as was said before , all was departed from the faith , even all they that are in asia are turned away from me , and the apostle wrote to titus ; titus . 1 ver. 10 , 11. that there were many unruly , and vaine talkers , and deceivers , who subverted whole houses , teaching the things they ought not , for filthy lucre . and iohn , who wrote the last in the revelations , he writes that the whole world wondred after the beast , and his power was so great , that it was said who is able to make warre with the beast , & they worshipped the beast , saying , who is able to make warre with the beast rev. 13. ver. 3 , 4. and the beast that arose out of the sea , having seven heads , and ten hornes , and upon his hornes ten crownes , and upon his head the name of blasphemy , and the dragon gave him his power , his seat , and great authority , and he opened his mouth in blasphemy against god , to blaspheme his name and his tabernacle , and them that dwell in heaven , and it was given him to make war with the saints , ver. 6. 7 , and to overcome them , and power was given him over all kindreds , tongues , and nations , and all that dwell upon the earth , ver. 9. shall worship him , whose names are not written in the lamb's book of life , shin from the foundation of the world , this beast receiving his power and authority from the dragon hath prevailed ; he rose out of the sea , the waters upon which the whore sits , and the waters are kindreds , tongues and people , and the beast arose out of the sea also , that the whole world wondred after and worshipped , and john that saw this coming 14 or 15 hundred years agoe ; so that in a few ages after the apostles all was worn out , the life lost , the dragon had power , the beast had power , and all wondred after him , and the whore had made all nations drunk with her fornication ; and then she came to sit upon many waters , kindred , tongues and people , hears the waters , hears the sea out of which the beast rose , who received his power from the dragon , and this is he who upon his head had the names of blasphemy , and all kindreds , tongues , and nations whose names were not written in the lambs book , they who honoured the beast , and worshipped the beast , and said who is able to make war with him , admired his power , and submitted unto him ; and he hath had power , and hath prevailed against the saints , did overcome them , and the dragon hath made war with the seed which keep the commandements of god , and the testimony of iesus , all this was seen many ages agoe , and what worke the dragon hath made in the nations and in the earth , where he hath had dominion and prevailed , and what a raging the roaring lyon hath kept in the earth is evident , seeking to destroy them in whom the seed remained , and to destroy them in whom the power of god was , or the least measure , and so the false , prophets , deceivers , antichrists , which wenout then , which the apostle saw , they cried up that power which was from the life of god , and hath cryed it up for the higher power , and said all ought to be subject to it , and said who is able to make war with the beast , for the false apostles and deceivers and antichrists went from the grace of god , and from the light , and from the power of god , into the world and into that nature , which all kindreds , and tongues , and people walked in , and into the power that acts the children of disobedience , and joyned with that power upon which the whore sits : and they taught nations and people to admire this power , and to admire the beast because of his heads and horns , and crowns and names ; and hath wrought miracles before the beast ; and this power which the beast had received from the dragon , this power admires the false prophet , and the false prophet the beast ; so that none could buy nor sell , nay nor live , but that had his marke or the number of his name , and so all hath been in utter darknesse , and the deeds of darknesse hath spread themselves over the earth ; for the whore who is adulderated from god ; and the dragon , and the beast , and the false prophet , all have acted from that power , which is below the truth , and below the life , which power is at enmity against the truth and the life and against the light ; and this power overspread all nations , and the sun being set , the night came over all , and the shadow of death over all nations , and a veil and a covering hath been spread over all : and so out of the midst of thick darkness all hath acted this long and darke night of ignorance in the apostacy , wherein the dragon hath had power , and the beast , and that power hath been admired and set up , which hath transgressed the life , so that any who have been zealous for the truth , and have kept the testimony of jesus , and the spirit of prophesie ; the false prophets in all nations , who are from the testimony of jesus , have called to the beast to slay and to kill and to destroy the seed of the woman , which is cloathed with the sun , and so the beast exercising his power which is from below , have killed and destroyed them who were subject to the higher power . and what torturing and massacring , and persecution , what burning and strangling there hath been , what cruell deaths many have been put to , over all nations and in all nations , where the beast have had power , who makes warr against the life , so that the streets have run with blood , and all being gone from the life and power of god , they set up themselves to be judges over mens consciences , and they who were in the errour , they cryed out of heresie , and they that are gone from the truth into a lie , the ground of blasphemy , they cry out of blasphemy , and under the hornes of the beast , and under the heads , and the crownes of the beast , what cannons constitutions , edicts , and lawes have been in all nations , what trapps , ginns , and snares have been laid in every nation , yea , every home hath pushed , and every head hath lifted up it selfe against christ the head , and every mortall crowne hath advanced it selfe against the crowne of glory , and against the immortall crowne , so that it might be said as eliah said , the altar of the lord hath been broken down and his prophets and his witnesses slain , none hath escaped the rage of the beast . yet there hath been a few who have kept their garments clean , and were not defiled with women , nor with the harlot , those who feared the lord , and durst not offend the righteous law of god in their consciences , but hath denied whole councells who were erred from the faith , and all the powers of the earth in which the beast bore rule , but rather chuse to suffer cruell deathes , than to let goe the profession and possession of their faith , whose blood cryes under the altar , how long oh lord , holy , just , and true , will it be ere thou avenge our blood , which blood and cry is entered into the eares of the lord of hosts , who will speedily take vengeance on the nations , and dash them one against another , and will breake down that power which hath slain the witnesses , yea , and hath gainsaid the power of god , and all nations who are from the life , in which the holy men of god lived , and in that nature still which persecuted the life of god wherever it did apear in any measure , yea , swell'd up and climb'd to the very top of iniquity , which is satans crown and glory , and the preists , and they that went out from the light into the world , in iohns dayes , and peters dayes , who then taught for filthy lucre , and did subvert whole houses from the faith , ever since that time hath spread themselves over the nations , and hath begotten people into a form and into an image , without the life , and so hath worshipped the beast and his image . and the deceit being entered then , and images then being set up , one on this wise , another on that , and some have had an image of many mixtures , such an image as the preists of england , scotland , and ireland worship , and hath got a law to guard it , that whosoever will not bow to it , the furnace is heat hotter to throw them into it . object . and if any say , why i say so , or how do i make that appeare . ans. i answer thus ▪ the cardinalls , jesuites , and other romish preists had a law made to protect their idoll , the mass , and if any spoke to him that was sacrificing to the image , or idoll , then three months inprisonment , but now if any declares against the image , that the preists of england , scotland , and ireland have set up , every one is to pay five pound , or six months imprisonment in a house of correction , and there be tortured , and whipt , and shamefully intreated , nere to the loss of life , nay it s now so much the more hotter now than ever . none must come near the house of their idoll god or image , but must be counted a breaker of the peace , nor speake to a deceiver , and say he is so , nor a hireling and say he is so , nor to a covetous preist and say he is so , and can for proofe bring halfe of his parish to witness the truth of this , but if he speake the truth never so clear , he must to prison or pay five pound , or the house of correction , and there be whipt , and stocked , and fettered , and chayned , and tortured , and so it is manifest that those magistrates , who had a hand in making of this law have outstript the magistrates in the time of mary , when the pope had domination in his height in these nations . and the preists ●ow , who in these nations , who have set up their image of many mixtures , and one year they make one , and another year another , and what as that power likes the best , that is gone out of the life and power of god , that they present to the authority of the nation as an image of a more comely stature , than the former , and then authority makes a law to guard it , and so it may truly be said , as it was said to israell , hath any other nation changed their god , but israell had changed from the living god , to them by nature which are no gods , and so hath these nations gone from god , the fountaine of life , and from the power of god , and hath set up an image in which is no life instead , nay , they are not content with their image , but it growes old , and then pa●ches up another of many mixtures , one while the masse that was held forth as their publick profession , and then prelacy and the book of common prayer , and then presbytery and the directory mixt and made up : ignorance , blindness and of the fragments of popery , and their own invention , and this now is set up for all to bow to , one while one thing which they call faith , and another while another , and heaps of confused confessions , but are all out of the life and from the true faith . and now they have manifested themselves to have no faith , and to be without faith , and are unagreed upon it , instance that which is called the humble petition , and advice presented to o. p. by the late parliament , that there may be a publick confession of faith made and recommended , as the publick profession , and also that none may speak or write against , under a penalty , but this image the lord hath by his immediate hand from heaven curst , and confounded them that would have founded it , before it ever came to be set up , ah silly silly , that ever they who should profess godliness , should so shame themselves and all their teachers , for the teachers are not agreed yet of their faith , so they have either no faith , or else many forms which is feigned , and in this they are not yet agreed , and so being out of the true faith , in which the saints had fellowship ; in the unity of the faith they are all in distraction , and confusion , head , and taile , in the jarr , in the strife about words , and a forme of words , and how many confessions and forms and images is there set forth , and people still ignorant of the mystery of faith which is held in a pure conscience , and wants that which is the evidence of things not seen , and wants that which should let people see him who is invisible , and oh how is people lost in the middest of these fayned , formall , divinations , and how are the rulers in most nations lost in the middest of their counsells , being gone from that which should be a terror to evill doers , and should be for the praise of them that do well . and what if all people in all nations were constrained under a penalty to hold such a form of words , and to consent to such a confession , doth this any more but make hypocrits , when a man is not first perswaded of those things in his mind by the spirit of truth , is this any more , but fainedness , how long hath the god of this world bl●nded the eyes of people , whole cities , townes , and countryes , because they have gotten a formall confession , made by a priest , who is out of christs doctrine , in the steps of the false prophets , and in the practice of the false apostles , and deceitfull workers , and when they have made a confession , or a catechism , as they call it , and hath gotten over the words , and can say them over , now judges they have faith , and are sound christians , when they are ignorant of the first principle or of faith towards god , and so are carried on in the mist of darkness , and ignorance , and knowes not yet repentance from dead workes . object . but some of the rulers , and potentates of the earth may say , we have not persecuted them for well doing , but for heresie , and blasphemy , and sowers of sedition , and because they have not submitted to obey our constitutions and lawes . ans. deceit hath never wanted a cover hitherto , neither hath or can the serpent want subtilty , for it s his nature by which he liveth : nabucadnezar made a law , that whosoever would not obey , should be cast into the furnace , and might not all his magistrates have said to shadrak , meshach , and abednego , that they were not subject to the kings decree , and therefore judge they suffered deservedly , and did not the jewes who were uncircumcised in heart say , when they took up stones to stone christ , we stone thee not for thy good work●s , but thou being a man maketh thy selfe god , and the jewes stoned paul , and stephen , and put peter , and iohn in prison , they said they were movers of sedition , and ring-leaders of sects , but the cheife preists and the false prophets , had allwayes their hands , in conspiring against the life of the just , but persecutors were ever blind , and yet were so conceited , that they saw , that they said to christ are we also blind , but the seed of falshood hath fitten as judge long , and hath laid the heritage of god wast , and hath set it selfe in gods temple as the true heir , and judged the heir not worthy to live , and thousands of thousands have been put to cruell deaths , and a numberless number hath suffered since the apostles dayes , and since the apostacy came in , yet these which have done these things would be called christian magistrates , and ministers of justice , and those teachers who have called to the rulers to punish such as hereticks , and seducers , they would be counted the ministers of christ , and such nations who are out of the life , they would be counted holy . oh nay , christ came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them , and all you rulers in all nations , who goes under the name of christendom , who are upon the earth , and all you teachers that are therein , whose actions and lives , doctrines , and principles , and practices , are contrary to the life of righteousness , and contrary to the doctrine of christ and the practice of the holy men of god , you are all out of christs nature , and out of the divine nature , in the dragons natu●e , and in the corrupt nature , in the nature in which all the disobedient and the rebellious are in , who are heires of wrath and eternall vengeance , therefore repent ye of your iniquity , and tremble before the lord god of heaven and earth , who is roreing from his dwelling place , and uttering forth his dreadfull voice , at the sound thereof all nations shall fear , and be astonished , and the fenced cities , in which you dwell , shall be horribly afraid . behold the time of restoring , is come , and coming , and the year of gods controversy with sions enemies is aproching near you , and he who sits and judges in righteousness , hath shewed himselfe , will rule over the heathen as with a rod of iron , and will pour forth his plagues upon all the families of the earth , that calls not upon his name , but despises it , and tramples upon it , the earth is filled with violence , cruellty and opression , yea it is broken forth as a flood , and the nations is covered with unrighteousness , as with a garment , the beast hath exercised his power , and hath overcome and prevailed long over the heritage of god , and the mountain of the lords house is made desolate , all is void and without form , deceit inthroned , truth trampled upon , judgement turned backward , and the devill reignes a king , equity hath found no place , mercy is shut out of doores , cruelty is entertained , temperance and moderation hath no residence , lust , uncleanness , excess , riotousness , and wantoness , is loved as though it were the way to eternall felicity , pride , hipocrisie , and dissimulation is taken pleasure in , sobriety and meekness hath no dwelling place , but is thrown aside , folly and madness is set up as the greatest wisdome , and the wisdome which is from above counted the greatest folly ; the fear of the lord is slighted , gods pure law thrown behind their backes , the nations and the people therein are compassed about with darkness as a wall , and with ignorance as a curtaine , and with blindness as with a strong fence , they are situated in the region of death , and at the side of the pit , and yet saith no evill shall come near us , nor sorrow touch our tabernacle , and is in a dead sleep of security , wrapt up in the slumber of iniquity , involved in utter darkness , folded up in the deep pit of ignorance ; and desires not the knowledge of wisdome , neither to walk in her path , but her way is grievous unto them , and the eye lid of the morning is unto them as the shadow of death . nevertheless he that weighes all things in an even ballance , before whom all nations are but as the drop of a bucket , he is appearing in his power , and thundring from his holy place , who will make the nations shake as an olive leafe , and the isles tremble before him , who is uttering forth his voice as the sound of many waters , which shall make all the potentates , and mighty of the earth bow , the eye-lids of the morning is opened , and the sun is rising to his height , and the darke aire is scattering by the breath of his mouth , and so all things shall appear in the earth as they are , and every thing under the face of the heaven shall be brought to light , and all the powers of darkness discovered , and the workes , and workers of iniquity shall no longer be hid , but shall be discovered by the light of the sonne of god , and shall be judged and cendemned by the life of righteousness , and blessed are they who know a hiding place in him , when his overflowing scourge passeth over the nations which is already made ready to execute his judgement upon the heathen that know him not , oh who may abide his presence , when he appeares in his power and maj●sty and glory , all the ungodly of the earth , sha●l be as driven stubble before his bow , and shall fly before him , nevertheless the pursues shall overtake , and the destroyer shall lay hold upon them , and all the ungodly shall hear the sentence , go ye cursed from the presence of the lord into the pit of everlasting destruction . and when this day comes upon the nations , all your prophets , diviners and teachers , who are out of the life of christ , who have flattered you and told you , you were the higher power , and you must sit as judge in the things of the father , & lord it over the consciences of people , and prescribe the lord a way , and a limit in your several , nations , and dominions , they shall not be able to deliver themselves neither you , but the helper and the helped shall both fall together , the strengthener and the strengthened shall grow feeble , & their loines weake , so that they shall not be able to stand before him who is the higher power , and the greatest digni●y , who will rule over all usurpers , and over all the children of pride , the dragon , the beast and the false prophet , and teller of lies , shall have their portion in the lake that burns . then shall the ransomed of the lord , and the righteous seed , whom the nations have slain , and persecuted ; the prophets , and holy men of god , and all that have been slain for the testimony of iesus , rejoice over the deceit , and it shall be sung in that day , the lord god omnipotent reigneth , who will ascend above all principallities and powers , thrones and dominions , and tread down all under his feet that the earth may be filled with his glory , and behold he cometh quickly in a moment , and suddain destruction shall be upon his enemies , and the breath of his mouth shall make all melt away that hate the lord , and their remembrance shall rot for ever and ever . therefore oh all ye powers of the earth , who are the sons of fallen adam , whose power ariseth out of the earth , in which the devill dwells and the serpent fe●ds , who bear rule but not by the lord ; who sits as judges in the earth , and yet your judgment is from the earth , and from below , know this , you shall all be judged with the just ; and all your unrighteous decrees , lawes constitutions , ordinances , and edicts , which is made in the fallen wisdome , you and they both together will be cast aside as a thing of nought , and must all be judged with the just , therefore repent and turn to the lord of heaven and earth , that you may know his righteouss judgment set up in your hearts , and the spirit of in justice and error purged out of your hearts , or else you judge not for god , for all the lawes , constitutions , and ordinances , which are made in the fallen principle , and fallen wisdome , to have all these in the head or in the memory , so that he may act in a nation or kingdome , according to the letter of a law prescribed in a nation ; that doth not at all make a man an able minister of justice or a magistrate for god for the root being unholy and corrupt and erronious , from whence those lawes were given forth , the branches is unholy also , the ground being corrupt , the tree bad , the fruit is bad also , and so all nations who are degenerate from the life of god , their lawes and constitutions doth alwayes imbondage the regenerate ; so the heart being deceitfull and unrighteous , such lawes proceeds forth which doth oppress the upright in heart , and all , or most of the lawes in all nations , are received by tradition from generation to generation , since the scattering of israell , who received the law from gods own mouth by the hand of moses a magistrate of the lord , and a judge over israell ; and so heapes of decrees , statutes , and ordinances there is in the nations which doth not answer that of god in the conscience of every man , and so that which is pure of god in the conscience of every one cannot be subject to those lawes and tradi●ions , but rather suffers , as many thousands have done , cruell deaths , and great oppression all this dark time of antichrist reign , and of the beast in all nations since the apostacy ; and death raigning over all the sonnes of the first adam , in the transgression , death hath breathed forth it self upon the face of the earth , for sin entering and death by sinne it rules in the heart , and exerciseth his power which stands in unrighteousness , and so all mankind in all their acting , can do nothing for god but against him ; and against his people who are redeemed out of the region of death , and so all law-givers , and law-makers , and lawes which stands in the will of man , and in the unrighteous principle , will the second adam , the lord from heaven , the restorer of mankind utterly overthrow , abolish and take away their power , for the law-giver shall come out of sion ; who ever in all nations , that ever come to see him must see him come from thence , whose appearance shall be as a lamp that burnes , and he shall change the customes and the times and the lawes , and overthrow all them that stands in the curse , for he shall lead out of death , and out of its path ; and from under the law of sin and death , that all that heares him and comes to be subject to his law , shall deny all those lawes in the very ground , and bear their testimonie against them , which stands in that nature , that transgresseth the life , and therefore give ear all nations , and all emperors kings , monarkes , lord , iudges , and rulers of the earth , in all nations he is come and coming , whose right it is to judge the earth in righteousness , and the people with equity , even he unto whome all judgment is committed , and he hath appeared as the sonne of god in the north region of the world in power and majesty and great glory , and hath made the mountaines me●t before him , and he hath dried up all the springs of babylon , and hath made the cedars bow ; and made the trees of the forrest to shake ; and the sturdy oakes hath he cut up by the rootes ; and turned a pleasant land into a wilderness , and hath made the wilderness to blossome , and hath changed the customes allready , and hath broken deaths covenant , and hath overthrown the mighty men , yea even the horse and his rider , and hath taken off their chariot wheeles in the day of battail , and it hath been a dreadfull day and a sore slaughter , as in the dayes of gibea , or as in the valley jehos●phat and a sorrowfull day hath come , and great mourning , as hadadrimmon in the valley of megiddo , for one post hath met another , and the news hath been , babylon is taken at both ends , and he hath over-run the multitude of egypt , and trampled upon them , as the prancing of horses in battel , so that the mighty are fallen by him , and the strong hath not been able to help themselves against him who hath come as one that trod the winepress , and now hath overturned the powers of death , hell and the grave , and hath broken deathes covenant , and will put an end to all changeable lawes , and hath and will establish his law which indures for ever & ever : and now heare , all that are left unspoyled are angry , and all that worship the beast , are left unslain , blasphemes him and speakes evi●l of his name , and of his wondrous workes which he hath done in t●is day , as in the land of egypt , and in the fields of zoan ; for he hath turned the waters into blood , and hath cut all the fresh springs , and hath slain the first-born of egypt , at which pharaoh and all his wise men , and all the egyptians are angry , and still resists the lord , till they will , with the rest who have resisted him , be swallowed up of the deep . and now oh nations , who are scituated under the whole face of the heaven , he is coming up against you as a giant refreshed with wine , and shall run his course , and none shall be able to stop his way , and shall come as israel , after the slaughter of edom , with their garments red ; and he travails in the greatness of his strength , and shall make all nations desolate , who have given their power to the beast , and will break their covenants , and throw down your traditions which are heathenish , and he is bringing a handfull out of the north country , who have been eye-witnesses of his power , majesty , and glory , and of his noble acts , and though but a handfull , yet they are blessed , and his increase shall be great , for they shall subdue nations , and kings shall be tributary to them , and they shall be his witnesses to the ends of the world , and shall publish his righteousness from generation to generation , & bear their testimony of him , who lives for ever and ever , who is the lord of heaven and earth , our righteousness ; who hath broken open the seals of the deep , and hath made the springs of life to flow forth as though it issued out of a wombe ; by which his little ones are refreshed and grow in strength , honour , and glory to him in the highest , whose judgements are just , holy , pure and equall for ever and ever : oh who can stand before him , who hath uttered forth his voice before his camp , and its very great , devouring fire is before him , and it is tempestuous round about him , and his sword devoures much flesh , and all the ungodly shall be slain , heaps upon heaps , so that there shall be none left to bury the dead : a glorious high throne hath he erected , and he sits thereon , and judges in righteousness , even he before whose face the heaven and the earth shall fly away , and the sea be dried up , oh who can dwell with d●vouring fire , who can dwell with everlasting burning , who can stand when he appears , when he draws out his sword of justice all nations shall grow pale , and all the rulers feeble , and the warriour shall not find his hands in the day of batta●l , when they encounter with the almighty , for his sword shall be fatted with slaughter , and all nations who resist shall become soked with blood . oh he is dreadfull , who can stand when he appears , who is a consuming fire , therefore all rulers in nations , and potentates of the earth , feare and dread his holy name , and bow unto his righteous scepter , least you be cut off , and perish with the rest of the uncircumcised , who have resisted him , and go down into the nethermost hell for ever ; for assuredly the day of your fanning and trying is near , arme your selves , put on your armour , see if you be able to stand in the day of the lord . oh , nay you will all be as dust before the whirl-wind , and shall be scattered in the fierce anger of the lord , and all your changeable laws , constitutions , customs , and traditions , which is brought forth from the changeable principle , which is gone out from the life , and all your turning of th●ngs upside down , shall be as the potters clay , for he unto whom the eternall being hath committed all judgement , which he hath appointed to judge in righteou●ness is appearing , and come , and coming , who si●s as a refiners fire , and sits as judge among the gods , who will not give his glory and honour to any other . and so all you that b●are rule and not by him , who is the true light which in●ightneth every man that cometh into the world your p●wer other is from another , even from him who is 〈…〉 with the light , for by me saith the l●rd k●ngs rule , and princes decree justice , and such as were obedient un●o his righteous law written in their hearts ; as david , solomor , jehosaphat , ezekiah , and the rest of the holy kings and princes , who were guided by that which was just & unchangeable , they ruled by his power and decreed justice , and answered that which was just in every mans conscience , which is one with that power in which they ruled , and from whence they acted , and so a terrour they became to none , but evil doers , who were out of the power , and out of the truth , and in that nature which stood up against that powers by which the princes decreed justice , and so with the power of god , all these rulers , and rules , and governments , which is not according to the power of the just god , is to be abolished at the coming of him , whose day shall come , and in his power and glory he shall appear , which shall darken and dazell , extirpate , and utterly destroy all , root and branch together , who is out of his power and against it , so there shall be a very great overturning , such as hath not been from the beginning , neither shall be ever hereafter . and then shall the restorer be seen , who shall restore the earth into its first purity , and there shall be judges as at the first , and counsellers as at the beginning ; then shall the earth injoy her rest , and the nations their sabaoth , for the lord of glory hath considered it , and he hath listened , and a great cry is heard out of all nations , of the poor , and of the opressed , and of his creatures which he hath made , how they have been chopped to pieces , as flesh for the pot , and ground to dust as though they had not been gods workmanship , and his seed in al● nations hath been held in great captivity ; whose sighes , groanes and tears hath pierced through the clouds , and is entered to the throne of god , who is now arising to plead the cause of the poor and the needy , and now woe to the world , and to all them that have borne rule , but not by the lord . an advertisment to all the rulers upon earth , there is one onely god , the creator and the bringer forth of all things , whose way is equal , and whose judgements are just , whose law is righteous , whose statutes are pure , answering his own pure witness in every man under the face of heaven in all nations upon the earth , so as every man in all nations upon the earth comes to own gods pure witness in himself , placed by the lord ; he shall be made to confess unto the righteous acting of those rulers who rule in righteousness , by the righteous law of god ; but where any ruler is not ruled himself , by that which is pure of god which condemneth self , and self-actings in himself , he bears rule , but not in gods dominion , and so layes yoaks upon a nation , country or people , to make all submit to his will , decrees , and ordinances , and to deny that which is pure of god in themselves , and then joyns to his deceit , and thus iniquity gets head , and is set up as a rule , and the law of god , both in the ruler , and the ruled , is throwne behind their back , and so deceit leadeth , and the changeable mind acteth it self out in every thing that it hath to do withall ; and so tyranie and opression spreads over a whole nation , and the just suffers in it . and hence it is that there are so many several laws , ordinances and constitutions , and traditions , and customs among men in many nations and countreys , and regions , one differing from another , and heaps of confusion , that hardly in any nations , or few in a nation knows what is law , there is so much variableness , and changeableness amongst the lawmakers , one while setting up , another while pulling down , and as deceit advanceth it self in any particular ruler , then there must be a law made , and a penalty upon the non-performance , as death , banishment , tortering , whipping , racking , prisonment , fining , to the utter destruction of many ; and all the ground of this is because the rulers are gone from that of god in themselves , and then acts in their own wills , and by their craft and deceit which stands in the ground , which is cursed , and calls this christian pollicy and wisdom , and cruelty becomes a law , and the devil keeps his dominion in the earth , and deceit gets a cover and hides it self now it was not so from the beginning ; for as god is one , and his name one , his law is one , which is pure and equal , and unalterable , and indures for ever and ever . now man being made in gods own image , answered the pure law of god , and being gods image was one with the law , and the law was not against him , but was his life and joy , and he had power to obey it ; for he was of its own nature , for as god is pure and holy , and the image which he brought forth man in was pure and holy , and that which was mans guide and rule was pure and holy , here was unity and purity , and he that created , and man that was created was in unity , and then there was no woe , no condemnation , no sorrow , no death , no tribulation , nor anguish , nor wrath , revealed against man who was the image of god , and he stood in the dominion of god , and had dominion over that which was contrary , here was no tyranie , here was no cruelty , no prisons , no envie , no persecution , no killing nor destroying , no defrauding , no jarre , no strife , no devouring , but all gods creation at unity , and man at unity with god , being partakers of his dominion , whereby all the earth was in order , and in that wisdom which changed not , and here man had dominion and power , and ruled in gods authority , and was guided by the higher power , and while he was subject to it , death had no power over him ; now this was before sin entered , and before death entred , & before enmity had appeared in the earth , but now was the lord king and law-giver , and judge , who ruled in righteousness , and man being subject to him , there was no law against him , nor no guilt of any thing , for transgression was not known in the earth , and there was no curse , but all was in unity and peace , no changeableness , but all was in the covenant , all the workmanship of his hand was united unto him , and all that he had made was blessed , and all the creation were partakers of his blessedness , and all stood in the covenant , by which every creature received power , virtue and dominion , here was one mind , and here was no double , no variation , no mutation , nor change , but the dominion of the everlasting god was felt , which indures for ever and ever , and any other thing was not seen in the earth , but man crowned with honour , dominion and dignity , wherein could be nothing but rejoycing , and pure peace and joy , now no evill was known , neither was there any such thing , but goodness possessed the whole earth , and righteousness breathed forth it self in all things in the circumference thereof , and all the works of his hends pleased him , and man made partakers of his pleasure , and was accepted , and not rejected , thus in part i have shewed unto you the state of the earth , and of mankind , and the glory of gods creation , and the blessedness thereof , but if i could declare unto the whole world , from years end , to years end , i should fall short , and words would be wanting , to express the felicity and happiness in which man was brought forth in , neither shall any be able to see into those things , or to declare certainly of those things , who come not beyond time , to him who is eternal , who gave them a being . but after man had taken of the tree of knowledge of good and evill , and had eate of the fruit thereof ; and consented to the beguiler , and to the serpent , sin entered , and death by sin , man lost his dominion , and became subject to another , and another had power over him , and now the course of nature was set on the fire of hell , the curse entered , and man dead while he lives ; and in that day he eate did die , and death breathed forth it self in the earth ▪ and cain is brought forth in his own image , to wit , in the image of him who was gone out of gods dominion , and he became a murderer , and slew him that was accepted of god , and here appeared now the enmity , and its life was to destroy , and to murder , and to kill abell , who believed and offered up a sacrifice , and cain offered in the unbelief , and was not accepted , so abell who was just lived by faith , but cain who was in the envie and in the wrath , this life was death to him and to his nature , and so all who are out of the faith , are dead while they live . now after the transgression in process of time , when the seed of fallen adam began to increase in the earth , being driven out from the presence of the lord ; they spread over the whole earth , and sought many inventions being gone from that of god in themselves , by which they were united unto him , having broken his covenant , and joyned in covenant with death , death acts forth it self against the seed , which is not of its nature , and alwaies sought to imbondage it , and to kill it as cain did abell , and esau , jacob , and ismael did unto isaack and unto his seed . now the seed unto which the promise was received , the law from the mouth of the lord , and they that persecuted the seed , invented , and made laws of their own , according to that nature in which they lived , and so became heathenish in their fashions , and laws , and customs , and cruelty grew up as it was nourished , and leavened into its own nature , and unbelief grew into a mighty stature , and monsters was brought forth in such a strange shape in every thing , that the enmity did appear in , as had not been seen in the earth before , and and so man being gone astray from the life of righteousness , every thing is abominable , and of a stranger nature , that he brings forth : yet take notice of this , that as the seed unto which the promise was who were in the faith , and obeyed through faith , they had a law , so they in unbelief had also a law , as the seed worshipped the living god , through a lively and a living faith , and so sinned not in so doing , the seed of the serpent imitated a worship , and worshipped in death and unbelief , and as the laws of one was equal , such as david and solomon , the other was unequal , such as jeroboam and rehoboam , and as the one set up equity by a law , the other made a law to set up iniquity . and the seed , they sought not their own honour , but the honour of him who was their reward , but the seed of the evil doer sought himself and his own honour , and as the spirit of the lord breathed forth it self , and spoke the truth in the power of god , deceit uttered forth lies in hypocrisie , and in the power of death , and as the upright lived unto god in the spirit , deceit lived unto the flesh , and unto him who hath the power of death , which is the devill , and as they fulfilled the law of god , who were led by his holy spirit of god into all truth , the other followed their own imaginations , and answered the deceit and foolish mind , and they whose understanding was darkened loved them , and had pleasure in them . so it may be truly said , many nations , rulers and ruled sit in the region of the shaddow of death ; and the living god is forgotten among them , & one against another , they are seeking one anothers ruine , & all in the violence , & in the cruelty . therefore all rulers and potentates of the earth , magistrates and governours under the whole face of heaven , hearken unto the words of my mouth , and listen unto understanding , that you may be partakers of the happiness and felicity which god is shedding abroad , now in the latter dayes , that so the restorer you may know in your regions , and the deliverer in your nations , and the maker up of the breach in your dominions , that he who is the desire of all nations may be revealed among you . he which must restore is not born of man , nor cometh not to a people or a nation , in the will of man , neither seeks he himself , but the glory of the father , who hath sent him to seek , and to save that which is lost , and to heale the breaches , and to destroy that which hath made the breach , that so all nations who receive him , & believe in him , may be reconcil'd unto him , and one to another ; that the earth may injoy rest & the regions quietness ; therefore all be warned not to look forth in your wils , for there you will not receive him , but slight him , as many before you have done , and so lie down in sorrow , and weary your selves in vanity , and lie down in infamy , and never come to see his dignity . now he , of whom i declare unto you , is the son of god , who is the light of the world , and the life of man , and hath lightened every man that cometh into the world , which light wherewith all men are inlightned is not contrary to the law of god which indures for ever , but one with it , and this will let you see , violence , treachery , murder , envie , wrath , maliciousness , drunkeness , whoredom , lying , cursed speaking , stealing , defrauding , cheating , cosening , rioteousness , pride , arogancy , emulation , contention , strife , hatred , persecution , cruelty , opression , i say the light which comes from christ by whom the world was made , will shew you that all these things is sin and evil in the sight of god , and also will let you see there is a ground from whence these , and all other evils proceed , which ground is in all the sons of men in the transgression , till it be removed , and these things before mentioned , be the fruits that grows from it , and buds forth themselves in all nations , and in every man in every nation , so the earth is filled with violence , and the grapes are as sodom , & the fruit as gomorrah , whom god overthrew , and till these things be done away , and these fruits wither , and the root from whence they arise be removed out of every particular man who is a ruler , he cannot be a blessing to a nation , neither rule for god in a nation , neither will he or can he be a terrour to all these things before mentioned . while he himself is in those , for he cannot destroy his own life , neither will iniquity set up righteousness , nor the worker of iniquity advance christ . therefore listen to the words of my mouth , and despise not counsell , least you perish among fools , and go down to the horrible pit , where there is everlasting misery unto all perpetuity . now god that made both heaven and earth , and all things that therein are ; he is light , and with him is no darkness at all , he never changes his purity ; nor alters his righteous decrees , his eye is pure , and alwaies fixed to behold all the works of the sons of men , and he searches the heart of man with his eye , and pierceth through the secret places , and is near to every man , although man do not see him , he is invisible , and eternal , and his law indures for ever , and the unalterable decree , by which sin is judged and reproved in the world , and in every particular man , and every man who hearkens and hears the words of the pure law , which judges all sin in man , receiveth the sentence of death in himself , and is judged by the righteous words of his mouth , and so sin in the particular comes to be condemned , and all these changeable things is trodden under foot , which is acted and brought forth from the changeable mind of man , and so all laws , constitutions and decrees , which is made in the will of man , comes to be thrown down by his righteous law which proceeds out of the mouth of the righteous god , who is light , and so as his unchangeable and unalterable decree comes to be set up in every particular ruler , & governour , and himself judged with the just , he comes to bear his rule for the just , and answers that which is just in every man , and no longer can he act against well doing , but is a leader , and an incourager of it in all , and is a terrour to the unjust , and so comes to know the dominion again which man lost through disobedience and transgression . now all you powers of the earth , wait that you may come to see that , & feel it revealed in your selves , to wit the law of god from the mouth of god , that so you following it , sin may be judged in your selves , & you come to know the one lord the lawgiver which leads man back out of sin , & transgression by his son whom he hath sent into the world , that all men through him might believe in the father , & be restored out of sin & transgression unto life eternal , where death hath no entrance , & so all who waits upon the light of the son of god , and is obedient to it , they come to feel his power and his decree which cannot alter its property or verity , , & all who comes to be guided by it , you will come to see that which unites you unto god , & one nation to another , in the covenant of god! oh that all your eyes were opened , that you might see that which belongs to your peace & the well being of all nations , that so the power of the flock might be refreshed among you , and this i speak unto you , a change must be witnessed in your selves , before you will cease acting in the changeable mind , now the time draws near , the lord will try you , for the earth must be left without excuse , and he will have all warned , for god will no longer be limited , and therefore take heed how you gainsay any or resist any , vvho may declare unto you the counsell of god , and cause them not to be persecuted or hurt , but all be calme and moderate , and learn vvisdom from above , from him vvho hath inlightned you , that you may come to deny your selves , and follovv him vvho condems all self actings , and self vvill in man , and all customs , lavvs , and worships , & traditions , that is made in the vvill of man , that so he unto vvhom all povver is committed may be feared , and vvorshipped in spirit , in life , truth and righteousness , that so all sedition , rebellion , treachery and unrighteousness may be cleansed out of the earth , and that all quarrelling , fighting , contention may end ; and people come out of that vvhich the svvord is against , that so the svvords may be beat into plovvshares , and the spears into pruning hooks , that so violence may be done avvay , and cruelty , svvept out of the nations , that the dominion of god may be set over all , and his truth advanced above all , that the kingdoms of the world may become the lords , & his christs ; and blessed are they that stoop unto his scepter , vvho judges the nations in righteousness , and the people vvith equity , who is the salvat●on of all his people for evermore , and a hiding place in the day of trouble . london , the 20. of the 2. moneth , 1658. the end . that the lawful successor cannot be debarr'd from succeeding to the crown maintain'd against dolman, buchannan, and others / by george mackenzie ... mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 1684 approx. 102 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50856 wing m206 estc r19286 12351042 ocm 12351042 59994 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59994) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 641:9) that the lawful successor cannot be debarr'd from succeeding to the crown maintain'd against dolman, buchannan, and others / by george mackenzie ... mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. [4], 60, 16 p. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinbvrgh : 1684. errata: prelim. p. [4]. r. doleman was the pseudonym of robert parsons. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parsons, robert, 1546-1610. kings and rulers -succession. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2004-07 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion that the lawful successor cannot be debarr'd from succeeding to the crown : maintain'd against dolman , buchannan , and others . by sir george mackenzie his majesties advocat . edinbvrgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1684. king james in his advice to prince henry . page 173. if god give you not succession , defraud never the nearest by right , whatsoever conceit ye have of the person ; for kingdoms are eve● at gods disposition , and in that case we are but liferenters , it lying no more in the kings , than in the peoples hands to dispossess the righteous heir . page 209. ibid. for at the very moment of the expyring of the king reigning , the nearest and lawful heir entereth in his place ; and so to refuse him , or intrude another , is not to hold out the successor from coming in , but to expel and put out their righteous king : and i trust at this time whole france acknowledgeth the rebellion of the leaguers , who upon pretence of heresie by force of arms , held so long out , to the great desolation of their whole countrey , their native and righteous king from possessing his own crown and natural kingdom . errata . page 5. delet at his majority . page 33. for richard 3d. read ad . the right of the succession defended . the fourth conclusion to be cleared was , that neither the people , not parliaments of this kingdom , could seclude the lineall successor , or could raise to the throne any other of the same royal line . for clearing whereof , i shall according to my former method , first clear what is our positive law in this case ; secondly i shall shew that this our law is founded upon excellent reason , and lastly , i shall answer the objections . as to the first . it is by the second act of our last parliament acknowledged , that the kings of this realme deriving their royal power from god almighty alone , do lineally succeed therto , according to the known degrees of proximitie in blood , which cannot be interrupted , suspended or diverted by any act or statut whatsoever , and that none can attempt to alter or divert the said succession , without involving the subjects of this kingdom in perjury and rebellion , and without exposing them to all the fatal and dreadful consequences of a civil warr , do therefore from a hearty and sincere sense of their duty recognize , acknowledge and declare that the right to the imperial crown of this realme , is by the inherent right and the nature of monarchy , as well as by the fundamental and unalterable laws of this realme , transmitted and devolved by a lineal succession , according to the proximity of blood . and that upon the death of the king or queen , who actually reignes , the subjects of this kingdom are bound by law , duty and alledgance to obey the nixt immediat and lawful heir either male or female , upon whom the right and administration of the government is immediatly devolved . and that no difference in religion , nor no law nor act of parliament made , or to be made , can alter or divert the right of succession and lineal descent of the crown to the nearest and lawful heirs , according to the degrees foresaids : nor can stop or hinder them in the full , free and actuall administration of the government according to the laws of the kingdom . like as our soveraigne lord , with advice and consent of the saids estates of parliament , do declare it is high treason in any of the subjects of this kingdom , by writing , speaking , or any other manner of way to endeavour the alteration , suspension or diversion of the said right of succession , or the debarring the next lawfull successor from the immediat , actual , full and free administration of the government , conform to the laws of the kingdom . and that all such attempts or designes shall inferre against them the paine of treason . this being not only ane act of parliament , declaring all such as shall endeavour to alter the succession , to be punishable , as traitors ; but containing in it a decision of this point by the parliament , as the supream judges of the nation , and ane acknowledgement by them , as the representatives of the people , and nation . there can be no place for questioning a point , which they have plac'd beyond all contraversie : especially seing it past so unanimously that there was not only no vote given but even no argument propon'd against it . and the only doubt mov'd about it was , whither any act of parliament , or acknowledgement , was necessary , in a point which was in it self so uncontraverted . and which all who were not desperat fanaticks , did conclude to be so in this nation , even after they had hear'd all the arguments that were us'd , and the pamphlets that were written against it , in our neighbour-kingdom . but because so much noise has been made about this question , and that blind bigotry leads some , and humorous faction drawes others out of the common road . i conceive it will be fit to remember my reader of these following reasons , which will i hope clear that as this is our present positive law , so it is established upon the fundamental constitution of our government , upon our old laws , upon the laws of god , of nature , of nations , and particularly of the civil law. as to the fundamental constitution of our government , i did formerly remark , that our historians tell us , that the scots did swear alledgeance to fergus , who was the first of our kings , and to his heirs . and that they should never obey any other , but his royal race . which oath does in law , and reason , bind them to obey the lineal successor , according to the proximity of blood. for ane indefinite obligation to obey the blood royal , must be interpreted according to the proximity in blood , except the swearers had reserv'd to themselves a power to choose any of the royal familie , whom they pleas'd , which is so true , that in law , ane obligation granted to any man , does in the construction of law accresce to his heirs , though they be not exprest . qui sibi providet , & haeredibus providet . and boethius tells us that after king fergus's death , the scots finding their new kingdom infested with warrs , under the powerful influence of picts , romans , and britans , they refus'd notwithstanding to preferre the next of the royal race , who was of perfect age , and a man of great merit , to the son of king fergus , though ane infant ; which certainly in reason they would have done , if they had not been ty'd to the lineal successor . but lest the kingdom should be prejudg'd during the minority , they enacted , that for the future , the next of the blood royal should alwayes in the minority of our kings administrat as kings , till the true heir were of perfect age . but this does not prove , as buchannan pretends , that the people had power to advance to the throne , any of the royal race : whom they judg'd most fit , for common sense may tell us , that was not to choose a king , but a vice-roy , or a regent . for , though to give him the more authority , and so to enable him the more to curb factions , and oppose enimies , he was called king , yet he was but rex fidei commissarius , being oblidg'd to restore it to the true heir at his majority : and so governed only in his vice , and consequently was only his vice-roy . but because the uncles , and next heirs being once admitted to this fidei commissarie tittle , were unwilling to restore the crown to their nephews , and sometimes murder'd them : and oftetimes rais'd factions against them . therefore the people abhorring these impieties , and weary of the distractions , and divisions , which they occasion'd , beg'd from king kenneth the second , that these following laws might be made . 1. that upon the kings death the next heir of whatsoever age should succeed . 2. the grand-childe either by son or daughter should be preferr'd . 3. that till the king arriv'd at 14 years of age , some wise-man should be choos'd to govern , after which , the king should enter to the free administration , and according to this constitution , some fit person has still been choos'd regent in the kings minority , without respect to the proximity of blood , and our kings have been oftentimes crown'd in the cradle . in conformity also to these principles , all the acknowledgements made to our kings , run still in favours of the king , and his heirs . as in the first act parl. 18. james vi. and the ii , iii , iv. acts parl. 1. charles ii. and by our oath of alledgeance , we are bound to bear faithful and true alledgeance to his majesty , his heirs and lawful successors ; which word lawful , is insert , to cutt off the pretexts of such as should not succeed by law , and the insolent arbitrarieness of such , as being but subjects themselves , think they may choose their king. viz. act 1. parl. 21. james 6. that this right of succession according to the proximity of blood , is founded on the law of god , is clear by num. chap. 27. v. 9. and 10. if a man hath no son or daughter , his inheritance shall descend upon his brother , ; by num. 36. where , god himself decides in favours of the daughters of zelophehad , telling us , it was a just thing , they should have the inheritance of their father . and ordaines , that if there were no daughters , the estate should go to the brothers . saint paul likewayes concluds rom. 8. if sons , then heirs , looking upon that , as a necessary consequence ; which if it do not necessarly hold , or can be any way disappointed , all his divine reasoning in that chapter falls to nothing . and thus ahaziah 2 chron. 22. v. 1. was made king ( though the youngest ) in his fathers stead ; because sayes the text , the arabians had slain all the eldest : which clearly shews that by the law of god , he could not have succeeded , if the eldest had been alive . we hear likewayes in scripture , god oft telling , by me kings reigne . and when he gives a kingdom to any as to abraham , david , &c. he gives it to them and their posterity . that this right of succession flowes from the law of nature , is clear ; because , that is accounted to flow from the law of nature , which every man finds grafted in his own heart , and which is obey'd without any other law , and for which men neither seek nor can give another distinct reason ; all which hold in this case : for who doubts when he heares of ane hereditary monarchy , but that , the next in blood must succeed ; and for which we need no positive law , nor does any man enquire for a further reason , being satisfied therein by the principles of his own heart . and from this ground it is , that though a remoter kinsman did possess as heir , he could by no length of time prescribe a valide right ; since no man , as lawyers conclude , can prescribe a right against the law of nature : and that this principle is founded thereupon is confest l : cùm ratio naturalis ff . de bonis damnat : cùm ratio naturalis , quasi lex quaedum tacita , liberis parentum haereditatem adjecerit , veluti ad debitam successionem eos vocando : propter quod suorum haeredum nomen eis indultum est ; adeo ut ne a parentibus quidem , ab eâ successione amoveri possint . et § . emancipati institut : de haered : quae ab intest . praetor naturalem aequitatem sequutus , iis etiám bonorum possessionem contra 12 tabularum leges , & contra jus civile permittit . which text shewes likewayes , that this right of nature was stronger than the laws of the 12 tables , though these were the most ancient and chief statutes of rome . which principle is very clear likewayes from the parable , math. 21. where the husband-men who can be presum'd to understand nothing but the law of nature , are brought in saying , this is the heir , let us kill him and seaze on his inheritance . nor does this hold only in the succession of children or the direct line , but in the collateral succession of brothers and others l. hac parte ff . unde cognati . hac parte proconsul naturali aequitate motus , omnibus cognatis permittit bonorum possessionem quos sanguinis ratio vocat ad haereditatem . vid. l. 1. ff . aegrad . & l. 1. § . hoc autem ff . de bonor . possess . and these who are now brothers to the present king , have been sones to the former : and therefore whatever has been said for sones , is also verified in brothers . as for instance , though his royal highness be only brother to king charles the ii. , yet he is son to king charles i. and therefore , as saint paul sayes , if a son , then ane heir , except he be secluded by the existence and succession of ane elder brother . that this gradual succession is founded on the law of nations , is as clear by the laws of the 12 tables , and the praetorian law of rome . and if we consider the monarchy either old or new , we will find , that wherever the monarchy was not elective , the degrees of succession were there exactly observed . and bodinus de republ. lib. 6 cap. 5. asserts , that , ordo non tantum naturae & divinae sed etiam omnium ubique gentium hoc postulat . from all which , pope innocent in c. grand . de supplend . neglig . praelati concludes , in regnis haereditariis caveri non potest ne filius aut frater succedat . and since it is expresly determined , that the right of blood can be taken away by no positive law or statute l. jura sanguinis ff . de reg. jur . & l. 4. ff . de suis legitim . and that the power of making a testament , can be taken away by no law l. ita legatum ff . de conditionibus . i cannot see how the right of succession can be taken away by a statute : for that is the same with the right of blood , and is more strongly founded upon the law of nature , than the power of making testaments . since then this right is founded upon the law of god , of nature and of nations , it does clearly follow , that no parliament can alter the same by their municipal statutes , as our act of parliament has justly observed . for clearing whereof , it is fit to consider , that in all powers and jurisdictions which are subordinat to one another , the inferiour should obey , but not alter the power to which it is subordinat ; and what it does contrary thereto , is null and void . and thus , if the judges of england should publish edicts contrare to acts of parliament , or if a justice of peace should ranverse a decree of the judges of west-minster , these their endeavours would be void and ineffectual . but so it is , that by the same principle , but in ane infinitly more transcendent way , all kings and parliaments are subordinat to the laws of god , the laws of nature , and the laws of nations : and therefore no act of parliament can be binding , to overturn what these have established . this , as to the law of god , is clear , not only from the general dictats of religion , but 28 hen. 8. cap. 7. the parliament uses these words , for no man can dispence with gods laws ; which we also affirme and think . and as to the laws of nature , they must be acknowledged to be immutable , from the principles of reason . and the law it self confesses that naturalia quaedam jura quae apud omnes gentes peraequè observantur , divina quadam providentia constituta semper firma , atque immutabilia permanent § . sed naturalia institut . de jur , natural . & § . singulorum de rer . divis : and when the law declares , that a supream prince is free from the obligation of laws , solutus legibus , which is the highest power that a parliament can pretend to , or arrive at ; yet lawyers still acknowledge that this does not exeem these supream powers from being lyable to the laws of god , nature and nations , accurs : in l. princeps ff . de leg. clementina pasturalis de re judicatâ bart. in l. ut vim de justitiâ & jure voet. de statutis sect. 5. cap. 1. nor can the law of nations be overturned by private statutes , or any supream power . and thus all statuts to the prejudice of ambassadours , who are secured by the law of nations , are confess'd by all to be null , and the highest power whatsoever cannot take off the necessity of denuncing warr before a warr can be lawful . and lawyers observe verie well , that these who would oppose the common dictats of mankind , should be look't upon as enemies to all mankind . my second argument shall be , that the king & parliament can have no more power in parliament than any absolute monarch has in his own kingdom : for , they are when joyn'd , but in place of the supream power , sitting in judgement ; and therefore they cannot in law do what any other supream and absolute monarch cannot do . for all the power of parliaments consists only in their consent , but we must not think , that our parliaments have ane unlimited power de jure , so , as that they may forfeit or kill without a cause or decerne against the subjects without citing or hearing them ; or , that they can alienat any part of de kingdom ; or subject the wholl kingdom to france or any other forraigne prince : all which deeds would be null in themselves , and would not hinder the partie injur'd from a due redress . for if our parliaments had such power , we would be the greatest slaves , and live under the most arbitrary government imaginable . but so it is , that no monarch whosoever can take from any man what is due to him , by the law of god , nature , and nations . for being himself inferiour to these he cannot overturne their statuts . thus a prince cannot even ex plenitudine potestatis legitimat a bastard in prejudice of former children though they have only but a hope of succession l. 4. & sequen de natal . restituend . and for the same reason , it is declared in the same law , that he cannot restore a free'd man ( restituere libertum natalibus ) in prejudice of his patron , who was to succeed , though that succession was but by a municipal law. for clearing which question , it is fit to know that the solid lawyers who treat jus publicum , as arnisaeus and others , do distinguish betwixt such kingdoms , as were at first conferr'd by the people , and wherein the kings succeed by contract , and in these , the laws made by king and people can exclude , or bind the successor . and yet even here , they confess , that this proceeds not , because the predecessor can bind the successor , but because the people renew the paction with the succeeding king. but where the successor is to succeed ex jure regni , in hereditary monarchies , there they assert positively that the predecessor cannot prejudge the successors right of succession . which they prove by two arguments . first , that the predecessor has no more power , nor right , than the successor : for the same right , that the present king has to the possession , the next in blood has to the succession . and all our laws run in favours of the king , and his heirs , and no man can tye his equal , or give him the law , par in parem non habet dominium . the second is , that it were unjust and unequitable that the predecessor should robbe his successor nulla ergo ( sayes arnisaeus cap. 7. num. 5. ) clausula successori jus auferri potest , modò succedat ille ex jure regni . and hottoman : lib. 2. de regno galliae asserts , that in france which is a very absolute monarchy , eaquae jure regio primogenito competunt , ne testamento quidem patris adimi possunt . and thus when the king of france design'd to break the salique law of succession , as in the reigne of charles the v. it was found impracticable by the three estates , and when pyrrhus was to preferre his youngest son to the crown , the epirots following the law of nations , and their own , refus'd him , paus. lib. 1. in the year 1649. also amurat the grand seignior , having left the turkish empire to han the tartarian , passing by his brother ibrahim , the wholl officers ▪ of that state , did unanimously cancel that testament , and restore ibrahim , the true heir tho a silly foole . which shewes the opinion not only of lawyers but of whole nations and parliaments ; tho vander graaff , an hollander confesses , that it is not lawfull to choose any of his sons to succeed him , in which , the general quiet of the kingdom is much concerned . and therefore , tho the next heir were wiser , braver , and more generally beloved ; yet the more immediat must be received , as choos'd by god , whither good or bad , and as honored with his character . and if kings could have inverted their succession , and choos'd their own successor saint lewis had preferr'd his own third son to lewis his eldest , and alfonsus king of leon in spaine , had preferr'd his daughters to ferdinand his eldest son. and edward the vi. of england had preferr'd , and did actually preferre the lady iean gray to his sisters mary , and elizabeth . and if successions especially of such great importance , had not been fixed by immutable laws of god , and nature , the various and unconstant inclinations of the present governours , especially when shaken by the importunity of step-mothers and mothers , or clouded by the jealousie of flatterers , or favourits , had made the nations whom they governed , very unhappy : and therefore , god did very justly , and wisely setle this succession , that both king and people might know , that it is by him that kings reigne , and kingdoms are secur'd in peace against faction . and it were strange , that this should not hold in kings , since even amongst subjects the honour and nobility that is bestow'd upon a man and his heirs , does so necessarly descend upon those heirs , that the father , or predicessor cannot seclude the next successor , or derogat from his right , either by renuncing , resigning , following base or meane trades , or any other : for say those lawyers , since he derives this right from his old progenitors , and owes it not to his father , his fathers deed should not prejudge him therein . fab. cod. 9. tit. 28. def. 1. warnee ; consil. 20. num. 7. and as yet the estates of parliament in both nations have no legislative power , otherwayes than by assenting to what the king does ; so that if the king cannot himself make a successor , neither can they by consenting : and all that their consent could imply wold only be that , they and their successors should not oppose his nomination , because of their consent . but that can never amount to a power of transferring the monarchy from one branch to another , which would require , that the transferrers ; or bestowers had the supream power originally in themselves , nemo enim plus juris in alium transferre potest quàm ipse in se habet . and if the states of parliament had this power originally in themselves to bestow , why might they not reserve it to themselves ? and so perpetuate the government in their own hands : and this mov'd judge jenkins in his treatise concerning the liberty and freedom of the subject , pag. 25. to say , that no king can be named , or in any time made in this kingdom , by the people . a parliament never made a king , for there were kings before there were parliaments , and parliaments are summoned by the kings writtes . fourthly , a king cannot in law alienat his crown , as is undenyable in the opinion of all lawyers , and if he do , that deed is voyd and null , nor could he in law consent to an act of parliament declaring that he should be the last king. and if such consents and acts had been sufficient to bind successors , many silly kings in several parts of europe had long since been prevail'd upon , to alter their monarchy from haereditarie to elective ; or to turn it in a common-wealth ; and therefore by the same reason , they cannot consent to exclude the true successor : for if they may exclude one they may exclude all . 5. in all societies and governments , but especially where there is any association of powers , as in our parliaments , there are certain fundamentals , which like the noble parts in the body are absolutly necessar for its preservation ; for without these , there would be no ballance , or certainty . and thus with us , if the king and each of the estates of parliament had not distinct and known limits ( sett by the gracious concessions of our monarchs ) each of them would be ready to invade one anothers priviledges . and thus i conceive that if the parliament should consent to alienate the half of the kingdom , or to subject the whole to a stranger , as in king johns case in england , and the baliols in scotland , it has been found by the respective parliaments of both kingdoms , that , that statute would not oblidge the successor . or if the house of commons in england , or the burrowes of scotland should consent to any act excluding their estate and respresentatives from the parliament , doubtlesse that statute excluding them would not prejudge their successors ; because that act was contrare to one of the fundamental laws of the nation . and the late acts of parliaments excluding bishops , were reprobated by the ensuing parliaments , as such ; and therefore by the same rule , any statute made excluding the legal successor , would be null and voyd , as contrare to one of the great fundamental rights of the nation . and what can be call'd more a fundamental right than the succession of our monarchy ? since our monarchy in this isle , has ever been acknowledg'd to be hereditary . and that this acknowledgment is the great basis whereupon most of all the positions of our law run , and are established : such as , that the king never dyes , since the very moment in which the last king dyes , the next successor in blood is legally king , and that without any expresse recognizance from the people , and all that oppose him are rebells , his commissions are valide , he may call parliaments , dispose the lands pertaining to the crown , all men are lyable to do him homage ; and hold their rights of him and his heirs . and generally this principle runs through all the veins of our law. it is that , which gives life and authority to our statutes , but receives none from them ; which are the undenyable marks and characters of a fundamental right in all nations . but that this right of lineal succession is one of the fundamental , and unalterable laws of the kingdom of scotland , is clear , by the commission granted by the parliament for the union in anno 1604. in which these words are , his majesty vouchsafeing , to assure them of his sincere disposition and clear meaning , no way by the foresaid union to prejudge or hurt the fundamental laws , ancient priviledges , offices and liberties of this kingdom ; whereby not only the princely authority of his most royal descent hath been these many ages maintain'd , but also his peoples securities of their lands and livings , rights , liberties , offices and dignities preserv'd : whilks if they should be innovated , such confusion should ensue ; as it could no more be a free monarchy . 6. there would many great inconveniencies arise , both to king and people , by the parliaments having this power : for weak kings might by their own simplicity , and gentle kings by the rebellion of their subjects be induced to consent to such acts , in which their subjects would be tempted to cheat in the one case , and rebell in the other . many kings likewise might be wrought upon , by the importunity of their wives , or concubins , or by the misrepresentations of favourits , to disinherit the true successor ; and he likewise to prevent this arbitrarienesse , would be oblidg'd to enter in a faction for his own support , from his very infancy . this would likewise animate all of the blood royal , to compete for the throne , and in order thereto , they would be easily induc'd to make factions in the parliament , and to hate one another ; whereas the true successor would be ingadg'd to hate them all , and to endeavour the ruine of such as he thought more popular than himself . nor would the people be in better case , since they behov'd to expect upon all these accompts , constant civil warres and animosities , and by being unsure whom to follow , might be in great hazard by following him who had no right . and their rights bearing to hold of the king and his heirs , it would be dubious to the vassals , who should be their superiour , as well , as who should be their king. it is also in reason to be expected , that scotland will ever owne the legal descent : and thus we should under different kings of the same race , be involv'd in new and constant civil warrs ; france shall have a constant door open'd , by allyances with scotland , to disquiet the peace of the whole isle ; and england shab loose all the endeavours it used to unite this isle within it self . another great absurdity and inconveniency which would follow upon the exclusion of the lineal successor would be , that if he had a son , that son behoov'd certainly to succeed ; and therefore after the next lawful heir were brought from abroad to reigne , he behov'd to return upon the birth of this son ; and if he dyed he would be again call'd home , and would be sent back by the birth of another son : which would occasion such affronts , uncertainties , divisions , factions , temptations , that i am sure , no good nor wise man could admit of such a project . i find also , that as the debarring the righteous heir , is in reason , the fruitful seed of all civil warr and misery , ( for who can imagine that the righteous heir will depart from his right , or that wise men will endanger their lives and fortunes in opposition to it ? ) so experience has demonstrated , how dangerous , and bloody this injustice has prov'd . let us remember amongst many domestick examples , the miseries that ensu'd upon the exclusion of mordredus the son of lothus ; the destruction of the picts for having secluded alpinus the righteous heir ; the warrs during the reigne of william the conquerour ; these betwixt king stevin and henry the ii. betwixt the houses of lancaster and york ; betwixt the bruce and the baliol ; the murther of arthur duke of britanny , true heir of the crown of england , with many other forreigne histories , which tell us of the dreadfull michiefs arising from pelops preferring his youngest son to the kingdom of micene ; from aedipus commanding that polinices his youngest son should reigne alternatly with the eldest ; from parisatis the queen of persia's preferring her youngest son cyrus , to her eldest artaxerxes , from aristodemus admitting his two sons proclus , and euristhenes to an equall share in the lacedemonian throne . the like observations are to be made in the succession of ptolemaeus lagus and ptolemaeus phisco , in the sons of severus , in the succession of sinesandus who kill'd his brother suintilla righteours heir of spaine , and that of francis and fortia duke of millan with thousands of others : in all which , either the usurpers or the kingdom that obey'd them , perish'd utterly . to prevent which differences and mischiefs , the hungarians would not admitte almus the younger brother , in exclusion of the elder colomanus , though a silly deform'd creature , albeit almus was preferr'd by ladislaus ( the kings elder brother ) to both . nor would france acquiesce in st. lewis his preferring charles his 3 son , to lewis the eldest . and the english refus'd to obey lady iean gray , in prejudice of queen marie , though a papist and persecuter . tali & constanti veneratione nos angli legitimos reges prosequimur &c. sayes an english historian . 7. if parliaments had such powers as this , then our monarchy would not be hereditary , but elective ; the very essence of ane hereditary monarchy consisting in the right of succession , according to the contingency of blood . whereas if the parliament can preferre the next , save one , they may preferre the last of all the line : for the next save one , is no more next than the last is next . and the same reason by which they can choose a successor ( which can only be that they have a power above him ) should likewayes in my opinion justifie their deposing of kings . and since the successor has as good right to succeed , as the present king has to govern ( for that right of blood which makes him first , makes the other next , and all these statuts which acknowledge the present kings prerogatives , acknowlege that they belong to him and his heirs . ) it followes clearly , that if the parliament can preclude the one , they may exclude the other . and we saw even in the last age , that such reasons as are now urged to incapacitat the children of our last monarch , from the hope of succession . viz. popery , and arbitrary government , did embolden men to dethrone , and murder the father himself who was actual king. 8. that such acts of parliament , altering the succession are ineffectual , and null , is clear from this , that though such an act of parliament were made , it could not debarre the true successor : because by the laws of all nations , and particularly of these kingdoms , the right of succession purges all defects , and removes all impediments , which can prejudge him who is to succeed . and as craig one of our learn'd lawyers has very well express'd it , tanta est regii sanguinis praerogativa , & dignitas , ut vitium non admittat , nec se contaminari patiatur . and thus though he who were to succeed , had committed murther , or were declar'd a traitour formerly to the crown for open rebellion against the king , and kingdom ; yet he needed not be restor'd by act of parliament upon his comming to the crown : but his very right of blood would purge all these imperfections . of which there are two reasons given by lawyers , one is , that no man can be a rebel against himself , nor can the king have a superior . and consequently , there can be none whom he can offend . and it were absurd that he who can restore all other men , should need to be restored himself . the second reason is , because the punishment of crimes , such as confiscations , &c. are to be inflicted by the kings authority , or to fall to the kings thesaury ; and it were most absurd , that a man should exact from himself a punishment . likeas , upon this account it is , that though in the canon law , bastards cannot be promov'd to sacred orders without dispensation , nor can alibi nati , that is to say , people born out of england be admitted to succeed in england , by express act of parliament there ; yet agapaetus , theodorus , gelasius and many others , have been admitted to be popes without any formal dispensation , their election clearing that imperfection . and the statute of alibi nati , has been oft found not to extend to the royal line . that the succession to the crown purges all defects , is clear , by many instances , both at home and abroad . the instances at home are , in england henry the vi. being disabled and attainted of high treason by act of parliament , it was found by the judges , notwithstanding that from the moment he assum'd the crown , he had right to succeed without being restored . and the like was resolved by the judges in the case of henry the vii , as bacon observes in his history of henry the vii . fol. 13. and in the case of queen elizabeth , who was declar'd bastard by act of parliament , as is clear by cambden anno 2. elizabeth . and though in scotland there be no express instances of this , because though some rebellious ring-leaders in scotland , have often in a privat capacity been very injurious to their king ; yet their parliaments have been ever very tender of attainting the blood royal , or presumptive heirs . but alexander duke of albanie , and his succession being declared traitours , by his brother king james the iv. his son john was notwithstanding called home from france upon his uncles death , and declar'd tutor and governour , without any remission , or being restor'd : that employment being found to be due to him by the right of blood : therefore he had been much more declared the true successor of the crown if his cousin king iames the v. had died . these being sufficient to establish our design , i shall mention only some forraigne stories . charles the vii . of france who though banish'd by sentence of the parliament of paris ▪ did thereafter succeed to the crown . and though lewis the xii . was forfeited for taking up armes against charles the viii . yet he succeeded to him without restitution . and lewis the ii. his son being declared a rebel , whom his father desiring to disinherit , and to substitut in his place charles duke of normandie , that son had succeeded if he had not been hindered by the nobility , who plainly told him it was impossible to exclude his sone from the succession . my next task shall be to satisfy the arguments brought for mantaining this opinion , whereof the first is . that god himself has authorised the inverting the right of succession , by the examples of esau , salomon , and others . to which i answer , that these instances which are warranted by express commands from god , are no more to be drawn into example , than the robbing of the aegyptians ear-rings . and it 's needing an express command , and the expressing of that command , does evince , that otherwayes iacob , nor salomon could not have succeeded against the priviledge of birth-right and possession . the next objection , is that it is naturally imply'd in all monarchies , that the people shall obey whilst the prince governs justly , as in the paction betwixt david , and the people 2 sam. 5. which is most suitable to the principles of justice , and government : since relations cannot stand by one side ; so that when the king leaves off to be king , and becomes a tyrant , the people may consult their own security in laying him aside , as tutors may be remov'd when they are suspect . and that this is most just when kings are idolaters since god is rather to be obey'd then men . to all which it is answered , that god who loves order , and knows the extravagant levity , and insolence of men , especially when baited by hope of prey , or promotion , did wisely think fit to ordain under the paine of eternal damnation , that all men should be subject to superiour powers for conscience sake . 1 pet. 2. 13. and that whoever resists the power , resists god , rom. 13. 2. reserving the punishment of kings to himself , as being only their superiour . and thus david , asa , and others , committed crimes , but were not depos'd , nor debart'd by the people . nor were even the idolatrous kings such as achab , manasse , &c. judged by their subjects , nor did the prophets exhort the people to rise against them , though they were opposing gods express , and immediat will. and overturning the uncontraverted fundamentals of religion . nor did the fathers of the primitive church , excite the christians to oppose the heathen , and idolatrous princes , under which they lived : and paul commands them to pray for these heathen emperours . nor was the emperour basilicus depos'd for abrogating the council of chalcedon , as is pretended by some republicans , but was turn'd out by the just successor zeno , whom he had formerly dethron'd . nor were zeno or anastasius degraded for their errors in religion , or their vices by the ancient christians : but were opprest by private faction . and sure they must think god unable to redress himself , who without warrand , and against his expresse warrand , will usurpe so high a power . and we in this rebellious principle , owne the greatest extravagancy with which we can charge the pope and jesuits , and disowne not only our own confession of faith which article 1. chap. 22. acknowledges , that infidelity , or difference in religion doth not make void the magistrats just ; or legal authority , nor free the people from their due obedience to him , but contradict the best protestant divines , as musculus , melancthon and others vid. libell . de vitand , superstit . anno 1150. & consil. biden . dec. 1. consil. 10. & decad. 10. consil. 5. nor can the subterfuge us'd by buchanan , and others satisfie , whereby they contend that the former texts of scripture prove only that the office , but not the persones of kings are sacred ▪ so that parliaments or people may lay aside the persons , though not the office , seing the sacred text secures oftner the person , than the office as i have formerly more fully prov'de . and if this principle prevail'd as to the differences in the theory of religion , it would in the next step be urg'd as to the practice of religion ; and we would change our kings , because we thought them not pious , as well as protestant . and did not our sectarians refine so far , as to think dominion founded on grace ? and this opinion seems to my self more solide than the other , for certainly an impious protestant , is a worse governour , and less gods vicegerent , and image , than a devout papist . and amongst protestants , every secte will reject a king , because he is not of their opinion . and thus our covenanters , by the act of the west-kirk anno 1650. declar'd , they would disown our present monarch , if he did not own the covenant . and though a king were protestant , yet still this pretext that he design'd to introduce popery , would raise his people against him , if differences in religion could lawfully arme subjects against their king , or did empower them to debar his successor . and when this cheat prevail'd against devout king charles the i , the martyr of that orthodox faith to which he was said to be enemie , what a madness is it to allow this fatall error , which was able to ruine us in the last age , and went so near to destroy us in this ? this is indeed , to allow that arbitrariness against our kings , which we would not allow in them to us . the second objection is , that in england the parliament has frequently devolv'd the crown and government upon such as were not otherwayes to have succeeded , as in the instances of edward the ii. and richard the iii , the first of whom was most unjustly depos'd , for making use of gavestoun , and the spencers ; which shewes how extravagant the people ar in their humours , rather than how just their power is : for besides , that do not read , that these counsellors were unsufferable , there is no good christian that can say , that a king can be depos'd for using ill counsellors . and as to richard the iii. his case is so fully examined , and all the articles brought both against him , and edward the ii. so fully answered by the learn'd arnisaeus a protestant lawyer , ( and who had no other interest in that debate than a love to truth and law ) in that treatise , quod nullâ ex causâ subditis fas sit contra legitimum principem arma sumere , that we protestants should be asham'd to bring again to the field such instances , upon which arnisaeus , in answer to the 14. article against richard the ii , viz. that he refus'd to allow the lawes made in parliament , does very well remark , that this was in effect to consent to their being king , and to transferre upon them the royal power , and this will be the event of all such undertakings . the instances of henry the iv. and henry the vii . , are of no more weight than the other two , since these were likewayes only kings de facto , till king henry the vii . by his marriage with the lady elizabeth , eldest daughter to king edward the iv. , did by her transmit a just title to his successor : & therefore it was not strange , that either of these should allow the parliament to interpose , when they behov'd to owe to them the possession of the throne . but yet henry the vii . himself ( as the lord bacon relates in his historie ) shunn'd to have the parliament declare his title to be just , being content with these ambiguous words , viz. that the inheritance of the crown should rest , remain and abide in the king , &c. and upon this accompt it was , that the same king caus'd make a law , that such as should serve the king for the time , being in his warrs , could not be attainted or impeach'd in their persons or estates . as to henry the viii . his procuring an act , whereby the parliament declares that in case he had no issue by the lady jean seymour , he might dispose of the crown to whatsoever person he should in his own discretion think fit . it is answered , that by a former statute in the 25 year of his reigne , he by act of parliament setles the crown upon the heirs male of his own body , and for lack of such issue , to lady elizabeth , and for lack of such issue also , to the next heirs of the king , who should for ever succeed according to the right of succession of the crown of england ; which shewes that the succession to the crown of england is establish't by the law of nature , and the fundamental laws of england , upon the heirs of blood , according to the proximity of degrees ; so that though that king did afterwards prevaile with the parliament to declare this elizabeth a bastard , as he did also his daughter mary , by another act , and resolve to setle the crown , upon henry fitz roy , duke of richmond , yet these acts teach us how dangerous it is to leave parliaments to the impression of kings in the case of naming a successor , as it is to expose kings to the arbitrariness of parliaments . but such care had god of his own laws , that mary succeeded notwithstanding she was papist , and elizabeth succeeded her , though she was declar'd bastard ; the rights of blood prevailing over the formalities of divorce , and the dispensations of popes : as the strength of nature does often prevaile over poisons . and god remov'd the duke of richmond by death , to prevent the unjust competition , and so little notice was taken of this ; and the subsequent act anno 1535 , that the heirs of blood succeeded without repealing of that act , as ane act in it self invalide from the beginning : for only such acts are past by , without being repeal'd . and blackwood pag. 45. observes very well , that so conscious were the makers of these acts , of the illegality thereof , and of their being contrarie to the immutable laws of god , nature and nations , that none durst produce that kings testament wherein he did nominat a successor , conform to the power granted by these acts , that how soon they were freed by his death from the violent oppressions that had forced them to alter a successor three several times , and at last to swear implicitly to whomever he should nominat , ( a preparative which this age would not well bear though they cite it ) they proclamed first queen mary their queen though a papist , and thereafter queen elizabeth , whom themselves had formerly declared a bastard . and as in all these acts there is nothing declaring the parliaments to have power to name a successor , but only giving a power to the king , for preventing mischiefs ; that might arise upon the dubiousness of the succession , to nominat a successor ; two of the legal successors having been declar'd bastards upon some niceties , not of nature , but of the popes bulls for divorcing their mothers : so , this instance can only prove , that the king may nominat a successor , and that the parliament may consent , not to quarrell it , ( which is all that they do ) but does not at all prove , that where the right of nature is clear , the parliament may invert the same . and strangers who considered more the dictats of law than of passion , did in that age conclude , that no statute could be valide when made contrare to the fundamental law of the kingdom , arnisaeus cap. 7. num. 11. henricus viii . angliae rex eduardum filium primò , deinde mariam , denique elizabetham suos haeredes fecerat , verùm non aliter ea omnia valent quàm sicum jure regni conveniant , vid. curt. tract . feud . par. 4. num. 129. there seems greater difficulty to arise from the 13 elizabeth c. 2. by which it is enacted , that if any persone shall affirme , that the parliament of england has not full power to bind and governe the crown in point of succession and descent , that such a persone , during the queens life , shall be guilty of high treason . but to this act it is answered , that this act does not debarre the next legal and natural successor . and these words , that the parliament has power to bind and govern the succession , must be , as all other general expressions in statutes , interpreted and restricted by other uncontraverted laws ; and so the sense must be , that the parliament are judge where there are differences betwixt competitors in nice and contravertable points which cannot be otherwise decided : and both this and the former acts made in henry the vi. time , are not general laws but temporarie acts and personal priviledges ; and so cannot overturn the known current of law. quod verò contrà rationem juris receptum est , non est producendum ad consequentias . and in all these instances it is remarkable , that the restriction was made upon the desire of the soveraigne , and not of the subject . and if we look upon this act as made to secure against mary queen of scotland , and to let her know , that it was to no purpose for her to designe any thing against the right , or person of queen elizabeth , as being declar'd a bastard , by act of parliament in england ; since her other right as next undoubted heir by blood to the crown , might be altered , or govern'd : we must acknowledge it to be only one of these statutes , which the law sayes , are made ad terrorem & ex terrore only . nor was there ever use made of it by queen elizabeth , nor her parliaments ; so fully were they convinc'd , that this pretended power was so unjust , as that it could not be justified by an act of parliament , being contrair to the laws of god , of nature , of nations , and of the fundamental laws of both kingdoms . but this law being made to exclude queen mary , and the scotish line , as is clear by that clause , wherein it is declared that every person or persones of what degree or nation soever they be , shall during the queens life declare or publish , that they have right to the crown of england during the queens life , shall be disinabled to enjoy the crown in succession , inheritance , or otherwayes , after the queens death ; it therefore followes , that it was never valide : for if it had , king iames might have thereby been excluded by that person who should have succeeded next to the scotish race . for it 's undeniable , that queen marie did , during queen elizabeths life , pretend right to the crown , upon the account that queen elizabeth was declared bastard . and therefore the calling in of king iames after this act , and the acknowledging his title , does clearly evince , that the parliament of england knew , that they had no power to make any such act. the words of which acknowledgement of king james's right , i have thought fit to set down , as it is in the statute it self , 1. ja. cap. 1. that the crown of england did descend upon king james by inherent birthright , as being lineally , justly , and lawfully next , and sole heir of the blood royal. and to this recognition they do submit themselves , and posterities for ever , untill the last drop of their blood be spilt . and further doth beseech his majesty to accept of the same recognition , as the first fruits of their loyalty , and faith to his majesty , and to his royal progeny , and posterity for ever . it may be also objected , that by the 8 , act. parl. 1. ja. 6. it is provided in scotland , that all kings ▪ and princes that shall happen to reigne and bear rule over that kingdom , shall at the time of their coronation , make their faithfull promise by oath in presence of eternal god , that they shall mantaine the true religion of iesus christ , the preaching of the holy word , and due and right administration of the sacraments now received and preach'd within this kingdom ; from which two conclusions may be inferr'd , 1. that by that act the successor to the crown may be restricted . 2. that the successor to the crown must be a protestant , that being the religion which was professed and established the time of this act. to which it is answered , that this act relates only to the crowning of the king , and not to the succession . nor is a coronation absolutly necessar , coronatio enim magis est ad ostentationem , quàm ad necessitatem . nec ideo rex est quia coronatur , sed coronatur quia rex est . oldard : consil . 90. num . 7. balbus lib. de coronat . pag 40. nor do we read that any kings were crown'd in scripture except ioas. and clovis king of france was the first , who was crown'd in europe . nor are any kings of spaine crown'd till this day . neither is ane coronation oath requisit ; sisenandus being the first who in the 4. tolletan councel gave such an oath amongst the christians , as trajan was the first amongst the heathen emperours . and we having had no coronation oath till the reigne of king gregorie , which was in anno 879 , he having found the kingdom free from all restrictions , could not have limited his successor , or at least could not have debarr'd him by an oath . nullam enim poterat legem dictare posteris , cum par in parem non habeat imperium , as our blackwood observes . pag. 13. ( 2. ) there is no clause irritant in this act debarring the successor , or declaring the succession null in case his successor gave not this oath . 3. the lawfull successor though he were of a different religion from his people ( as god forbid he should be ) may easily swear , that he shall mantaine the laws presently standing . and any parliament may legally secure the successor from overturning their religion or laws , though they cannot debarre him . and though the successor did not swear to mantaine the laws , yet are they in litle danger by his succession ; since all acts of parliament stand in force , till they be repeal'd by subsequent parliaments : and the king cannot repeale an act without the consent of parliament . but to put this beyond all debate , the 2. act of this current parliament is opponed , whereby it is declared , that the right and administration of the government is immediatly devolv'd upon the nixt lawfull heir after the death of the king or queen , and that no difference in religion , nor no law nor act of parliament can stop or hinder them in the free and actual administration ; which is an abrogation of the foresaid act concerning the coronation as to this point ; for how can the administration be devolv'd immediatly upon the successor , if he cannot administrat till he be crown'd , and have sworn this oath . the next objection is , that since the king and parl. may by act of parl. alter the successions of privat families though transmitted by the right of blood , why may they not alter the succession in the royal family ? to which it is answered , that the reason of the difference lyes in this , that the heirs of the crown owe not their succession to parliaments : for they succeed by the laws of god , nature , and the fundamental laws of the nation ; whereas privat families are subject to parliaments , and inferiour to them , and owe their privat rights to a municipal law , and so may and ought in point of right to be regulated by them . and yet i am very clear , that a parliament cannot arbitrarly debarr the eldest son of a privat family , and devolve the succession upon the younger : and if they did so , their acts would be null . but if this argument were good , we might as well conclude by it , that no persone born out of england , or attainted of treason could succeed to the crown ; because he could not succeed to a privat estate . all which and many moe instances do clearly demonstrat that the successor to the crown cannot be debarr'd , nor the succession to the crown diverted by act of parliament . the last objection is , that robert the iii. king of scotland , was by ane act of parliament preferr'd to david and walter , who ( as he pretends ) were truly the eldest lawful sons of robert the 2d . because euphan daughter to the earl of ross was first lawful wife to king robert the 2d , and she bore him david earl of strathern , and walter earl of athol , alexander earl of buchan , and euphan who was married to james earl of dowglass , after whose deceass he married elizabeth muir , daughter to sir adam muir ; not so much ( as buchanan observes ) from any design to marry a second wife , as from the great love he carried to elizabeth muir , whom because of her extraordinary beauty he had lov'd very passionatly in his youth , and before he married the earl of rosses daughter , and from the love which he bore to the sons whom elizabeth had born before that first marriage , who were john earl of carrick ( who thereafter succeeded to the crown by the title of robert the 3d , ) and robert earl of fife and monteith , he prevail'd with the parliament to prefer john eldest son by elizabeth muir , to the two sons which he had by the earl of rosses daughter , who was ( as they pretend ) his first lawful wife . in which though i might debate many nice points of law relating to this subject , yet i choose only to insist on these few convincing answers . 1. that in a case of so great moment historians should be little credited , except they could have produc'd very infallible documents ; and as in general one historian may make all who succeed him err , so in this case boetius ( who was the first ) liv'd and wrot 200 years after the marriage of king robert the 2d , and wrot his history at aberdeen , very remote from the registers and records by which he should have instructed himself ; nor did he know the importance of this point , having touch'd it only transiently , though it has been design'dly press'd by buchanan , to evince that the parliaments of scotland might prefer any of the royal line they pleas'd ; and it is indeed probable that king robert the 2d . did for some time make no great noise of his first marriage with elizabeth muir , least the meaness of the match should have weaken'd his interest upon his first coming to the crown , he being himself the first of the race of the stewarts , and having so strong competitors as the earl of dowglass , who claim'd right to the crown in the right of the baliol and the cummings , as boetius himself observes . 2. king robert the 3d. having succeeded as the eldest lawful son , and having been receiv'd as such by that parliament , and his posterity by all succeeding parliaments , the possession of the king and the acquiescence of the people is the most infallible proof that can be adduc'd for proving that robert was the eldest lawful son , nor have most kings in europe , or the heads of most private families any other proof of their being the eldest and lawful sons , save that they succeeded and were acknowledg'd as such . 3. to ballance the authority of these historians , i shall produce the testimonie of the learned sir lewis stewart , one of the most famous lawyers we ever had , and who ought much more to be believ'd than buchanan , not only because he was more disinterested , but because he founds upon acts of parliament and old charters which he himself had seen in the registers , in which elizabeth muir is acknowledg'd to have been the first wife . buchananus lib. 9. in vitam roberti 2. affirmat euphaniam comitis rossenssis filiam primam regis roberti 2. uxorem fuisse & eâ mortuâ , regem superinduxisse elizabetham moram ex qua prius liberos ternos mares suscepisset , & ●am ●x●rem duxisse , ejusque liberos regno desti●●sse , ut postea eorum natu maximus suc●●essit quod quam falsum sit , apparet ex archivis in carcere edinburgensi reconditis , ubi exstant separata acta duorum parliamentorum , subscripta manibus ecclesiasticorum praesulum , nobilium , baronum , & aliorum statuum parliamenti , & eorum sigillis roborata , quibus elizabetha mora agnoscitur prima uxor , & euphania rosse secunda , & liberis ex elizabetha mora tanquam justis haeredibus ; regni , successive regnum dcernitur , & post eos liberis euphaniae rosse nec non ibidem cartae extant plurima factae per davidem secundum , eorum patruum magnum ex diversit terris . ioanni filio primogenito , nepotis ejus roberti , dum euphania rosse viverit nec non dar vidi filio natu maximo euphaniae rosse quem solum filium indigitat roberti nepotis , quod non fecisset si elizabetha mora non prius fuisset nupta roberto ejus nepoti , na● primogenitus nunquam attribuitur notho in● ego plures quam vigint● cartas in archivis inveni , ubi etiam eas reliqui , ex quibus sole clarius elucessit , elizabetham moram prima●● f●isse uxorem , & euphaniam rosse secundam , nam extra contraversiam , liberi elizabethae morae etate grandiores era●t liberis euphaniae rosse : which paper i did get from the lord pitmeden , who has himself written some learn'd observations upon this point . 4. i have my self seen an act of parliament ( found out by the industry of sir george mackenzie of tarbet , now lord register ) having the intire seals of the members of parliament appended thereto , by which the parliament do swear allegiance to robert the 2d . the first king of the race of the stewarts ; and after him roberto comiti de carrict , filio suo nat● maximo ( his eldest son ) in anno 1371 , which was the first year of his reign ; and if the pretended defect be true , it was a very palpable , and a very undenyable one , and could not but have been unanswerably known to the whole nation . and how can we imagine , that the whole parliament would have unanimously drawn upon themselves so dreadful a perjury , by excluding the lawful heir , against their national oath in the reign of k. kenneth the 3d , whereby they swore to own ▪ always the immediate heir , or that they would have entail'd upon themselves a civil war , by preferring even a questionable heir , after the miseries which they had lately then felt , in the competition betwixt the bruce and the baliol ▪ amongst which seals , the seal of james earl of dowglass is one , and how ridiculous is it to think , that he would sit and declare a bastard preferable to the brother of his own lady , and to his own lady who would have succeeded if her brothers had died without succession : which act of parliament does also clearly prove , that buchanan did not at all understand matters of fact in this part of the history , for he asserts , that after the death of euphan ross , the king married elizabeth muir , and did by act of parliament obtain the crown to be settled upon robert the 3d , son to the said elizabeth muir , upon whom he also bestow'd the title of carrick ; all which is most false , for this act of parliament is dated in anno 1371 , and king robert the 2d . succeeded to the crown that year , nor did euphan ross die till the 3d. year after he succeeded to the crown , and so not till the year 1374 , and yet in anno 1371 this act is past , designing him heir to the crown , and earl of carrick , and consequently he was so design'd before the death of euphan ross. 5. i have seen a charter granted by king robert the 2d , when he was only steward of scotland , granted in anno 1165 , and so long before he was king. in which charter likewise , john , thereafter king , by the name of robert the 3d , is a conjunct disponer with him , under the express designation of the eldest son and heir . robertus senescallus scotiae , comes de strathern , & ioannes senescallus primogenitus & haeresipsius dominus baroniae de kyle , &c. which charter confirms to the abbacy of pasley several lands disponed to them , by reginaldus more , father to sir william more of abercorn . and i find that david duke of rothsay , was always in the charters granted by his father king robert the first , called primogenitus , and he was no bastard , nor can this designation be given to a bastard , as is clear by covar●v●as de matrim . part . 2. cap. 8. § . 2. num 4. but how can it be imagined that the monks of pasley would have taken a right from a person as heir to the crown , who was not : for this would have infer'd treason against them , beside the annulling their right , or who could understand better the lawfulness of a marriage , than a body of church-men , living in the time , and very near to the residence of the married persons , and in whose conventual-church the said king robert and elizabeth muir ly buried together . item , i have seen in the registers another charter granted by king robert the 2. in the first year of his reign , with the consent of john earl of carrick , primogenitus & haeres , allano de lavidia terrarum de whitslet ; and an other granted by the said king , 1. june , anno primo regni , confirming to paulo m ctire a charter granted by the earl of ross , father to euphan , wherein the said john primogenitus & hares , is a witness : and to shew that the said euphan ross was then living when he was so design'd heir , there is a charter to her by the king upon the very same day of the lands of lochleaven . as also , there is a charter granted by king robert the 2d , the first year of his reign , to alexander his son , and another to john kennedy of the barrony of dalrymple , in both which the said john earl of carrick is call'd primogenitus , and is witness with the earl of dowglass ; so that he has been design'd eldest son and heir , openly , uncontravertedly , and in all papers , and with the consent of the second wife and her relations . 6. in the parliament 1372 , the said john earl of carrick is design'd to be lieutenant of the kingdom , and all the estates of parliament swear to own him in his government , and which statute is printed amongst the satutes of king robert the 2d , father to the said john , and which must be during the marriage with euphan ross , for she liv'd three years after her husband was king , and he succeeded to the crown anno 1371 : and this also confutes buchanan , who asserts , that he was created earl of carrick after the death of euphan ross , and it is against all sense and reason to think that he could have been acknowledg'd during her life , if he had not been the true apparent heir of the crown and a lawful son. 7. walter ( who they pretend should have succeeded to the crown , ) having kill'd his nephew king james the first , son to king robert the 3d ; he was not only not own'd after the death of the said king james , as certainly he had been if his title had been good , and his right so recent and demonstrable , having so many great and powerful relations , that his father was induc'd upon their account to marry his mother ; but yet the said walter was by all the parliament unanimously condemn'd as a traitor , for having conspir'd the death of his lawful prince . nor does boetius justifie walter 's title in the least , but on the contrary , magnifies the parliament for their just sentence . as did likewise aeneas silvius the popes learned legat , who exhorted the parliament to condemn him . 8. how is it imaginable , that king robert who had so lately , and after a strong competition come to the crown , would have adventur'd to make his title yet more disputable , by preferring a bastard to the true heir , who had so many friends by his mother , and who being an infant had never disoblig'd him . 9. if we will consider the opinion of the civilians , whom we and almost all nations follow in the cases of succession , we will find , that the said king robert the 3d was the eldest and lawful son of king robert the 2d . filius legitimus , & non legitimatus . for , 1. they conclude , that a son is prov'd to be a lawful son by the assertion of the father , alciat tract praesumpt . reg. 2 , praesumpt . 2. num . 6. and certainly the father is the best judge in such cases ; but so it is we have the father owning the said robert the 3d. to be his eldest son and heir , both in charters and acts of parliamnets , which are the most solemn of all deeds . 2. quando pater instituit aliquem tanquam filium s●um , which holds in this case , where the father institutes and leaves him heir , and the parliament swears allegiance to him as the heir , mascard . de prob . vol. 2. conclus . 799. and in dubious cases , the father's naming such a man as a son , presumes him to be a lawful son , nominatio parentis inducit filiationem in dubio , l. ex facto § . si quis rogatus ff . ad trebell . 3. even fame , and the common opinion of the people , do in favours of these that are in possession , and in ancient cases , prove & filiationem , & legitimationem , mascard . conclus . 792. but much more , where the fame and common opinion is adminiculated by other arguments , fulgos consil . 128. panorm . in cap. transmiss , qui filii sunt ligittimi . 4. when writs are produc'd , calling a man a son , the law concludes him to be a lawful son. mascard . vol. 2. conclus . 800. num 15. all which can be easily subsum'd in our case . in which robert the 3d. is nam'd not only son , but heir , and allegiance sworn to him , even in the lifetime of the second wife and her relations sitting in parliament , and all this acquiesc'd in for many hundreds of years , and the competitors punish'd as traitors by the unanimous consent of all the parliament . i know that buchanan does most bitterly inveigh against those laws made by king kenneth the 3d , as laws whereby the ancient right of succession was innovated , and whereby the government was settled upon children who were neither able to consult with the people , nor to defend them , and whereby those had the government of the nation conferr'd upon them who were not capable to govern themselves . to which my answer is , that in this buchanan's malice contradicts his history , for his own history tells us , that the scots swore allegiance to fergus and his posterity ; and consequently fergus's son ought by law to have succeeded , and not his brother , for his brother was none of his posterity , and therefore those laws made by k. kenneth did but renew the old law , and the innovation introduc'd in favours of the uncles , was a subversion of the fundamental law to which they had sworn . 2. that the old law was not abrogated , but was in being by vertue of the first oath , appears very clear by buchanan himself , who confesses , that upon the death of durstus , a wicked prince , it was debated whether his son should not succeed juxta sacramentum fergusio prestitum veteremque esse morem servandum , which acknowledgeth that the succession was even in these days established by law , by oath , and by custom ; and after the death of fergus the 2d , his son eugenius ( though a minor ) was crown'd , and his uncle graemus allow'd to be his tutor . and buchanan also brings in bishop kennedy , lib. 12. praising this law as made by kenneth , a most wise and glorious prince , with advice of all his estates of parliament ; and which rather confirms ( as he says ) the old law than introduces a new one , so far did buchanan's rage against queen mary prevail with him , to praise and rail at the same individual law ; and it is observable , that it is very dangerous to recede once from fundamental laws , for buchanan makes not only the succession elective , but he makes no difference betwixt lawful children and bastards , and excludes not only minors during the uncles life , but women for ever . 3. in all nations where the monarchy is hereditary , minors succeed , and so this innovation of causing the next male succeed for all his life , was contrary to the nature of the monarchy and to the customs of all nations , and god in scripture gives us many instances of it : j●as succeeded when he was seven years of age , josiah when he was eight , manasseh in twelve , and azariah in sixteen ; and yet in those days , god is said to have chosen the king , for it is said in deut. thou shalt set over thee , the king whom i have chosen , and consequently the choice of minors cannot be ill , since god almighty us'd to make such a choice . i know that eccless . 10. 16. says , woe unto the land when thy king is a child , but the criticks interpret this of a king that is childish , puen intellectu & moribus , or because factions arise by the opposition to his regents , and this inconveniency did more necessarily attend the allowing a regent king during life , for both the subjects and the true heir rais'd factions in that case , whereas the subjects only are factious in the other , and yet even they are no more factious for that short time , than they are always in common-wealths . 4. the reason why the minor king was to have one to supply his nonage ceasing with his majority , it was unreasonable that the remedy should have lasted beyond the disease , and the worst effect that could have been occasion'd by the infant king's minority was , that the kingdom should have been during that time govern'd by joynt advice of parliament , councils , and officers of state , which in buchanan's opinion in other places of his history and book de jure regni , is so excellent a model , that he decrys monarchy as much inferior to it . 5. it was most inconvenient to accustom any private family to live in the quality of a king. 6. it could not but occasion many murders , and much faction , for the true heir could not live peaceably under this eclipse and exclusion , nor could the uncle live without making a party to secure his pleasant usurpation . 7. as these divisions and factions were the natural and necessary effects that were to be expected from this irregular succession , so it is very observable , that from king fergus to king kenneth the 3d , we had 79. kings , amongst whom , almost the half were the most impious , tyranical , or lazie kings that ever we had , according to buchanan's character of them ; so happy and wise a thing is this ( so much magnified ) election of a successor by the people and their representatives , to supply the defects of the lawful heir , whereas from king kenneth the 3d , to king charles the 2d , inclusivè , we have had 3● . kings , 26. of whom have succeeded by a due lineal right , and have prov'd vertuous princes , greater by their merit than their birth , as if god had design'd to let us see , that though most of them succeeded whilst they were very young , yet that he can choose a fitter successor than parliameuts can do ; whereas the other 5. kings who came to the crown against that law of kenneth the 3d , viz. constantine the bald , grimus , mackbeath , donal bain , and duncan the 2d , were all persons who deserved very ill to be preferred to the true heir , and who , as they came to the crown against law , so govern'd without it : and it is very strange , that the fanaticks , who think that every throw of the dice is influenc'd by a special providence , will not allow , that god does by a special providence take care who shall be his representative , who shall be the pastor of his flock , and nursing father of his church ; let us therefore trust his care more than our own , and hope to obtain more from him by christian submission , humility and obedience than we can by caballing , rebelling , and sacrilegious-murdering , or excluding the true successor . finis . what follows is immediatly to be subjony'd to the testimony of calvin , page 90. i know that to this it may be answered , that the same calvin does qualifie his own words , which i have cited with this following caution , si qui sunt ( saith he ) populares magistratus , ad moderandam regum libidinem constituti ( quales olim erant qui lacedemoniis regibus oppositi erant ephori ; & quâ etiam fortè potestate ( ut nunc res habent ) fuguntur in singulis regnis , tres ordines ; quum primarios conventus perag●nt ) adeo illos ferocienti regum licentiae , pro officio intercedere non veto ; ut si regibus impotenter grassantibus , & humili plebeculae insultantibus conniveant , eorum dissimulationem nefariâ perfidiâ non carere affirmam ; quia populi libertatem , cujus se tutores dei ordinatione positos nôrunt , frandulenter produnt . to which my reply is , that these words must be so constructed , as that they may not be incosistent with his former clear and orthodox doctrine , of not resisting supream powers , the former being his positive doctrine , and this but a supervenient caution , and they do very well consist ▪ for though calvin be very clear , that kings cannot be resisted , yet he thinks that this is only to be mean'd of those kings who have no superiors to check them by law , as the kings of the lacedemonians had , who by the fundamental constitution of their monarchy , might have been call'd to an accompt by the ephori , and so in effect were only titular kings : or of such monarchs as had only a co-ordinate power with the states of their own kingdom ; and even in these cases , he does not positively assert , that these monarchs may be resisted , but does only doubt whether if there be any such superior or co-ordinate magistrate representing the people they may not restrain the rage and licentiousness of their kings : but that caution does not at all concern the jus regni apud scotos , because this cannot be said of the kings of great britain , since the states of parliament are only call'd by the king , and derive their authority from him , and the legislative power is solely in the king , the states of parliament being only consenters , he and not they can only make peace and war , and grant remissions , and against him and not them treason only is committed , and the law books of both nations do affirm , that the king is supream , and consequently even according to calvin's doctrine , neither his people , nor any of their representatives , can justly oppose , and much less punish him . i know that grotius is by the republicans , and the fanaticks , oft-times cited to defend this their doctrine , of opposing princes ; but though his testimony might be justly rejected , as being himself born under a commonwealth , yet he is most impudently cited , for he lib. 1. cap. 4. does positively lay down as a general and undoubted rule , that summum imperium tenentibus , resisti non potest , those who have the supream power cannot lawfully be resisted ; whilch rule he founds upon the principles of reason , the authority of scripture , and the practice of the primitive church ; and though he limits the same thereafter by some exceptions , yet it will easily appear , that these exceptions extend not at all to our case . for the first relates only to such kings , as have receiv'd their power with express condition , that they may be try'd by other magistrats . the second to such as have voluntarily resign'd their empire , as charles the 5th . did ; and so the one may be oppos'd , because they were only titular kings : and the other , because they left off to be kings , and consequently we are concerned in neither of these cases . the third limitation is only in the case where he who was truly a king , has alienated his kingdom to strangers ; in which case , grotius does contend , that subjects may refuse to obey , because he ceaseth to be their king. but as this is not our case , so even in that case grotius is very clear , that if this alienation be made by an hereditary monarch , the alienation is null , as being done in prejudice of the lawful successor , but he does not at all assert that the monarch may be thereupon depos'd by his people . the fourth relates only to such kings , as from a hatred to their countrey , design its destruction and utter ruine ; but as he confesseth himself , id vix accidere potest in rege mentis compote ; and consequently can take only place in a mad man , in which case all laws allow the kingdom to be rul'd by governours , and administrators in the king's name , if the madness be natural , and a total depravation of sense . but if by madness be mean'd a moral madness , and design to ruine the kingdom and the subjects , as was , and is most impiously pretended against king charles the first , and king charles the 2d , the best and most reasonable of kings ; then opposition in such cases is not at all warranted by grotius , who speaks only of a physical and natural madness ; for else , every thing that displeaseth the people should be call'd madness ; and so the exception should not limit but overturn the general rule , and should arm all subjects to rebel against their princes , and make them the soveraign judges in all cases . which is inconsistent with grotius's own doctrine , and is excellently refuted by his own reasons . the fifth relates only to kings , who by the fundamental laws of the kingdom are ty'd to such and such conditions , so as that if they fail in them , they may be oppos'd . the sixth relates only to kingdoms where the power is equally devided betwixt the king and the senate . the seventh is incase the king was at first invested by the people , with express reservation to them to resist in such and such cases , and so is almost the same with the fifth , and all these three differ little from the first . and with grotius good leave , they err also in this , that they are not properly exceptions from his own rule , for the rule being only , that supream powers cannot be resisted , these powers are not supream , and they needed not be caution'd by an exception , since they did not fall under the rule . but neither of these cases extend to us , since our king is by the acts of parliament fomerly cited , declared to be supream over all persons and in all causes , nor made our predecessors any such express reservations at the first erection of the monarchy , and consequently by grotius own positive doctrine cannot be resisted . and so far is grotius an enemy to such fanatical resistance , upon the pretence of liberty and religion , that num . 6. he calls the authors of these opinions , time servers only . and gronovius a violent republican and fanatick , taxes him extreamly for it , in his observations upon that fourth chapter , whose arguments adduc'd against grotius i shall answer amongst the other objections . gronovius's first argument why it should be lawful to resist the supream magistrate in defence of religion , is , because if it be not lawful for subjects to arm themselves for religion against their prince , it should not be lawful for their prince by the same rule to defend himself against turks and infidels , who would endeavour to force him to comply with their impieties . but to this it is answered , that resistance to superiors is expressly discharg'd by the laws of god and nature , as said is , but this cannot be extended to cases where there is no subjection nor allegiance ; and it may be as well argu'd , that because one private man may beat another who offers to strike him , that therefore a child may beat his parent , or a servant his master , or that because i may violently resist a private man who offers to take away my goods unjustly , that therefore i may oppose the sentence of the magistrat , because i forsooth do not think the same just . his second shift is , that our saviour commanded only absolute submission without resistance in the infancy of the church when he himself was miraculosly to assist his own servants , but this submission was to end with the miracles , to which it related . as to which , my answer is , 1. that all the commands in scripture may be so eluded , nor is there any duty more frequently and fully inculcated than this is , and that too in the same chapters amongst other duties , which are to last for ever , such as submission to parents , and masters , and this is founded upon plain reason and conveniency , and not upon miracles . 2. this was receiv'd and acknowledg'd by the pagans , as has been fully prov'd , though it cannot be pretended that they rely'd upon any such miraculous assistance . 3. it cannot be deny'd but the fathers of the primitive church did recommend and justifie themselves in their apologies to the heathen emperors for bearing patiently , when they were able not only to have resisted , but to have overthrown their persecuters , as is clear by the citations out of tertullian , cyprian , lactantius , augustine , and others , to be seen in grotius , de jure belli , . lib. 1. cap. 4. num . 7. and it had been great impudence as well as sin in them , to have boasted of a recent matter of fact , which was not true ; nor could there be a greater injury done to the primitive christians , as grotius observes , than to ascribe that to their weakness , which they consider'd as an effect of duty ; and why should the heathen emperors have suffered those to multiply , who obey'd only because disobedience was not safe , for they might have certainly concluded , that by the same principle that they obeyed only because they were weak , they would disobey how soon they were able . 4. if the first christians in general had obeyed only because they were not able to resist , then any private christian had resisted when he was able , or would have fled or conceal'd himself , whereas it it acknowledg'd in the other answer press'd by gronovius himself , that they sought for martyrdom , and so these two answers are inconsistent ; and the thebean legion , and others , did submit themselves voluntarly to martyrdom with their arms in their hands , and when they were able to have overthrown the emperor . and lastly , if this doctrine were allow'd , no society could subsist , for when dissenters grew strong , the lawful magistrat behov'd to perish ; whereas jesus christ did contrive the christian religion ; so as that all governours should reasonably wish their subjects to be christians ; and so as no christian should attempt to overthrow the order and establishment of civil government , and that they should not be drawn away from the practice of christian devotion by the carnal desires of being great and strong in the world , nor have any hopes in the arm of flesh to the lessening of their immediate dependence upon him . his third shift is , that his doctrine of submission and of dying for the christian religion without making resistance , was only the practice , but not the command of the primitive church , and proceeded from their immoderat affection of the crown of martyrdom , as milntoun also pretends . but since the express command of scripture is founded upon such clear reason , and since ( as grotius well observes ) the practice of the primitive christians , who liv'd so near the age wherein these scriptures were pen'd , is the best interpreter of the scripture , it is horrid impiety to make those blessed martyrs pass for vain hypocrites , and distracted self-murderers ; and it becomes us with holy reverence to imitate those whom the christian church has ever admir'd . the fourth shift is , that the protestant churches have been reform'd by such insurrections as these , contrary to the royal authority . but this is fully answered by the learned henry more in his divine dialogues , and by du moulin in his philanax anglicus ; where likewise are to be found the many testimonies of protestant churches , and protestant divines , condemning positively the taking up of arms against the soveraign power , even for the defence of religion ; and the very presbyterian confession of faith at westminster , is so positive as to this point , that the presbyterians themselves can never answer it . the sum of which answer is , that the king of spain coming by marriage in place of the duke of burgundy , the said king of spain could pretend to no more power than they had , nor could the house of burgundy pretend to any more power by marrying the heirs of the counts of the several provinces , than these counts had over their provinces ; and therefore since none of these were soveraigns over their provinces , the provinces might have resisted the king of spain when he oppress'd them ; and consequently that resistance cannot defend such as resist supream powers upon pretence of religion , grotius de antiq. reipub. ba●av . cap. 7. the opposition made by the protestants in france , was not occasion'd by religion , but upon a quarrel betwixt the princes of the blood and the house of guise in the minority of francis the 2d , and is defended most excellently by king james himself , not to have been rebellion , in his defence of the right of kings , pag. 14. the opposition made by the princes of germany to the emperor , was founded upon the inherent right in the princes , by the golden charter of the empire . and luther himself declar'd , that magistrat●● non erat resistendum , and has written a book to that purpose ; nor would he engage in the confederacy for defensive arms at smalcald , until the lawyers declared that that resistance was lawful by the laws of the empire , vide slydan hist. lib. 8. anno 1531. the war that arose in switzerland , was not occasion'd by religion ; for the reformation was once establish'd with the con-consent of the magistrat . and the eruption that was made by other cantons upon the reform'd cantons eleven years after that establishment , vide slydan , anno 1522. nor was it calvin who banish'd the prince and bishop of geneva , for he fled eight months before upon the detecting of a conspiracy , by which that bishop was to deliver over the liberties of that city to the duke of savoy , and for which his secretary was hang'd , vide turretin . annal. reformationis , anno 1529. and albeit those who reform'd in scotland , in the reign of queen mary , pretended authority from the king , yet they were certainly rebels , and are condem'd by rivet , a famous protestant divine , who also inveighs bitterly against this principle , castiga not. in epist. ad balsac . cap. 13. num . 14. sub finem . from all which , i observe , first , that all the protestant divines by making apollogies for such of their profession as have risen in arms against supream powers , must be thereby concluded to be asham'd of the principle . 2. immediatly upon the quieting those rebellions , all the protetestant churches have in their confessions of faith , declared their abhorrence of that principle ; which being the product of conviction and experience , joyn'd with duty , must be the most judicious and sincere testimony of all others . 3. all these rebellions have been occasion'd by a mistake in point of law , and not in point of religion ; for the divines , as i have related , have been abused by the lawyers : and therefore , since in the isle of britain , the laws of both kingdoms have declared the rising in arms against the king , to be treason , albeit for the defence of religion ; it necessarily follows , that this must be unlawful in point of conscience in this kingdom . 4. though good things may be occasion'd by a rebellion , yet that does not justifie a rebellion ; for though jeroboam was allow'd by god to rise against rehoboam , yet god almighty himself calls his revolt rebellion , 1 kings 12. 19. and 2 chron. 10. 19. and it is observable , that after this revolt , there was but one good king amongst all the rebellious kings of israel ; whereas amongst the kings of judah , who were lawful kings , there was but one or two who were any ways impious ; so far does god bless a lawful succession . some also use as a shift against this orthodox doctrine , that the reason why the primitive christians did not oppose their emperors in the defence of the christian religion , was , because they had not been secured at that time in the exercise of their religion by the laws of the empire ; and therefore the practice of those christians can be no argument why we may not now rise to defend the orthodox religion , since it is now established by law. but this objection is fully answered by that great great antiquary samuel pelit . diatriba de iur. principum edictis ecclesiae quaesito , where he clearly proves , that they were actually secured by the edicts of the emperors in the days of the emperor tiberius , and downward , and yet they would not rise in arms though they were persecuted under these same emperors , because the word of god and the christian religion did command obedience under persecution , and discharged resistance and taking up of arms. add to page 73. i have also seen in fordon's history , lib. 14. pag. 73. a charter granted by king david to the bishops , with the consent of robert his nephew , and his sons giving power to the bishops to dispone in testament upon their own moveables , which before that time did by a corrupt custom fall to the king , in which charter , the witnesses are , robertus senescallus comes de strathern , nepos noster ioannes senescallus comes de carrict , filius suus primogenitus & haeres , thomas comes de mar , georgius de dunbar , comes de march , & gulielmus comes de dowglass ; so that here is not only the attestation of the father before he was king , naming john earl of carrick , thereafter king robert the 2d . his eldest son and heir , but the attestation of the grand-uncle king david , who could be no ways byassed in the affair ; and here he is ranked before the three eldest earls in the nation , who were then the three first subjects therein ; and it is against all sense , to think that the whole bishops would have sought the consent of the said john as apparent heir of the crown , if he had not been apparent heir . i find also , that fordon calls him when he is crown'd king , primogenitus roberti secundi ; nor was there the least opposition made to his coronation , nor to the coronation of annabella drummond his queen ( a daughter of the house of stob-hall , now pearth , ) though both the sons of the second marriage were then alive . i sind also , that boetius himself acknowledges , that the earl of marches son george , being pursu'd for having married clandestinly one of the daughters of elizabeth muir , his defence was , that he married her when she was the daughter of a private subject , and before king robert was king , whereas if she had been only a bastard-daughter , it could have been no crime to have married her . the true portraiture of the kings of england, drawn from their titles, successions, raigns and ends, or, a short and exact historical description of every king, with the right they have had to the crown, and the manner of their wearing of it, especially from william the conqueror wherein is demonstrated that there hath been no direct succession in the line to create an hereditary right, for six or seven hundred years : faithfully collected out of our best histories, and humbly presented to the parliament of england / by an impartial friend to justice and truth. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56345 of text r33010 in the english short title catalog (wing p429). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 119 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56345 wing p429 estc r33010 12841418 ocm 12841418 94379 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56345) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94379) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1038:1) the true portraiture of the kings of england, drawn from their titles, successions, raigns and ends, or, a short and exact historical description of every king, with the right they have had to the crown, and the manner of their wearing of it, especially from william the conqueror wherein is demonstrated that there hath been no direct succession in the line to create an hereditary right, for six or seven hundred years : faithfully collected out of our best histories, and humbly presented to the parliament of england / by an impartial friend to justice and truth. parker, henry, 1604-1652. [4], 42 p. printed by r.w. for francis tyton ..., london : 1650. "to the reader" signed: henry parker. imperfect: print showthrough with loss of print. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. eng kings and rulers -succession. great britain -kings and rulers. great britain -politics and government. a56345 r33010 (wing p429). civilwar no the true portraiture of the kings of england; drawn from their titles, successions, raigns and ends. or, a short and exact historical descri parker, henry 1650 22163 33 5 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trve portraitvre of the kings of england ; drawn from their titles , successions , raigns and ends . or , a short and exact historical description of every king , with the right they have had to the crown , and the manner of their wearing of it ; especially from william the conqueror . wherein is demonstated , that there hath been no direct succession in the line to create an hereditary right , for six or seven hundred yeers ; faithfully collected out of our best histories , and humbly presented to the parliament of england . by an impartial friend to iustice and truth . psal. 146. 3. put not your trust in princes . psal. 62. 9. men of high degree are a lye ; to be laid in the ballance , they are altogether lighter then vanitie . nihil est imperium ut sapientes definiunt , nisi cura salutis alienae , ammianus lib. 39. london , printed by r. w. for francis tyton at the three daggers in fleet-street , neer the inner temple-gate , 1650. to the reader . reader , in the study of politicks , the more confident we are , commonly the less proficient we are . for there is no other study wherein the passions of men do more impetuously contravene , and overturn right reason . men born in popular states , think themselves bound to abhor all kings , as being de genere bestiarum rapacium : so rome it self pronounced from the mouth of cato the censor . others on the contrary born under monarchs , speak as odiously of democracies , and make this reply to cato , that even rome her self , when she plundred a third part of the world , and graced her own captains , with the pompous titles of africanus , asiaticus , achaicus , &c. was as ravenous a beast as any other . see what strong byasses wisemen have , and obey . the question is not , whether this , or that form be free from oppression and injustice , or not ; we know well , all forms have their peculiar advantages , and disadvantages : and that at some times they all transgress their own rules and interests , as it were by accident , and not out of misconstitution : the question is , whether the one constitution or the other be more free , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from oppression , and injustice ? now for solution of this , greater light shines , and breaks in upon us from demonstration , and sensual proof , then from syllogisms , and logical inductions . reading assures us , that rome was not so just to other nations , nor so constant to the interest of her own citizens , when she was under kings and emperors , as she was , when she chose her own consuls , and limited magistrates . t is as apparent also at this day , that the people of venice , the german hans-towns , switzerland , the united provinces , &c. do more flourish , and truly injoy the due benefits of liberty , there the french , turkish , or any royalists whatsoever . t is further as visible by the publike banks of treasure kept in democracies , and the strange splendor which traffick brings to them beyond monarchies , that faith is not kept so sacred and inviolable where one raigns , as where majesty and supream power remains vested in the people ; and most sure it is , the sanctity and untemerated chastity of publike faith is the best and firmest basis of all government . to dispute these things , is to undervalue the report of our own senses ; and to deny our own senses , is to deny our selves to be men . the enemies of our present government ubraide this our popular model , the rather , because it exasperates all our neighbours against us ; whereas this is a great argument for us , that our neighbours are troubled at the ejection of monarchy . for neighbours are more apt to envie then pitty : and the condition of him that is envied , is far better then his that is pitied . the main advantage that commends hereditary monarchy , is the unity of it , for that it is not so liable to civil broils and commotions , as other temperaments where the magistrate is elective : yet reader , if thou wilt strip thy self of thy passions and prejudices , and peruse this treatise , thou shalt see that even hereditary monarchy it self is far from being a soveraign , a remedy against civil breaches and divisions . the author of this book is unknown to me , and the book it self came casually to my hands , but i have been induced to publish it , because it invites thee not to precepts , but precedents , not to disputable but to visible politicks . i need say no more ; by the work rather then report judge of the author , and by experiment rather then logick judge of the work . henry parker . the true portraiture of the kings of england , drawn from their titles , successions , reigns , and ends , &c. to treat of the nature and difference of governments , the distinction and preheminence of monarchy , or aristocracie , with the other kinds , and forms , which have , according to the temper of the people , and the necessity of providence , had their course in the world , will be useless in this discourse , which is calculated only for this nation , and to describe not so much the government , as the persons who have ruled among us , and is onely suited to monarchy as it hath had the sway of the english throne ; a discourse not so pleasing as profitable ; we are loth to have our old soars launced , or to think of change , though it be of misery , the temper of this nation being apt to be pleased with any thing that is stately , and costly , though never so dangerous and miserable ; yet something must be said in generall , to prepare the way for the particulars of this treatise , which is not intended as controversall , or definitive of the nature of things , but meerly practical and demonstrative , fit for every eye that means not to shut himself up in blindness , and darkness . as the foundation and originall of government is confest to be of equall antiquity with the generation and multiplication of mankind : so doubless the just and methodicall use , and due management of it , is as necessary to the well-being of men , as the exact proportions , and orderly motions of the heavens are to the preservation of the globes ; and certainly without it the rationall world would be more miserable then the materiall without sun , moon and stars , with all coelestiall influences , which as they do beautifie and bespangle the world , so they do preserve it from returning to its first chaos , and rude mass of matter ; nothing being more contrary to that unity , and harmony , which the god of nature hath moulded , and disposed all things at first in , then disorder , and confusion , in which , as there is nothing of a deity to be discerned , so nothing of peace or happiness can possibly be found . and notwithstanding all this , the world hath scarce known what the natural sweetness and true benefits of government are , but only as comparative and rather as opposite to anarchy , then as advancing really and effectually the just liberties and freedoms of societies , or propagating the commonwealth of mankind ; for what through the ignorance and sloath of the people , and the pride and ambition of governors , the whole order and end of government hath been inverted , and subverted , upon all occasions ; and that which was made for the good of the whole , hath been so contracted , and circumscribed in one person , that the great and soveraign use , and end of it , by practise and custom , hath been rather to set up the pomp , and state of one man , and his family , then to promote or propagate the profit and happiness of the universe ; and whereas of right to its constitution , it should have a free election as its originall , and common good for its end , and just and equall laws for its rule ; it hath had usurpation for its principle , and tyranny , and bondage for its medium , and end . as to this day we may see in the greatest part of the world , where all the liberties of millions of men of all sorts of conditions , and ranks , are buryed in the glory and splendor of one family ; through which narrow channels , all honor and justice , all law and reason are to run up and down the world . and whereas the goodness , and beauty of government consists in the harmonious temperature of power , and obedience , of authority , and liberty , it hath been quite otherwise inverted by practise , and made apparent to lie in the majestie , and greatness of the monarch , and the absolute subjection , and servitude of the people ; and the excellency , and sweetness of it rather to be seen in the presence-chamber , and the magnificence , and grandeur of the court , then in the courts of justice , and the rich and flourishing estate of the kingdom , nothing being accounted more politicall , and glorious , then to have the prince high , and the subjects beggars ; and yet this ceremoniall way of government , hath took most place in the world , and got almost divine adoration , and hath thrust out all other forms of government , ( equally sacred with it self , and most proportionable to the nature and benefits of societies , and the fee-simple of all the liberties of the people ( which are as their bloud and spirits in their veins ) sold to maintain its state . besides many causes , and grounds of this degeneration ( whereby so much misery hath overflowed the nations of the world ) i find two , which at present are principally to be mentioned ; the first is the neglect of a right sence , and the often inculcating the originall , and end of government ; and the next a lineal succession , or continuation of government , by a natural and supposed heirship ; for want of the first , neither the people know their own rights , or how to maintain them ; or the governour his use and end , nor how to keep himself within the just bounds , and limits of his creation ; for what between the stupidity , and ignorance of the people in not knowing their primitive priviledges , that they are the originall , and end of vernment ; and the pride , and ambition of men , when once they have got power , forget both how they came by it , and to what end they are distinguished from other men , government comes both to be usurped , and tyrannicall . did the people but know that their choice and election is the foundation of just authority , & that none can rule over them but whom they appoint , they would not then be drawn into controversies and debates , whether it be treason in them to cast off a bad governour , who have the only power of choosing a good one ; and on the other side , if kings , and princes ( for to reduce all to them who have been most guilty of the abuse of government ) had but the continuall sence of the root from whence they sprung , and the duties annexed to their offices , they could not look on themselves as rulers , but tyrants when they acted for their own private prerogative ▪ in distinction from , and contrarie to the liberties and freedoms of the people ; but these considerations have been by time and prescription worn out of the mind and memories of both , partly through continual insinuations of court maxims , and the spirit of bondage in the people , and by force and usurpation in the magistrate , whereby it hath gone a long while for currant , that the people have no power , nor the prince no account to give but to god , from whom they challenge an immediate title , as if kings and princes , all their names , and successions were let down from heaven , in the same sheet that the beasts were in peters vision , and had not their root in the earth as all other magistrates besides . we have had much ado of late , but to beat off from these royal notions , both by pens and swords , and yet still they have too strong a hold in most mens hearts , though to their own undoing . whereas all men are equally born free , and naturaliz'd into all the priviledges of freedom and just liberty , no man can obtain a speciall power over any , but either ex pacto aut scelere , either by willing agreement , and consent , which is the right and just way of title , and most naturall , or by conquest , and usurpation , which is most exotick , and unjust ; for the original of kingly power , in the scripture , we all know it came in as an effect of the wantonness , and discontents of the israelites , against that speciall way of government god himself had set over them ; and view the character god gives to them of that government , and not a blessing he gives them with it ; for its rise among the heathens , and nations ( which knew not god ( among whom that government most prevail'd ; ) it was certainly first good , and grounded on the exorbitancies , and excess of other magistrates , and a high opinion of the justice , and vertue of some particluar persons , as cicero lib. offic. 2. excellently expresseth it ; mihi quidem non apud medos solum ( ut ait herodotus ) sed etiam apud majores nostros , servandae justiciae causa videntur olim bene morati reges constituti : nam cum premeretur initio multitudo ab iis qui majores opes habebant , ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem . as if taking it for granted that among all nations that preservation , and execution of justice , with injoyning of vertue , was the first ground of the constitution of kings ; but they having got by their own goodness chief power and authority , use that favour they had gained from their own deserts , to advance their own family ; and having got in the affections of the people , through the sence of their own present worth , what by power and force , and what by policy and craft , got the same power entailed on their heirs , and so by custom have made succession the onely right , or at least the most just to crowns , and scepters . a principle which hath more hindred the advance of government , and run it on more hazards and mischiefs then any other , where by a fatall custom , people must be irreparably content with what they can finde , and reducing all to a blinde fate , & fortune , be he good , or prove bad , talis , qualis , give up both their own wills and liberties to such a succession , not only by a natural necessity , but a divine institution : how the world came to be so blinded , as thus to give away their rights and liberties , and morgage their understandings , and freedom , as bankrupts do their lands , is not to be determined , but by supposal of a judgement of god , and an over-reach of power and force , or by an ignis fatuus of policie and subtilty . for this naturall and hereditary succession ( which is now adored as the grand title ) if truly considered , is nothing else but a continuation of conquest , or a surprisall by the good nature of the people , when they have been either low , and in fear , and taking advantage of their high esteem of some eminent person , who hath been more then ordinary instrumentall to them , have got the people to convey the same honor to their posterity after them ; the peoples consent being thus ravished from them , it s made a law , both civil and divine to after generations ; but the world is now , or should be grown wise : let us consider the nature and use of this succession , both in general , and particular , especially as it hath been acted in england . among all the catalogue of vanities which solomon reckons up in his sacred retractations , there is none he puts such a character on , as for a man to spend his time and strength in getting of riches , and knows not who shall succeed him in the injoyment of the profit and good of his labour , or whether he may be a wise man or a fool ; but what a misery , and worse then vanity is this , that the supream power of government ( in the right execution of which all the concernments of millions of men are interested ) should be intailed on one man , ( though never so deserving in his own person , ) and the heirs of his body , be he good or bad , a wise man , or very nigh a fool , and so all their happiness depend on hap and hazard from generation to generation ? it cannot be rationally or spiritually supposed , that any man should be born a magistrate or governor , especially not successively , when the best men , and most choise spirits , who have had the highest eminencies of vertue , and best improvement of education , and natural genius , are hardly fit for so great a work . if kings have such a vis formativa in their loyns , as to beget kings in the likeness of their office , as children in the image of their natures , it must be necessarily supposed , that they must generate all these royall qualifications together with them , and by the same naturall necessity transfer all their princely endowments to them also . whereas i had almost affirmed it , ( and i hope no man can account it either heresie or treason ) that god himself cannot intail on any particular line of mankinde , the power and authority of government out of his wisdom , and love to their happiness ( without he meant to do it in judgement , and to plague the world ) and not give them sutable and successive qualifications also , fit for that emploiment ; it being gods use ( according to his wisdom , and righteousness ) neither ordinarily nor extraordinarily to call out persons to any place , but he anoints them with proportionable gifts to it . and yet the poor people ( whom god hath naturally made free , and to make use of their own understandings and affections for their own good ) are by this succession , bound up from the improvement either of soul or body , fain to be content with what they can get for present , and to shift it out from age to age ( with the loss of all opportunities of choice ) only with what corrupt nature brings them forth , which oftentimes travels sorely in pain with the curse of the fathers who begat these governors . hence also it comes to pass , that oftentimes children are made kings , and though they are uncapable at present for the actuall exercise of that office , yet are proclaimed , as having the right , and title , and all things acted in their name , and the whole commonwealth , it may be of many nations , must wait for his capacity with fear and hope , which capacity is also at best to be judged by his years , rather then fitness or qualification for so high a trust ; and in the mean while the kingdom must be governed by some favorites of the last king , or some next kinsman to this ; and while the king is thus in pupillage , we may well ask , who governs the kingdom ? and yet oftentimes it hath faln out , that their government hath been better ordered in their nonage by others , then in their own by themselves , as appears especially in the raign of henry the third , and henry the sixth , kings of england ; the first being but nine years old when his father died , the latter but nine moneths ; who while they were yong , and under the protection of certain wise and sober men , the laws were administred uprightly , and with much justice ; but when they themselves came to the years of kingship , and prerogative ▪ so royalled , that both laws & liberties were soon altered and abolished , as anon the reader shall have a more exact account ; and how sad is it , that when government may be advanced as well , if not better by others in their minority , without their presence or influence , the world must be at such vast charges for a title , and to maintain it ere they can use it , and which is worst , that when they come to exercise it themselves , should make their title the ground of their tyranny . but if it so happen ( for its a meer chance ) ▪ that the next heir prove somewhat more then ordinary capable , yet what the next may prove , who knows ? if he be an infant , ( as it many times falls out ) then there must be patient and hopefull waitings , to see what he will be when grown up ; untill that , there can be no further progress made in the alteration or reformation of affairs , though of never so great , and present concernment ; and when he comes to these years which custom pronounceth him capable , how unreasonable is it , that nothing can hinder , or exclude him from his authority , but that he is incapable of being beg'd for a fool ? it being enough , if he can koow his own name , and be able to write himself rex , though he knows little what belongs to the office , or relation of a king . if he be one of riper years , and stature , on which this su●●●ssion falls , then must all the observation of his nature , and the ominous , and more then astrological aspects of his constitution , and education be forgotten ; and although silenced in his pretended title , and a full complyance looked after , though opprest with never so many fears , and secret wishes of a more hopefull governour ; yea , and though he hath been never so active against the liberties of the people , when but a prince , and given demonstrations what a governor they may expect , yet his succession must be his qualification , and indemnity , and his title his vertue . on this ground also it comes to pass , that oftentimes women come to hold the rains of government ; and to steer at the helm , as wel as men ; for if there be any defect of the male line , the female succeeds ; and that feeble and weaker sex , whom god & nature have ordained to be onely particular helps , and good subjects , ( only to keep up the name of a family ) must be invested with the highest authority , over the choisest , and most select spirits of many nations , and all further thoughts of bettering the state of things utterly extinguish'd by a female pretence . and which is most desperate by this succession , ( and its plea of the only and absolute right ) the fundamental liberties of the people are not onely insensibly undermined , but absolutely rooted up , and that birth-right priviledge of the people , their election and choice , then which , they have nothing more naturall , and which is far more hereditary to them and theirs , then by all the laws of god ▪ nature , and reason , crowns can be to kings and their heirs , is quite extinguished ; for pass by the first king , ( who it may be as with us it hath been , came in by conquest ) you must go back in some kingdoms five hundred , in others a thousand years , ere you can but recover the clear notion of a free election ( wherin the peoples power and priveledge is alone and peculiarly seen ) and yet that so faintly and hardly extorted from them , as great loans of mony from a cruel miser , without use or advantage ; and though election must be acknowledged at last , the first just ground of government , yet custom in successions soon wears out its right , and transfers it on the next bloud ; and though in england it appears by the coronation oath , that there is even in succession a kind of election , yet it s so limited in the line , that it s as good as nothing , and so weak and implicitely manifested , that it s but a meer customary ceremony , which always is pursued by the natural title , and onely used to deceive the people , and as a step to the further confirmation of a more fundamentall , and sure right ; and its easie to demonstrate it ; for our kings soon forget it , ere they come from westminster to whitehall , or from the chair of inauguration to the presence chamber . in a word , what gives all this ground of such an inevitable and successively insensible incroachment on the laws and liberties of nations , but this lineall title , whereby the son without remedy goes on where the father left off , and by a divine pretence seiseth on what by nature is due to the meanest subject , as to himself ? and what makes the present kings so daring , and venturous to raise their own prerogative , but this , that that they know there can be no alienation of the crown from his heirs , and that they may make it better ( that is more tyrannicall ? ) but surer they cannot : and thus there is a constant hope , and possibility , by continuation and propagation of principles , and designs , backed with title , and authority , that what cannot be done in one kings reign , may be done in the next , and so on ; for the minds of princes are not usually contracted , or contented with present enjoyments ; especially if there be any restraint on their wills , or more of heighth , or advancement to be attained unto . yea , this is one of the main reasons ( that in our times can be rendred ) why we have had such uneven actings , and such strange alterations in several kings raigns ; the principles , and laws , the people have been always the same , who are capable of small or no variation or change , but as higher , and supream influences move them , of which none hath been so powerfull as princes , who as they are stars of the first magnitude , so of the strongest operations ; and though the people be compared to the sea , yet as the sea , they have no turbulent motion of their own , but what is occasioned by violent and uncertain winds ; but the great change hath been by the temper , and actings of princes , and commonly the next successor hath been the omen and fate of the times ; if any way good , then the nation smiled , and his raign began the spring ; if probable , there was hopes ; and yet both these at first promised , but at length frustrated ; and however the beginnings were , yet the succession of acts demonstrated how the title was created ; for untill they have made their succession sure , none have been more fair , and promising , but afterwards both laws and liberties , like favourites , have been advanced ad placitum ; and what they have got an interest in by nature , that by prerogative they have centred in their own proper persons , even the most fundamentall priviledges of the people , and have only granted leases unto the people of their own inheritances , and dated them not for life ( which would have been too great a mercy ) but as long as the royall pleasure lasts , which changes alwayes with advantages . yea , by this succession tyranny is so intailed , and all things so necessarily acted , as if the prince were not onely the civil , but natural parent of the people , and that kings had begot the people as so many bastards to obey , as they do beget one lawfully to raign over them . it s too well known , that good and wise men are the fewest of the sons of men , and are commonly pickt out here , and there , as rich pearls on the shoar of violent torrents ; but to expect in one line , and family , a succession of good , wise , and governing men , is almost as probable to christians , as to expect mahomets second coming among the turks , after so many hundred years delusion ; and although it must be acknowledged , that there have been some good kings , yet they have been so few , that as their names from the beginning of the world can hardly make up the dominical letters in the almanack , or possibly supply the holydayes in the year , so a little goodness hath gon far , and at the best we shall finde it but comparative ; good kings instead of better governors , as some of the roman cesars , chose those to succeed them who were worse then themselves , that they might commend , and set off their own raign , though tyrannicall enough in it self ; and we may without any passion demonstrate , that the design by succession hath been rather to keep up the governors , and palliate their vices , then ever to maintain or highthen the glory , and splendor , or carry on the benefit of the government it self in the execution of good and righteous laws . but to come nigher home , and leave generals ( granting succession in it self to be a good title ) let us view without partiality , the succession of the kings of england , whereby they plead their title to the crown , and we shall find in our histories , that nothing hath been more commonly interrupted , then a succession of the next heir ; and for this seaven or eight hundred years ( if not more ) we have not had succession continued in any even line or just right , and no title was ever more broken , and unjust , then of our kings , if they make a lineall , and hereditary succession the foundation of their right ; let us look but a little back to those which preceded the norman race , especially among the saxons and danes , the ancient competitors for the government of this nation , and it will appear , that the right heir hath been commonly past by ; and strangers or usurpers preferred ; to go no further back then to alfred king of the west saxons , and the twenty fourth monarch of the englishmen ; as soon as he died , athelstan his bastard was preferred before his legitimate son edmond , & after him got his own brother edmond to succeed him ; and though this edmond left two sons , edwin , and edgar , yet as he & his former brother had usurped the goverment , so edred his brother stept into the throne , and put them by until he had finished his raign , & then they took their turns ; edwin first , and edgar after him ; this edgar had two wives , ethelfled his first , and elfrida the second : by the first he had issue , edward , sirnamed the martyr , who succeeded his father in title ; but having hardly felt the crown warm , and fast on his head , was cruelly murthered , to make way for the second wives son ethelred who succeeded him , as daniel well expresseth it , whose entrance into his raign was blood , the middle misery , and the end confusion ; and though he left his son edmond , sirnamed ironside , to succeed him , yet canutus the dane by compact got half of the kingdom from him , and soon after the whole , setting up his danish title , and murthering the two sons edmund had left , with his brother edwin , that no further pretence might be made by them of their title ; and now come the danes to convey their title by ▪ canutus ; and yet harold his bastard gets the crown before hardicanute , who was his legitimate son ; and among these three kings ( for the government under the danes continued but twenty six years , and only under these three was aone usurper , & immediatly interrupted the right of succession . and the danes government being ended , which was but an intervall of conquest ) the saxons regain their title ; and edward , called the confessor , the seventh son of elthelred ( who came in with the murther of the right heir ) being kept as a reserve in normandy ) is elected king , and the saxons title now begins to revive , but soon it s extinguished , not onely by the norman pretence ▪ but by the next successor , harold the second , son to goodwin , earl of kent , who came in with the expulsion of edgar athlings the proper successor . and with harold ended the saxon race , which had lasted about five hundred years , after the coming in of hengist , and their plantation in this kingdom ; and yet you see what have been the titles successively of these former kings , wherein the line hath not onely been now and then through force and violence cut off and discontinued , but usurpation solemnized with as much ceremony as any natural pretence : but these instances are but as representations of objects afar off , which may seem otherwise then they are ; we will go on and review the title of our kings from william the norman , sirnamed the conqueror , and by whom , not onely the line , but all the whole fram of laws and liberties were not onely curtail'd but changed ; for though in the raigns of the former kings , every conqueror made his impression , and drew his picture in england , yet never was the whole scene of state changed untill now , and a new modell so peremptorily ( and without repeal ) introduced , as by him : the first jus , or right of his title ( the onely foundation of all the rest of our latter kings ( we all know was by meer conquest , which as it is a disseisin in law , so an unjust title in reason , and common to one as unto another : yet he though a bastard , ( and so had less title to his dukedom then to england which he won by the sword ) made himself the principal of that divine succession we now stand upon , and all our kings have no other pretence then by the succession of his sword ; and certainly , if the fountain , and head-spring be corrupt , the stream cannot be christall and pure ; and yet ( as baron thorpe declares in his charge given at the assizes holden at yorke the twentieth of march , 1648. and now in print ) of all these twenty four kings , which have king'd it amongst us since that william , there are but seven of them that could pretend legalty to succeed their former predecessors , either by lineal , or collaterall title , ( and he might have contracted that number , and have been modest enough . ) but that the reader may not be prejudiced , or wrap up his understanding in any expression , let him but follow the discents of the kings of england in the line , ( and pardon the first strange and exotick way of right ) and he will discover , that as the first title was created by force , so the succession hath been continued by usurpation . speed ( too royall a writer ) gives us a hint to go on upon in the life of henry the fourth , page 746. ( asketh by way of interrogation ) what right had will , the conqueror , the father of all our glorious tyrants ? what right ( we speak , saith he , of a right of equity ) had his son william rufus , and henry the first , while their elder brother lived ? and so he goes on . but to give a more particular account to the reader , how ▪ every king came to his crown , let us begin with the first of the first . after that the first william , who laid the foundation of his right in the blood of the english , had left this world , as well as his kingdom , great strivings there were who should succeed ; and though he left three sons , robert , william , and henry , yet could leave but one heir , which was robert ; yet william surnamed rufus , gets the crown set on his head , notwithstanding the elder brothers title , and though robert fights for his right , yet being too weak in the field , is fore't to a composition , on these terms that he should injoy it after his decease , if he hapned to survive ; and yet notwithstanding , henry the youngest brother ( called henry the first ) steps in , and makes use of his brothers absence to set up himself in his place ; and robert yet surviving , he weares it in his stead , and however he strove to regain his right , he at last was fain to yield up , not only his title , but his person to henry , who not only unjustly excluded him from the succession to the kingdom , but cruelly put out his eyes that he might only feel his misery , and never see his remedy . the line male of the conqueror is now extinct , as well as it was irregularly diverted ; as william got his right by his sword , so all his successors maintained it in imitation of him , rather then by any legal pretence they could derive from him . but henry the first ( though ▪ he had come in over the back of his elder brother ) that he might make more sure work for a succession , wanting issue male living , pitcheth on maud his daughter , formerly married to the emperor henry the fourth , who left her a widow , and died without issue ; and having sworn all the nobility ( especially stephen ) to her , ordained her & her issue to be his successors in englands ▪ throne , and married her again to jeoffrey plantagenet , the son and heir apparent of fulk , then earl of anjou , by whom she had three sons , henry , jeffrey , and william ; to henry the crown belonged as next heir after his mother ( by the usurped title of his father , ) yet stephen , earl of mortain , and bulloign , son to adelincia the third daughter of william the conqueror , by maud his wife , ( notwithstanding his oath to the last king ) gets the crown set on his own head , and excludes her , and her issue for the present ; yet after he died , henry , called the second , sirnamed shortmantle , though his mother was alive , enjoys it . this henry had six sons , william , henry richard , jeoffrey , philip , john ; the two first dying , richard the third son , the first of that name , sirnamed ceur de lyon succeeded his father ; this richard dying without issue , his yongest brother john usurps the crown , notwithstanding jeoffrey his elder brother had left a young son , named arthur plantaganet king of brittain , who was heir apparant to the crown ; and after he dyed , henry his son the third of that name succeedes him , though arthurs sister was then alive , ( though in prison ) who was next to the title ( such as it was ) ; after him edward sirnamed longshankes , called edward the first , layes hold on the crown and wore it with much majesty , and after him edward the second his son goes on , but still on the old account , and on the ruine of the most proper heirs ; this edward was deposed by the parliament for his ill government as anon shall be more fully related ; and his son edward the third of that name set up in his room ; after him followed richard the second , son to the black prince , who was also deposed , after whose dethroning , henry called the fourth , son to john of gant duke of lancaster , and uncle to the former king , snatcheth up the crown , though of right it , was to discend to edmund mortimer , earle of march , the son and heir of lionel duke of clarence , the third son of edward the third , and an elder brother of john duke of lancaster ; and thus we have nothing hitherto , but interruption , and usurpation ; and those which in their own reigns can pretend a divine title by succession , which must not be altered , can for their advantage put by the succession of the issue of others . but to go on , here now began the bloody wars , and contests between the house of lancaster , and york which made the world to ring of the misery of the civill wars of england , and all about a title , and neither of them ( if seriously weighed ) had a right title by succession , if the first title of their ancestors were to be the originall ; but that custome might be the best right , he got in his son henry , who was the fifth of that name , to succeed ; and his son henry the sixt ( though an infant ) takes his place , untill edward duke of york overthrew his army in the battle at towton field , and got him deposed , and was proclaimed king by the name of edward the fourth , though the title had been carried on in the house of lancaster thorow three discents ; thus favor , and fortune , not lineall succession alwayes gave the best title ; this edward left two sons behind him , ( to maintain the succession of the house of york ) edward and richard duke of york and five daughters . his eldest son edward who was the fifth of that name , succeeded him in claim , & title , but rather lived then raigned ( being an infant ) had never any actuall exercise of his government ; for ric. duke of glocester , and uncle to this infant , and made his protector , that he might set up himself , causeth both the young titular king , & his brother , ( these two royall infants ) to be barbarously murthered in their beds , and so wears the crown himself , by the name of richard the third , untill henry earl of richmond ( a twigg of a bastard of john of gaunt ) by his valour at bosworth field , having overthrown his army , slew the tyrant himself , and created by his sword ( for other he had none ) a new title to himself , and was crowned king , by the name of henry the seventh , who , what by his power and by a marriage of the lady eliz. the eldest daughter of ed. the fourth , confirmed his succession , & from him do all our later princes derive their title , as henry the eighth , edward the sixth , queen mary , queen elizabeth , king james , and our last tyrant charls . this henry , the foundation of our great ones , was himself but a private man , who as speed says , had scarce any thing of a just title , or of a warrantable intention , but to remove an usurper ; besides there were many naturall heirs of the house of york which were children of edward the fourth , and george duke of clarence , richards elder brother , who had better right : but when once a title is made , it must be maintained , and if it can but get thorow two or three successors , it s presently proclaimed to be jure divino , and pleaded as the onely just title and right . thus you have a faithfull , and true account of the succession of our norman monarchs ; we can onely say we have had so many persons raigning , and as kings of england ; but for a title by lineal succession , there is none , but what every man may make aswell as any man , and what is as proper to a stranger , as to an heir ; power , and favour , murther and deceit being the most common principles of the right of most of our kings to their government over us . if it be asked , as speed doth , what right had william the conqueror ? then it must follow , what right had all the rest ? but supposing his right , what right had these , who so many times cut off the line , and made themselves the stock of future succession ? and what misery is it that this broken and usurped title must still be forced on us , even by an ecclesiasticall , and divine institution , who have now a way of redeeming our liberties , and bettering our conditions , and following the direct line of just and true titles , the election and choice of the people ? is not five or six hundred year enough for england to be under the succession of a norman bastard ( pardon the expression , its true though plain ) and to be sold with all its liberties , from usurpation to usurpation , as well as from generation to generation ? i need not be very zealous in application , the history is enough to make all wise men consider , by whom we have all this while been governed , and upon what terms ; how tyranny and usurpation comes to be adored , if it have but a royall name added to it . shall the parliament of england be now blamed for cutting off that race of usurpers and tyrants , and reducing affairs to their first naturall and right principle ; or will the people of england after all their experiences , centre their liberties and freedoms in a customary usurpation of succession , and lose their common-wealth for the personall glory of a young pretender ? especially , when they have fought against the father , and cut him off as a tyrant , endeavour to set up the son to follow on both the first cause , and revenge , meerly because he was supposed to be proceeded of his polluted loyns : this blindness will be our misery , and endear us to a more perfect and more tyrannicall slavery then ever yet england felt . but to go on , the reader hath seen what a line we have had in england , and how pure a title our kings have had to their crowns ; le ts now but have patience to view their actings successively , and yet shortly , and we shall better guess of their right by their raigns ; for though one would think that they should endeavour to make good a bad title by a good raign , yet it hath been far otherwise ; every man having made his right by force , maintained it by tyranny ; and when they have gotten power , never remembered how , or to what end they attained it ; if we look back again , and make a new and strict survey of their severall actings in their government , and go over every kings head since willam the conqueror , we shall not much mistake if we pass by turkie , russia , the moors , and yet call englands kings tyrants , and their subjects slaves ; and however in the theory , and system it have been limited , and bounded by good and distinguishing laws , yet in the exercise and practique part almost of every kings raign , we shall find it deserve as bad a name as others who are called most absolute ; for the laws and priviledges which this poor nation hath enjoyed , as they have been but complementally granted for the most part , and with much design , so they have ever ( upon any occasion ) proved but weak and low hedges against the spring-tides , and land floods of the prerogative of the prince , which hath always gained more on the priviledges of the people , then ever the sea by all its washing and beatings of its boysterous and unmerciful waves hath gained on the land ; for if at any time the poor commons ( through much strugling , and a good and present necessitous mood of the prince ) have got off any present oppressions , and forced out the promise for enacting of any good and seasonable laws : yet either the next advantage , or at least the next successor , hath been sure , either to silence , or diannul it , and incroached upon it ; and never was priviledge or good law enacted , or gained to the people , but by hard pressure of the subject , and with a predominant ingredient of the kings advantage , and still rather out of courtesie then right . we shall finde also that england for three or four hundred years together ( some lucida intervalla excepted ) hath been a stage of blood , and the astonishment of all nations in civil wars , and that meerly , either for the clearing of the title to the crown ( which yet at last was onely made lawfull by the prevailing power , and as soon made illegall when another side got the better ) or else by the subject and barons , taking up arms to defend themselves , and make rampiers ( if possible ) against the inundation of prerogative , and rather preserving , then obtaining any additions of liberties , and yet they were commonly defeated at last ; for if for the present by some eminent advantage , they got a little ground , they soon lost it again by royal stratagems , and were either forced , or complemented ▪ into their old miseries , with a worse remembrance of former actings . but to enter into the particulars of this sad story : all men know ( or may ) the tyrannical domination of that first william , who behaved himself as a conqueror indeed , and a most perfect tyrant ( since whom we have never had an english man , but one , who hath been naturalized by the succession of his conquest as king of england ) he presently changed most of our laws , especially those wherein the english liberties were most transparent , and preserved , and made new laws , and those which he left , writ them all in french ; disweaponed all the natives , sent the children of the best , and most faithful of the nobility into normandy as hostages , and the most gallant of the english were transported by him into france to serve his wars , that he might extinguish their families ; he advanced his normans into all places of the nation , and kept them as a guard over the english ; brought in the cruel forrest laws , and dispeopled for thirty miles together in hampshire , pulling down many towns , and villages , with churches , chappels , and gentlemens houses , making it a forrest for wilde beasts , ( which is ever since named the new forrest , but was the old ensign of our misery and slavery ) he laid on innumerable taxes , and made laws royal , very severe , and in an unknown language , that the english offending might forfeit their states and lands to him , which they often did , through ignorance : but alas , what need i mention these ? who ever reads but our histories , ( and the most favorable ▪ and fawning royalist ) will see more then now can be expressed ; and yet here is the first fruits of our kings and of their righteous title , whose succession hath been as much in tyranny after him , as in title : and yet we must , by a sacred obligation be bound to maintain with our blood , and lives , the branches of this rotten root , notwithstanding all the providential , and divine opportunities of casting off that miserable yoak which our forefathers , so sadly groaned under , and would have triumphed in the pouring out their blood ( which they shed freely , but to little purpose ) but to have foreseen their childrens children might have but the hopes of attaining to . but although william the first made sure his conquest to his own person , yet by his tyranny he gave ground of designs , and hopes of recovery after his death , & therefore the people who but murmured and mourned in secret formerly , consider now their condition , and that robert the right heir was wanting , and his second son endeavored to be set up , begin to capitulate , and repeat their former grievances , and to stand upon their terms , with the next successors ; but william rufus who longed for the crown , and saw what advantage he had by his brothers absence , through the mediation of lanke-frank the arch-bishop of canterbury ( a man for his vertue and learning in great esteem with the people ) got himself to be accepted , and crowned king ( with exclusion of his elder brother ) by fair promises , and engagements to repeal his fathers laws , and of promoting the liberties of the english ( any probability being then taking to the poor people . ) but no sooner had he got the crown fastned on his head , ( and defeated his brother in battle ) but he forgat all his own promises , follows directly his fathers steps , grows excessive covetous , lays on intolerable taxes , and merciless exactions , returns their longings , and hopes after their just libertie into a sad bondage and slavery . the poor people having thus smarted for their credulity , & renewing their sense of their misery , under the two former tyrants , take heart once again , and refuse to admit any after his death , until ( as judge thorpe well expresseth it in that forementioned discourse ) they were cheated into a second election of hen. the first , his youngest brother ; for the people standing for their liberties ( and yet , alas , but negatively , rather to be freed from excess of oppression , then knowing what true freedom was ) having felt the misery of their loss in the two former persons ( shall i call them kings ? ) raign ; denied any consent to another person of that stock without solemn capitulations , and covenants to settle just laws , and to ingage for the execution of them , with abrogation of all former mischievous and inconvenient ones , ( which matthew paris calls unworthily , a politique , but trayterous way of capitulating . ) whereupon henry , who had nothing of title , made friends by his engagements , and roberts absence in the holy-land , and doth absolutely promise to begin all anew , constitute just laws , reform his fathers , and brothers exorbitancies , and to be as a nursing father both to church and state ; these fair insinuations got him the crown , though robert was to have it first by his own right , and next by his brothers covenant and will . and that he might not seem altogether disproportionable to his engagement , the first action of his government was to bait the people , and sugar their subjection , as his predecessor in the like interposition had done , but with more moderation and advisedness ; but having once secured his title from his brothers jus , and setled some affairs abroad , began much after the old strain , ( yet not altogether so violent ) yet these cruel and savage laws of the forrest he revived , and put in execution , yea , urged as the most fundamentall law of the realm , and many sore in positions he levied ( which the people were not able to bear ; ) that these two sons , though they ended the direct line , yet they propagated their fathers tyranny ; onely he got the throne by force ; they by subtilty , and delusive engagements ; and now the poor people , who had still been cozened , and are commonly passive , begin in the next kings reign , ( viz. of stephen , another usurper ) to be active , and to struggle for their liberties more seriously and thorowly , and not contented with promises of abating former pressures , drew up the summ of their desires in a more exact method , and demand publikely the restoring and re-establishing of st. edwards laws ( for such a rarity was that former prince , as they canonized him a saint ) which were many years before granted ▪ but by new and strange successions buried ; and stephen , who came in odly to the crown , and was continually in various motions to maintain it , confirmed all these laws , and to gain the people , ratified them by parliament , the best security in these cases ; but soon after prerogative ( like a lion in chains ) breaks forth again with fuller rage , and devours all these grants , with the hopes , and expectations of the people ; for though in the two next kings raigns these grants were not actually repeled , yet were laid by , and only wrapt up in parchments , and husht by the noise of drums , and trumpets . for henry the second , the next king , spent most of his time in cleering the controversie ▪ between regnum & sacerdotium , the crown and the mitre , as in setling his own title both here , and in normandy ▪ and ireland ; a while he and thomas becket were standing in the special rights , and priviledges of the church , and state , the liberties of the people were laid asleep , and certainly he hated the former grants , because made by stephen , who had stoln the crown both from his mother , and himself ; the notablest story in this kings reign ( setting by his warlike atchievements ) is , that after becket had often foiled him in his authority , he was handsomly whipt by the monks , in going to visit beckets shrine , which was part of his pennance , for giving secret order to assasinats to make him away ; and that he kept rosamond as his concubine , to the vexation of elenor his wife , who at last vented her revenge on her , having found her out in that intricate labyrinth made on purpose for her at woodstock , by the clew which rosamond had carelesly untwisted . the next that laid claim to this crown , was his son richard the first , surnamed ceur de lion ( as before ) who was to be commended rather for his personal valour , in other nations , then for any good done to this ; he began well in enlarging his mother elenor , whom his father had imprisoned , because she could not abide his lascivious living with his wanton paragon rosamond , and advanced many persons by speciall favours ; yet these respects were more particular , then of any publike advantage to the state ; for out of a blind zeal in those times , after he had been in england but four months after his coronation , he went into the holy-land , against the turks , leaving the regency of the kingdom to an ecclesiasticall person , william longchampe , bishop of ely , who to please the king , and by speciall command , undid the people , and committed great exactions , and as hoveden says , clerum & populum opprimebat , confundens fasque nefasque did all as he listed , and little cared by what means he filled the kings coffers , and his own ; ( acting but by proxie and in imitation of what his master would have done , if at home ▪ & by many a private command ) as it afterwards proved ; for when richard undertook this voyage , that he might not seem at first burthensom to the people when he left them , and to maintain both his design , and absence on their purses ( and so alienate their affections from him when at so great a distance , and give grounds to his brother john to try an experiment for the title ) wifely sold much of his own estate to raise him monies , as the castles of berwick ▪ and roxborough , to the king of scots for ten thousand pounds , and the lordship , and earldom of durham , to hugh then bishop of that see , for much mony , as also many honors , lordships , mannors , offices , priviledges , royalties , to many of the nobles , and rich commoners , whereby he furnished himself with a vast treasurie of mony for that service ; and that you may see what interest he and his companions think they have in his peoples goods ( however they dissemble it ) he often protested that he would sell his city of london ( as my author saith ) to any that would by it , rather then be chargeable unto others ; but notwithstanding all this , as the people were sadly opprest in his absence by his viceroy , so much more when he returned by himself ; for he then began to redeem his time , and to play rex with a witness ; he fell presently to plunder all religious houses , laid on new and unheard of taxes on the people , and resumed into his hands again all the lordships , mannors , castles , &c. which he had sold to his subjects , and confirmed it by all the security they could have from man ; this is the misery of depending on royal promises , and engagements , which are usually nothing else but complementall engins to move up the peoples affections , while they more easily , and insensibly drain out their blood , and purses , this was the end of this rough , and lionlike king , who reigned nine years , and nine months , wherein he exacted and consumed more of this kingdom then all his predecessors from the norman had done before him , and yet less deserved it then any , having neither lived here , nor left behind him monument of piety , or any publike work , or ever shewed love or care to this common-wealth , but onely to get what he could from it ; we see hitherto what a race of kings we have had , and what cause we have to glory in any thing but their tombs ; and yet if we expect better afterwards , we shall be as much mistaken of their actings as they were of their right . the next that raigned ( though without any hereditary title ) was king john , stephens brother ; whose government was as unjust as his title , for he ( having by election , out of fear and policy of state , got the crown , with expulsion of arthur the right heir ut supra ) embarked the state , and himself in these miserable incumberances , through his violence and oppression , as produced desperate effects , and made way to those great alterations in the government which followed ; the whole reign of this king was a perfect tyranny ; there is in history hardly one good word given him ; the barons and clergy continually opposed him , strugling for a confirmation of their long desired liberties , but were most commonly either cluded , or defeated by promises which were never intended to be performed , until at last being more entirely united with the commons , and stoutly resolved and confirmed by an oath , taken at st. edmunds-burie in a general assembly , they then swore on the high altar , never to lay down arms , if king john refused to confirm and restore unto them these liberties ( the rights which this kingdom was formerly blest with , and which all the late kings had cheated them of ) the king knowing their power , and considering their engagements , makes use of policy , and desired time to answer them , entertaining them with smooth and gentle language , and courtesie , untill he had got strength , and then he began anew to try experiments of securing himself , and frustrating their desires : but the lords continuing their resolution , and knowing nothing was to be obtained but by strong hand , assemble themselves with a great army at stamford , from whence they marched towards the king , who was then at oxford ; sent him a schedule of their claimed liberties , with an appendix of their absolute resolutions , in case of his denyal ; this tyrant having heard them read , with much passion replies : why do they not demand the kingdom as wel ? and swore he would never grant these liberties , whereby himself should be made a servant ▪ the barons upon his answer being ( as daniel saith ) as hasty as he was averse , resolve to seaze on his castles , and possessions ; and repairing to london , being welcomed by the citizens , who had too long groaned under the same tyranny , they get a great access of strength by new confederates , and renew their spirits & oaths for the thorow prosecution of the war ; the king seeing himself in a strait , which by no ordinary strength he could evade , by gentle and teeming messages sent to the barons , he obtained a conference in a medow called running-mead , between windsor and sta●es , where armed multitudes came from all places , crying nothing but liberty , liberty , so sweet was that tone to them then : after many hard conferences , the king seeing it no time to dally , & that they would not trust him with any complemental expressions , whom they looked on as formerly perjured , grants their desires ; not only , saith speed , for liberties specified in magna charta & charta forrestae , but also for a kind of sway in the government , by five and twenty selected peers , who were to be as a check over the king , and his chief justiciar , and all his officers to whom any appeal might be made in case of breach of any article or priviledge confirmed by that charter ; and now one would think the people were secure enough ; but though they seem now to have the livery , yet they had not the seisin ; for presently the king having got now credit by the largeness of his grants , gets liberty with less suspicion to undo all ; and in a short time ( pretending these grants to be acts of force ) having got power , renounceth his engagement by them , and afterwards repeals them , and dispoiled all these of their lands and possessions , who had any hand , or heart in procuring the former grants ; and by new , and additionall laws made them more perfect slaves then ever they were before , untill at last he was poysoned by a monk , instead of being deposed . but though he be dead , yet the miseries of this nation ended not with him ; for his son henry the third ; who succeeded him , though he could not at first follow on his fathers designs , being an infant , yet at last did not onely imitate , but outstrip him , yet the english nation , ( who are much given to credulity , and apt to be won by fair and plausible promises , ) notwithstanding all the fathers iniquity , imbrace the son , having taken an oath of him to restore , and confirm the liberties they propounded to his father , which he had often granted , and as often broken ; but for all his first oath , they were fain , not onely to remember him of it , by petitions , but oftentimes by arms and strength . and though there was in this kings raign twenty one parliaments called , and many great subsidies granted , in confirmation of their liberties , yet every parliament was no sooner dissolved , but the ingagement ceased ; a hint of two or three special parliaments , and their success will not be amiss to be set down in this place . this king not being able to suppress the barons and people by his own strength , ( they having gotten not onely heart , but power ) sends to forraign nations for aid , and entertains poictovines , italians , almains , provincioes to subdue his own people , and set them in great places ; which dangerous and desperate design the barons much resenting , raised their spirits , and ingaged them in opposition to his government , and set them on with more courage to look after their liberties ; therefore they several times stand up against the violence of prerogative ; but what through want of strength or caution they were commonly disappointed ; yet rather ( if we may speak truly ) from the unfaithfulness of the king then any other defect , except it were their easiness to believe kings , when their prerogative , and the peoples liberties came in competition ; for after they had many times got , or rather extorted many promises , and confirmed them by oaths , ( the best humane security ) they were put to new designs , through either the suspention , or breach of them , witness these instances ; after many foiles ▪ and tedious and various delusions by this king ( whose beams attracted most , dazled others ) the barons , and people ( who were then unanimous through mutual oppressions ) fall more close , and severe on their principles , and wil not endure either delays , or delusions , and therefore effectually to redress their grievances , came very well armed to a parliament then holden at oxford ( intended rather for getting subsidies , then removing oppressions ) in which assembly they put the king to it , urge their former complaints with more zeal and reason , and with an addition of a mighty spirit , demand the absolute confirmation of magna charta , and in a larger edition ( wherein are comprised those gallant priviledges of the commons of england , which have yet been but kept by ink , and parchment ) and not trusting the king , got his son , prince edward , to seal it , with an addition of twenty four ( some write twelve ) peers which fabian stiles the douze peeres , not only to see these priviledges truly observed , but to be as joynt regents with the king ; and all the lords , and bishops in parliament took a like oath , to maintain these articles inviolable ; yea , and all that would have any benefit of residence in the kingdom , were enjoyned to take the same ; but these were too strict bonds for such a princes wil , he soon finding advantages ( as he sought them ) recals all , gets a dispensation from the pope for his forced oath and to countenance his perjurie ▪ and acts in the old account ; the barons again stand up with the people stoutly for the performance of the articles of oxford ; and sometimes brought him into straits ; yea , fully ▪ defeated him in many bloody battles , and regained the confirmation of the same laws , with security ; that all the castles throughout england should be delivered to the keeping of the barons , that the provisions of oxford be inviolably preserved , that all strangers should be dismist the kingdom , but those which by generall consent should be thought fit to remain ; this necessitous act though as it gave the people some peace and hopes , so it gave the king time to consider of new mediums , and therefore still to delay , and blind , he assembles a new parliament at london , where having ( by the sprinkling of court water ) won many lords to take his part , begins to surprise as many of the barons as he could get , and spoiled their castles and houses , that success and authority grows strong on his side , and the barons with some calme provisoes mediate a peace , insisting onely in generall that the articles of oxford might be observed ; but the king relying on his strength , defies them as traitors ; which done , the peoples two generals , the earls of leicester and glocester , seeing no other means but to put it to a day , supply their want of strength by their wit and diligence , and carefully and artificially placing their battel ( which was fought at the town of lewis in sussex ) overthrew the kings army , took the king , the prince , the earl of cornwal , and his son henry , the earls of arundel , hereford , with many other lords , and gentlemen , both english and scottish . and now having the king , and prince , and most of the nobles , and a new confirmation of all , one would think the great charter was out of danger , either of blotting or razing ; especially if we consider the solemnities formerly used in the ratification of it , ( as daniel excellently relates it in his history , p. 169. ) the people knowing that no civil promises , or verbal professions would hold in kings raptured by prerogative ▪ & devoted to perjury to maintain their tyranny , take a more ecclesiasticall and divine way of obligation , swearing to excommunicate all that should be found infringers of that charter ; when the people with the king , and all the great nobility were assembled with all the prelates , and the chief bishops in their reverent ornaments ( with burning candles in their hands ) to receive that dreadfull sentence ; the king having one great candle in his hand , gives it to a prelate that stood by , saying , it becomes not me being no priest to hold this candle , my heart shall be a greater testimony ; and withall laid his hand spred on his breast all the while the sentence was pronouncing , which was authoritato omnipotentis dei , &c. which done , he caused the charter of king john his father to be read , and in the end having thrown away their candles ( which lay smoaking on the ground ) they cryed out , so let them that incurre this sentence be extinct and stinck in hell ; and the king with a loud voice said , as god help , i will , as i am a man , a christian , a knight , a king crowned and annointed , inviolably observe these things . never were laws saith he ( whose words express the thing most emphatically ) amongst men ( except those holy commandments from the mount ) established with more majestie of ceremony , to make them reverenced , and respected , then these were ; they wanted but thunder , and lightning from heaven , ( which likewise if prayers could have effected they would have had it ) to make the sentence ghastly , and hideous to the breakers of it ; the greatest security that could be given was an oath ( the onely chain on earth besides love , to tye the conscience of a man , and humane societie together ) which should it not hold us , all the frame of government must needs fall quite asunder ; yet so ( almost a miracle ( though over common among our kings , saith master prin out of mat. paris ) the parliament being thus dissolved ( by a sacred and most solemn conclusion ) the king presently studies how to infringe all the premises , his parasites telling him the pope could soon absolve him for a summ of mony , which afterwards the pope did , and the king returned to his former oppressive courses with more violence , and hardness ; and taking advantage by the division of the barons , two generals , the earls of leicester and glocester , the latter of which joyned with the young prince edward , and sir roger mortimer the kings wicked counsellor , a new and potent army is raised by them , against the earl of leicester ( who had the king prisoner ) and those which kept constant with him for the peoples liberties ; and he with the rest of the barons , are overthrown ; and immediately after a parliament is called , and all these laws and decrees made voyd ; and that parliament held at oxford , wherein all these laws were first confirmed by him , called insanum parliamentum , the mad parliament ; and all these patents , commissions or instruments made to ratifie these articles , were brought forth , and solemnly damned ; and so bright and resplendent did prerogative break forth , that it was proclaimed treason in any but to speak or mention any of these grants with the least approbation ; and because the city of london had engaged with the barons and people as a principal part of the whole , he would needs have burnt the city , had not some wise and potent favorites interposed , and yet they could hardly disswade him from that barbarous and impolitick wickednesse ; but what he spared in their houses , that he gott out of their purses , and made up all his losses with a thorough subjection of their persons , and suppression of their liberties . i need relate no more of this king , nor make observations , the reader will be amazed at the repetition ; he at least 20 times gave his promise for the confirmation , & execution of these just decrees ( contained in magna charta ) and as many times was perjured , notwithstanding all the solemnities , both civil , moral , and ecclesiastical , used in the acts of ratification ; this may learn us how to trust the most positive engagements of princes , which cross their own interest , and what to think of that word and promise they call royall ; this king reigned fifty six years , the longest of any king of england : but we have had too much of the story of him , as he had too long a time to rule , considering his temper , and design . it s well if we can be wary for the future , and be more cautious then to trust the most promising and insinuating princes with our liberties , and priviledges , which can be no longer expected to be preserved by them , then they may serve as footstools to advance them in the throne of absolute majesty , but no more of this king ; never were there more hard strivings and wrestlings between tyranny and liberty , with such bad success to the people ; i onely conclude his raign with the exhortation of the psalmist , psal. 146. 3. o put not your confidence in princes , surely men of high degree are a lye . king henry is by this time layd in his grave , and one would think magna charta buried with him ; his son edward , who was his right-hand in his wars against the barons , and the principal agent in their ruine , succeeds him in the throne ; and instead of lessening goes on and makes an higher improvement of that royalty which his father left him ; having in his own person got the victory over the peoples libertyes in his fathers time , and having wonne or worne out the greatest of those which opposed , and being long experienced in the world , so secured and advanced the prerogative , that as one sayth , he seemed to be the first conqueror after the conqueror that got the domination of this state in so absolute and eminent a manner , as by his government appears ; he layd unsupportable taxes both on the clergy and laity , even unto fiveteens and halfs of their estates ▪ as for tenths , that was comparatively accounted easy ; the barons and people for a long time durst not move for removal of greivances , untill that the king ( being always in wars in france , flanders , wales and scotland , and so needed continually vast sums of mony ) called a parliament wherein he demanded a great treasure of mony from the people , that he might give them somewhat in lieu of their expences , confirmed the two great charters on the petition of the barons and people , ( and so stopped their mouths ) and this he did as often as he had extraordinary occasions for mony ; but ( like all other royall promises ) they were performed by leasure . never was royalty more majestick and glorious then in this kings raign , and the people less able to oppose ; he was always so watchful and eager to enlarge his own power ; i shall end his raign also with what daniel that impartiall and witty historian saith of him , he was more for the greatness of the kingdom then the quiet of it ; and never king before or since ( except our last charls ) shed so much christian bloud within this isle of britain , and was the cause of more in that following , and not one grain of benefit procured unto the people by all their expences on him , which was but to make themselves more perfect slayes . the next king was edward the second his son , who though more vicious then the father , yet not more tyrannicall ; he gave more advantage to the people thorough his lewd life and unmartiall nature , to seek the confirmation and establishment of magna charta , and other good laws which were utterly supprest , and darkened in his fathers reign . this prince gave himself over to all wicked courses , and surrendred his judgement , and the management of all affairs of state unto evill and corrupt counsellors ; especially to one peirce gaveston , who had both his ear and heart , unto whom he was so much endeared , that he ventured the loss of kingdom , and all the hearts of his subjects for his company , and preservation ; and though the barons had by often petitions , and earnest sollicitations prevailed with the king to banish him , yet he soon after sent for him home , and laid him more nigh his bosom then before ; on this the barons raise an army against the king ; and send him word , that unless he would observe the late articles ( which they had formerly by much ▪ ado got him to sign in parliament ) and put from him pierce gaveston , they would rise in arms against him as a perjured prince ; the king ( whom they found , was apt to be terrified ) yeilds again to his banishment , with this clause , that if he were found again within the kingdom he should be condemned to death as an enemy of the state : all places were now dangerous to gaveston ; both ireland ( where he formerly was protected ) & france also too hot for him ; in this extremity , finding no security anywhere else , he again adventures on england , and puts himself once again into the kings bosom ( a sanctuary which he thought would not be polluted with blood ) and there he is received with as great joy as ever man could be ; the lords with more violence prosecute their suite to the king for delivering up ▪ or removing him once more ; but to no purpose ; they therefore set forwards with an army , say siege to the castle wherein gaveston was , took him , and notwithstanding the kings earnest sollicitation for his life , they condemned him to the block , and took off his head ; this obstacle being removed out of the way , the lords having now the better end of the staff make advantages of it for demanding the confirmation , and execution of all those articles formerly granted , threatning the king , that if he would not consent to it , they would force him by a strong hand ; with this message they had their swords also drawn , and march towards london : a parliament is called , where the king , after a submission by the lords to him , for that act done against gaveston , contrary to his consent , and will , grants the articles and pardon to them . but the king goes on his old way , adheres to wicked counsel ( waving the grave advice of his parliament ) and is ruled by the two spencers , who acted with mighty strain of injustice , which caused the lords again to take up arms , and stand for their liberties , but are , through the revolt of some , and the treachery of others overthrown at burton upon trent , and two and twenty noblemen , the greatest peers in the realm executed in several places for nothing but opposing his evil counsellors ▪ this was the first blood of nobility that ever was shed in this manner in england since william the first , which being so much , opened veines for more to follow ; and now the beam of power being turned , regality weighs down all . but by degrees , through the continuation of his ill government , whereby he daily lost the peoples hearts , the lords get an army , and take the king prisoner , and by generall consent in parliament deposed him as a tyrant , and elected his son edward the third to succeed , and his son was crowned before his eyes . thus ended his raign , but not his life . poor england which had laboured so long and successively under so many tyrants , and had contested so long with royalty for their dearly purchased liberties , might now hopefully expect at least a dawning of reformation , especially when they had got so much power as to depose authority ; and began , as it were , on a new account ; and the truth is , affairs were now promising , and distempers seemed to wear away with the former governor ; yet the condition of the kingdom , had but a new face on it , and grievances were rather not aggravated or multiplied then any whit removed , and oppressions may be rather said to be changed from one shoulder to another then abolished . prince edward who succeeded , who was crowned in his fathers life , had observance enough to remember his fate , and was much warned by it , both to prevent and suppress insurrections , knowing by experience the full state of the controversie , and therefore began his government very fairely , and with much applause ; onely to prevent factions , and sidings , he privately caused his father , the deposed king to be cruelly murdered , and so sate more securely , though with more guilt upon the throne ; his raign was fifty years , & odd months , the longest next hen. the third ; he spent most of his time in the wars of france to regain his titile to that crown , which the poor subject felt in their estate and families , and it was a happiness ( say some ) that he was so much abroad ; for when ever he came home , as he wanted money to supply his expences , so the people got ground to urge their priviledges , & magna charta was at least twelve times ratified in this kings raign , and so often broken ; yet because he goes under the name of the best prince that raigned so long , and so well , let the reader take but an instance or two concerning his engagements to perform the grand charter . this king in the first parliament made the fifteenth year of his raign , had granted the enacting of divers wholsom and seasonable laws , which he willed and ingaged unto for him and his heirs , that they should be firmly kept , and remain inviolable for ever , for the ratification of magna charta , and other good laws formerly enacted ; and that all the officers of state , as chancellor , treasurer , barons of the exchequer , judges , &c. should at that present in parliament , and for ever after , take a solemn oath before their admission to their offices , to keep and maintain the point of the great charter , and the charter of the forrest , &c. but no sooner was the parliament dissolved , but the very same year he publikely revoked these statutes , pretending that they were contrary to the laws and customs of the realm , and to his prerogative and rights royal , &c. wherefore we are willing ( saith he ) providently to revoke these things we have so improvidently done ; because ( saith he ) marke the dissimulation of princes even in parliaments ) we never really consented to the making of such statutes , but as then it behoved vs , we dissembled in the premises , by protestations of revocation , if indeed they should proceed to secure the dangers , which by denying the same we feared to come , with many more such passages ; and yet this king is the phoenix of our more antient monarchs ; but the reader may still learn what the best of our princes have been , and what weak assurances any ingagements from them are where power is wanting from them , and advantages present to them . another instance of his actings we may take up from the successe of his first siege of tourney in france ; having laid on heavy and excessive taxes to maintain that war , and the people seeing no fruits of all promises for executing the articles of magna charta , they refuse to pay any more , without more faithfull performance of his vows , and solemn engagements to them , whereby he wanting mony was fain to quit the place , and return for england , full of revengefull thoughts , and in much fury breaths out destruction to all the refusers ; but the arch-bishop of canterbury told him publikely , but plainly , that he had oftentimes as well as his father offered manifest violences to the liberties of the english nation , comprehended in that grand charter , and if he expected subsidies , from the people , he must more carefully maintain their priviledges so justly due . but the king vexed with such language , both storms against the arch-bishop , and as much as possibly he then could , sought the ruine of all that had made any refusall of payment of these taxes , although he had not in any manner performed his own promises . yet i will end his raign , because he hath a name of a good king . ( though as speed saith , by the generall vote of historians , he committed many foul errors in his government ) with a good act he did at the fiftieth yeer of his age ( which he kept as his jubilee ) he called a parliament , and there freely heard the grievances of the people , and redressed many , especially a petition of the commons against the doublings of lawyers ; he caused the pleas which were before in french to be made in english ; a necessary law ( saith speed ) if it had been as carefully observed ; especially if he had ordered ( saith he ) that the same should not have been written in french , that the subject might understand the law , by which he holds what he hath , and is to know what he doth . but all this is not for nothing ; for as he imparted grace unto his people ( saith the same auther ) for so all acts of justice are termed , wh●n granted by kings , so he took a care to replenish his own purse by it , that the poor commons obtain not any thing which they pay not too dearly for . here ends the life of the best reputed prince ; and yet you see wherein his excellency lay ; the best happiness the people had in his raign , was ▪ that they had more engagements for their liberties with more cost , and the remembrances and sense of the goodness of them more fresh and sweet by the often repetition of them ; but for execution or addition to them , they were as far to seek as in former times . and if it do possibly happen that in one kings raign either through the goodness of his nature , or rather want of advantages , there be an intermission of oppressions , ( for that is the utmost to be expected ) yet the next king will be sure to make it up , and if they give the people a little breath , it s but that they may sow for the next to reap , or as they do with men on the rack , let them down , and give them cordials , and spiritfull liquors , that they may be the longer and more sensibly tormented ; which was made good in the next kings raign , viz. richard the second , who presently dashes and utterly nips these blossoms that sprung out in the former kings raign , devoting himself to all uncivill and lewd courses , and to enable him the better unto it , layes on sad and miserable taxes on the people without so much as a mention or hint of their liberties , and as the parallel of edward the second , both lived and died ; it s enough to decypher his raign by his end ; for he was deposed by the universal consent of the people in parliament as a tyrannical , and cruel governor , and not a good word spoken of him to commend him in his government , and its pitty to aggravate his misery after his death , and yet ( as we say ) seldom comes a better ; when one is cut off , another like the hidra's head springs up in his place . henry the fourth who overthrew him in battel , and was made king in his stead ( though by a wrong title ) at first promised the new modelling of laws to the peoples ease , and did , as in a complement ( rather to secure his title , then out of affection to the people , or sense of his relation ) redress many grievances , which were more gross and less concerning the common-wealth ; and as he did strive by these common acts to engage the people to him , so ( as one that had continuall sence of guilt on him ) he got the deposed king to be barbarously murthered in the castle of pomfret , that no competition might endanger his title by his life ; he spent most of his raign incontinuall wars about his title , and was often opposed as both a tyrant and usurper ; but he still got ground on both the liberties and laws formerly granted ; yet not so sensibly as in the former kings raigns , that the people may be said to have a little respite from the violence & heighth of prerogative by him ; but they may thank the unjustness , and brittleness of his title , for that he being more in fear of of loosing it , then out of love with the excess of his ancestors . i shall only add one story to conclude this kings raign , which is universally reported by most of our historians , worth observation , because it hath much of ingenuity in it , and because they were his dying words ; being cast into an apoplexie , and nigh his end , he caused his crown to be placed by him on his pillow , least in the extremity of his sickness it might have been delivered to some other , who had better right thereunto then he had ; but when his attendants , ( through the violence of his distemper , supposed him to be dead , the young prince of wales seised on his crown , whereat the king started up raising himself on his arms , demanded who it was that had so boldly taken away the crown ? the prince answered that it was he ; the king fell back into his bed , and fetching a deep sigh , and sending forth many a pensive groan , replyes thus ; my son , what right i had to this crown ; and how i have enjoyed it , god knows , and the world hath seen ; but the prince , ( ambitious enough of a diadem ) answered him thus ; comfort your self in god ( good father ) ; the crown you have ; and if you die , i will have jt and keep it with my sword as you have done ; and so he did soon after , maintaining his fathers injustice by his own . and now comes up his son henry the fifth as the next heir , who though while a prince was given to many wicked practises , yet when a king , became moderate , and hath better commendation then most of his ancestors ; the people had two advantages and comforts by him ; first , that his reign was short , and that he was much imployed in the war with france for regaining a title to that crown , which he accomplished , and so they were free of civil wars ; though they had still heavie taxes , yet they thought it better to pay for maintaining war abroad then at home ; and truly , the people thought themselves very happy in this kings reign , ( though their priviledges were laid asleep ) that they had a little breathing time from domestick and civil wars , and had hopes to regain by degrees a reviving of their spirits . but the next king , henry the sixth , makes up what was wanting of tyranny and oppression in his fathers raign . he was crowned king about the eighth or ninth moneth of his age , and so had not present oppertunity to shew his royalty . until he came to age , the kingdom was well governed by his three uncles , humphrey , duke of glocester , john duke of bedford , thomas duke of excester , who by their wisdom and justice , kept up the flourishing estate of the english nation ; but when his years of nonage were expired , and he came to weld the scepter with his own hands , ( what as some favorably think out of weakness , for he was no solomon ) all things went presently out of order , and prerogative breaks forth beyond bounds ; which gave occasion to edward duke of york to try conclusions for his title against the house of lancaster , and making use of the discontents of the people through his evil government , opposed him , and afterwards deposed him , and raigned in his stead by the name of edward the fourth , and so by conquest he got the title to run through the house of york , having cut it off by his sword from the house of lancaster ; notwithstanding actuall possession of three descents , many overtures of war were yet between them ; for henry was not yet dead , though for the present outed ; but as a dying man strove for life , but being quite overthrown was imprisoned , and afterwards murthered to secure the title ; there was in these two kings raign but meerly for a title fought ten bloudy battles , besides all lesser skirmishes , wherein many thousands of lords , gentlemen , and commons were slain , and yet not one jot of advantage gotten by it for the peoples liberties ; it being the misery and folly of the people to venture all they have , to set up those over them who afterwards prove most tyranni call , and to sow seeds of future misery , by spilling their bloods for a usurped title . in this kings reign , as in the former , the whole land was miserably rent by unnaturall divisions against his title , and government ; and though neither or these two had a just title ( if we will begin from the root ) yet all the bloud of the nation is thought too little to be spilt to maintain their pretences ; yet we may not reckon this king among the worst , had it not faln out that his title must be kept up with expence of so much blood and ruin of the english nation ; yet in his last five yeers , he laid on such extraordinary taxes , and changed the form of laws , that he lost the love of all his subjects . for edward the fifth his son , who succeeded him in title , we need but mention him , for he had but the name of a king ( being an infant ) and his reign may wel be called an inter-regnum , for ere he came to know what government was , he was cruelly murthered with his infant brother , by his uncle rich. duke of glocester , who reigned both for him , and afterwards for himself by the name of richard the third , a bloody and cruel man , rather a monster then a prince , his name stincks in the english dialect ; the shortness of his reign was the happiness of the people ; for after three yeers usurpation , he was slain in the field by the earl of richmond , who by his valour , more then his title got the crown by the name of henry the seventh ; this was the best act that was done by him , in easing the kingdom of such a viper . in his reign ( who is the first root of our kings since ) the people had more hopes then benefits , and were rejoyced and made happy more by expectations , then enjoyments of any reall priviledge , or liberty . for though he took all the ways to secure his title by his marriage with the lady elizabeth daughter to edward the fourth , yet many stratagems were laid to disturbe his peace , which put him on acts of policy , and diligence , ( which he excellently demonstrated ) to free and extricate himself out of dangers and designs ; many sad divisions were stil in the kingdom , all men were not pleased either with his title or government , and that they might but disturbe him , or hazard his crown , they made stage kings , drest up pretty lads in princely robes , and carried them up and down the kingdom as puppets for the people to gaze one , and admire ; all this while king henry had not time to advance his prerogative , while he was but securing his title ; but after he had done that , and now began to look on himself as free from either forraign or home competitors , and the coast of state seeming cleer from all thickning weather , he thinks of redeeming what he had lost by factions , and imployes his wit for bringing down the height of the english nation , and plucking down their courage , and was especially ( saith one ) jealous over his nobility , as remembring how himself was set up ; and how much more did this humor encrease in him after he had conflicted with such idols and counterfeits as lambert simnel & perkin warbeck ? the strangeness of which dangers made him think nothing safe ; and thinking that the riches of the english occasioned their rebellions , he took a course to empty their coffers into his ; and the plot whereby he meant to effect it was by taking the advantage of the breach of penal laws , which he both found , and made for that purpose ; his instruments which for this work were pickt , and qualified sufficiently , were sir richard empson , and edmund dudley , men learned in the law , and of desperate and subtle heads , and forward in executing the kings commands ; these two attended by troops of base informers , promoters , catchpoles , cheaters , knights of the post &c. went up and down the kingdom , cruelly polled and taxed all sorts of people , and prosecute in every shire the most deserving and generous men , that the kingdom in a little time was more beggard , then by most of the former civil wars ; and all this done by the kings speciall command , and countenance , that we may see what was the reason he began not sooner to play rex ; want of opportunity , and fear of loosing his crown while he was advancing it ; but the latter end of his raign was too soon , and too long for such actings . this king ends his raign with the greatest acts of tyranny ; he made himself a rich king by beggaring his subjects ; after he had freed his own person out of danger ▪ he imploys all his wits to enslave the english ; the fruits both of his title and tyranny we have felt ever sence in these that followed him . his son henry the eighth of that name , succeeds him ; in his first beginnings he seemed to be tenderly affected to the common-wealth , and redressed many grievances , especially those which were laid on by his father , and executed by empson and dudley , doing justice on them for their cruelty and oppression . but those affections were too good , and too violent to last long ; the sound of drums and trumpets soon quasht them , and many encroachments grew on the peoples liberties ; many tempestuous storms and controversies there were in this kings raign ; but they were more ecclesiastical then civil , and so more dangerous and strong . in a word , he was accounted a better souldier then a governor , and more fit for a general then a king to govern by just and equal laws ; the best act he did , was the discovery of the wickedness of the clergy , and casting off the popes supremacy , which yet he took to himself , and annexed it to his own crown ; as the most of his raign was ful of controversies and tempests , so all affairs were managed in a ranting and turbulent maner , not with that gravity & soberness as becomes civil and prudentiall transactions ; he was very lascivious , and delighted much in variety , and changes of laws , as wives ; he oftentimes much pleased himself to be in the company , and was over-familiar with swaggering and loose fellows ; and the people ever and anon found the power of his prerogative at home , as his enemies did of his sword abroad . edward the sixth his onely son succeeds him , a prince that was too good to live long , the phoenix of english kings , had he had time to prosecute his intentions and mature his genius ; but the sun in him did shine too bright in the morning ; god gave england onely the representation of a good king , but would not in judgement let us be blest long with him ; religion began to revive , liberty to bud forth , the people to peep out of their graves of slavery and bondage , and to have their blood fresh and blushing in their cheeks ; but all is presently blasted by his death , and the people ( who have seldom more then hopes for their comforts ) are now fainting for fear ; england is benighted ; and hung with black ; queen mary that alecto , and fury of women succeeds ; and now both souls and bodies of the people are enslaved , and nothing but bone fires made of the flesh and bones of the best christians : but it s too much to name her in the english tongue ; queen elizabeth succeedes her , who being prepared for the crown by suffering , came in a most seasonable time , both for her self and the people , who were made fuel for the flames of her sisters devotion . and now england begins to flourish again , and to recover its strength ; many inlargements were granted , both to the consciences , and estates of the people ; yet if we speak impartially , we were kept further off rome , then royalty ; yet doubtless she may be chronicled for the best princess , and her raign the most even , and best mannaged , with more fruits to the people then any of the former kings , especially if we consider how long she governed this nation ; i end her raign with this character , that she was the best queen that ever england had , and the glory of her sexe to all ages . the english line is now ended ; we must go into scotland to seek for a king , because a daughter of henry the seventh was married to james the fourth , king of scotland ; but i will not question his title . king james the sixth of scotland , and first of england , succeeded on the english throne ; a prince that had many advantages to set up prerogative , which he improved ; he was too timorous to act , but most subtile in councel and designs , and no king did more insensibly and closely undermine the liberties of england then himself ; he gave us cause to remember from whence he came ; but his peaceable raign was the rail to his design , and did choak suspition ; we were brought by him very nigh rome and spain , and yet knew it not ; he had an inveterate hatred against puritans , as he had a fear of papists , and made more of bishops then ordinary by remembrance of the scots presbytery ; he had as much of royalty in his eye as any prince could have , but had not so much courage to prosecute it ; the puritan alwayes lay in his spleen , the papist on his lungs , that he durst not , that he could not breath so clearely and strongly against them ; but the bishops lay in his heart . i will not rip up his personal failings after his death ; he was the most profane king for oaths and blasphemies that england had besides , &c. he now grows old ▪ and was judged only fit to lay the plot , but not to execute it ; the design being now ripe , and his person and life the only obstacle and remora to the next instrument , he is conveyed away suddenly into another world , as his son henry was , because thought unsuteable to the plot , it being too long to waite , untill nature and distemper had done the deed . we are now come to our last charls ( who is like to end both that race and its tyranny ) the perfect idea of all the rest , and the most zealous prosecutor of the designs of all his ancestors , who , if divine providence had not miraculously prevented , had accomplished the utmost of their intentions , and for ever darkned the glory of the english sun ; so much i must say of him , that he got more wisedom by action , then could possibly be expected by his nature ; experience that teacheth fools , made him wise ; he endeavoured to act what others designed ; he dissembled as long as he could , and used all parties to the utmost ; but his zeal and hardiness brought him to his death . he needed no physick for his body , had he remembred his soul . but what need i mention him ? he is the last of english monarchs , and the most absolute monument of monarchy , and example of tyranny and injustice that ever was known in england ; he would have been what other kings are , and endeavoured to attain what others would be ; he lived an enemy to the common-wealth , and died a martyr to prerogative . thus you have seen a faithfull representation of the norman race , under which we have groaned for about six hundred years ; the first title made onely by the invasion and conquest of a stranger and bastard , continued by usurpation and tyranny , that take away but two or three persons out of the list ( and yet these bad enough if we consider all things ) and all this while england neither had a right heir , or good king to govern it ; and yet by delusion and deceit we must be bound to maintain that title as sacred and divine , which in the beginning was extorted and usurping ▪ as if gray hairs could adde reverence to injustice . england hath now an advantage more then all its ancestors , of freeing it self from this successive slavery , and interrupting that bloody line , and after an apprentiship to bondage for so many hundred yeers , providence hath given us our own choice ; if we take it we are made ; if not , the old judgement of god lies on us for our stupidity , and blindness . for my part , as i do not give much to that monkish prophecy from henry the seventh times ; mars , puer , alecto , virgo , vulpes , leo , nullus ( yet i wonder how the devil could foresee so far off , and must needs say that it hath yet been literally fulfilled ▪ both in the characters of the persons , and the issue ) yet i must so far give way to the power of divine actings on my faith , as to think that either we shall never have a king more , or else we shall have one sent of god in wrath , as the israelites had , seeing we are not contented that way which god hath from heaven led us to . as for the title of this prince ( who would fain be accounted the right heir ) let us but remember from whence he had it , and how it s now tainted ; were it never so just , the treason of the father hath cut off the son ; and how unwise an act , besides all other considerations , will it be for england to set up the son to propagate both his fathers design , and death . we may prophecy soon what a governor he is like to be which hath both suck't in his fathers principles , and his mothers milk ; who hath been bred up under the wings of popery and episcopacy , and doubtless suckt both brests ; one who was engaged from the beginning in the last war against this parliament , who hath the same counsellors his father had , to remember him both of the design , and the best wayes of effecting it ; one who hath never yet given any testimony of hopefullness to this nation ; who was in armes when a subject , against the libertyes which england and scotland spilt much blood for to maintain ; one who hath both his fathers and his own scores to cleer , and is fain to make use of all medium's , though never so contrary , attended with all the crew of malignants of three nations ; who is so relatively and personally engaged , that both old and new reckonings are expected to be payd only by him . to his father he is endebted for his crown , and bound to pay his debts , both ecclesiastical and civil ( which will amount to no small summe ) ; to the papists he is engaged for their old affections , and hopes of new , besides the obligation of duty to his mother , and freeing her from her monastry and hermitage . to the prince of orange he owes more then his ransom , besides the states courtesies ; to ireland he is in more arrears then his kingdom of scotland will be able to pay , and to scotland for his entertainment and enstalment more then england ( for present or in many years ) can repay without a morgage , or community of lands , and liberties , besides what he owes england for helping his father to make the parliament spend so many millions of treasure , besides blood ( which would have weighed down all expences besides ) and helping as a prime agent the utter destruction of england ; all which must be reckoned for with much seriousness ; and if men have so much charity and generousness to forgive all , yet we have a reckoning with heaven to be discharged , which debt is yet unpaid ( without we think the fathers blood be sufficient satisfaction to divine justice ) ; and if that death should be a satisfaction for himself , yet not for his son , who joyned with him , & now continues the same fault , and guilt , and intends to follow on with more violence and intention then ever . can we think ( & retain our memories and reasons ) that charls the second can forget charls the first ? that custom and education can easily be altered ? that the true and reall engagers with him and his father , shall be razed out of his heart , or that he can heartily love his opposers , but as he may make use them : or that when some banks and rocks are out of the way , the waters and floods of royalty will not run in its wonted channel ? will episcopacy dye in england , when kingship is set up ? can reason think or dream , that majesty will not eat out sincerity ? or that presbytery can flourish in that state where prerogative is the ascendant ? or is that person fit to be the medium of peace , and the glory of this nation , who was the conjunct instrument of the war , & the survivor both of the war and peace ? a person that durst not stay in his own nation to plead his right , because of his guilt , whose youth and wilfulness is most unapt for the setling the storms and tempests of a distracted nation . but no more untill we feel the misery of such an attempt ; it was said of tiberius caesar in a satyricall expression , yet it proved true , regnabit sanguine multo ad regnum quisquis venit ab exilio , who first exil'd is after crown'd , his reign with blood will much abound . when this poor nation ( after all neglects of providences ) hath spent its blood and treasure to set up this prince in the throne , ( which it may be they shall never effect ) yet at the last they must stand to his courtesy for all their liberties , which they can never expect , and make him a monarch . the patience and long suffering of god hath permitted usurpation and tyranny in england this long time for the hardness of our hearts , and sottishness of our natures , and it may be , may lengthen it out to the utmost , which will be a misery with a witness , and yet a just punishment of god on those who were born free , but will sell away their inheritances for nothing to a stranger . did ever king since the world began ( seting aside some who were priests and prophets also ) naturally , and ingenuously , with a royall affection devote himself to the propagating of the pure and reall liberties of the people ? let him be shown forth as a miracle ; but that ever any one that hath been all his dayes , both in the fathers time , and his own engaged in wars against the liberties of the people , ( solemnly proclaimed in parliament ) and to set up prerogative , either intended or managed his raign that way ( how ever he was brought into his government ) i durst affirm to be a paradox , and the utmost contradiction ; i am sure it s as impossible to be fouud in england as the philosophers stone among the peripatecicks . but a word more to the title , between the now present power , and this charls ; what reason is there , and equity , that the parliament of england ( take them in what qualification you will ( following to the utmost the first principles for the liberty of the people ) should not be esteemed as just heirs , and their parliamentary successors as this young confident ? shal william the norman , ( only having a better sword ) a stranger , one who by nature was never born heir of any thing , create himself a title to enland , and a succession for many score of years , meerly on that account ? and shall every one after him break the line as they please , and take their opportunities to make themselves roots of kings , though springing in the wilderness ? shall henry the seventh ( the father of us all ) who was little less then a bastard , being the son of an illegitimate son of john a gaunt , a forraigner , and private man , by fortune and power give himself a title to this crown , and all our kings since acknowledging right by that root ? must those pretences be sacred which have only the ordination of a more keen and glittering sword ? and a confirmation by custome be thus divine ? and shall not the parliament of england ( cloathed with the authority of all the people , and carrying all the libertyes of england with them ) backt with the power of a faythfull army , be thought ( in the utmost criticisme of reason ) to have as much title to propagate their successe for our freedoms , as they have had to convey both their usurpation and tyranny ? that a private claym by a better sword should be jure divino ; and a publique title both by reason , success , and providence of a solemn assembly , who have been many years opposing the former oppressions , and now have gained it , should not be accounted valid , nor of equall right with a successive illegall claim ? let all the world be judge ( who consider the premises ) and let the violentest reason unroyalis'd speak its utmost . it is high time now to end that line that was never either well begun , or directly continued ; charls the father is gone to his own place , and so is charls the son likewise , he being in his own proper nation , scotland ; let us keep him there if we be wise , and intend to be happy , and let england disdain to be under the domination any more of any forraign power for the future ; and seeing we have conquered the conqueror , and got the possession of the true english title , by justice , and gallantry ; let us not lose it again , by any pretence of a particular , and debauched person . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56345e-480 dan. hist. p. 14. speed . speed . william rufus . dan. life of henry the first . dun. pryn. mat. paris p. 961 dan. hist. p. 179. mat. paris , p. 8 , 9. master prin , the parliaments interest in the militia , second part , p. 38. 39. sir francis bacon . martin . suet. lib : 3. c. 59. royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings. abstracted out of ancient and later writers, for the better composeing of these present distempers: and humbly presented to ye consideration of his ma.tie. and both howses of parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a pacification / by ro: grosse dd: 1647 grosse, robert, d.d. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85738 of text r201664 in the english short title catalog (thomason e397_3). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 119 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85738 wing g2078 thomason e397_3 estc r201664 99862165 99862165 114316 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85738) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114316) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 63:e397[3]) royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings. abstracted out of ancient and later writers, for the better composeing of these present distempers: and humbly presented to ye consideration of his ma.tie. and both howses of parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a pacification / by ro: grosse dd: 1647 grosse, robert, d.d. [2], 62 p. s.n., [london : 1647] t.p. is engraved. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "july 7th 1647". imperfect: heavy foxing in places, affecting text. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prerogative, royal -early works to 1800. divine right of kings -early works to 1800. executive power -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a85738 r201664 (thomason e397_3). civilwar no royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings.: abstracted out o grosse, robert, d.d. 1647 21866 76 135 0 0 0 0 96 d the rate of 96 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ד ה ד ח ד royalty per me reges regnant quam bonum est conuenire regem & populum conuenire loyalty subdite estate potestati superem 〈…〉 royalty and loyalty or a short survey of the power of kings over their subjects : and the duty of subjects to their kings . abstracted out of ancient and later writers , for the better composeing of these present distempers : and humbly presented to ye consideration of his ●ma . tie and both howses of parliament , for the more speedy effecting of a pacification . by ro grosse 〈…〉 by gods comand wee rule this land . wee are all yours and what is ours . chap. 1. the kings royaltie : or the power of kings over their svbiects . at the first , there was no distinction , or difference of men ; one man was as good as another : but afterwards , some excelling others in desert , were preferred before others in place . nature , saith gregorie , did produce all men alike : but the order of their ments varying , occult dispensation did prefer some before others . but this distinction , which happened from sin , is rightly ordered by the just judgement of god , that , because all men doe not goe the same course of life , one man should be governed by another . st. augustine saith , that god would not that man , a rationall creature , made after his owne image , should domineere over any but irrationall creatures ; not man over man , but man over beasts . hence it was that those first just men , were constituted rather pastors of sheepe , than governours of men : that even so , god might insinuate both what the order of the creatures did require , and what the merit of sinne had deserved . if men had continued in their first integrity and state of innocencie , there had beene no use of emperours , or commanders : every man would have seemed a king unto himselfe ; nor would he have had any other law-giver , than god and nature . but when this could not be obtained , and the perversenesse of degenerous man-kind grew such , as that breaking the bonds of all lawes , they left nothing unattempted , which did not tend to the height of impiety , there was a great necessity of magistrates ; without whose prudence , and diligence , a city could not then consist ; and by whose description and putting men into order , the government of each common-wealth is still continued , and preserved . hence came the command of man over men : without which , as cicero saith , neither house , nor city , nor nation , nor mankind , nor the nature of things , nor the world it selfe can subsist . for to governe , and be governed , is not onely ( according to aristotle ) amongst those things that are necessary , but those things that are profitable . and to use st. chrysostoms words , in our dialect : if you take away judiciall tribunals , you take away all order of life : for , as a ship cannot but miscarry without a pilot ; and an army cannot march in due number , or decent order , without a captain : so , without a governour , a city cannot be well ordered ; and without a king , a kingdome must needs come to ruine . if you take a king from his command , or authority from a king , we shall live a more beastly life , than irrationall creatures : some biting and devouring others ; he that is rich , him that is poore ; he that is strong , him that is weaker ; he that is fierce , him that is milder ; so farre , and to this purpose , the golden-mouthed chrysostome . with whom , is agreeable that of the scriptures , in those dayes there was no king in jsraell : and what follows ? every one did that which was right in his own eies , iud. 17.6 . so that , as tacitus hath it , it is better to be under an evil prince , than under none . the tragoedian tels us , that there is no greater evill than anarchie : it brings all things to confusion ; it ruines cities ; layes waste houses ; overthrows armies : but the submissive and due obedience of true subjects , doth preserve both life and fortunes . an empire now being constituted amongst men , it must needs be that one , or more , must have the preheminence : the former is called a monarchie , or a kingdome ; the latter an optimacie , or state of the people . a kingdome then , which is most proper to us , is the command , or soverainty of one man , for the good of all . i will not dwell long in describing the causes of it : i would they were as well observed , as they are knowne ; or better knowne , that they might be the better observed . all power over the creature , is originally in god the creator : but out of his goodnesse to mankind , communicated to man above all others . so that god is the onely author , and efficient cause , as of things , so of kings : for however there are divers wayes to attaine to the princely scepter ; as some have mounted the imperiall throne by force and armes ; others by the command of god , have been designed kings , as david , hazael , jehu , and others , of which you may reade in the holy scriptures ; others have been elected princes by the suffrages of the people ; and others borne in purple , by hereditary right , to a kingdome : yet it is most certaine , that whether by these , or any other wayes , men doe ascend the chaire of state , they have their power , whatsoever it is , solely from god ; and ought to use it to the glory of god , and the good of their subjects . seneca tells us , that nature at first did invent a king : which is to be seen both in animals , and in inanimates : for the bees , cranes , and other living creatures , have their kings or commanders : so among foure-footed beasts , the lyon ; and amongst birds , the eagles doe excell . in inanimates likewise the same is evident ; the sun amongst the stars , the fire amongst the elements , sight amongst the senses , gold amongst metals , wine amongst liquids have the precedencie . and to speak truth , under god , the law of nature is a speciall cause for to effect and perfect monarchie . it is certaine , faith that great states-man amongst the romans , that all ancient nations did at first subject themselves to kings : and that was the first name of government upon earth . the jews had a monarchie from saul to zedekiah , as may be seen in sacred histories . the assyrians from nimrod to sardanapalus . the medes from arbaces to astyages . the persians from cyrus to darius the son of arsamus . the macedonians from caranus to perseus . herodotus testifyeth of the egyptians , that they could be at no time without a king , and therefore they did voluntarily carry the rods before them , and submit themselves to be ruled by them . the first king , so far as may be gathered from antiquity , was called menes . the same custome was also prevalent among other nations : the first king of the indians was alexander ; of the trojans , trojus ; of the danes , the first that was king , was graemus ; brito of the britains ; fergusius of the scots ; craco of the polonians ; attilas of hungary ; zechus of bohemia ; pharamundus of france ; and pelagius of spain . the first kings that are celebrated of the grecians , were saturne , jupiter , and cecrops ; of the garamantes , a people of the middle of lybia , cambyses ; of the romanes , romulus , from whom at first to l. tarquinius superbus , and afterwards from c. julius caesar to this day , they have retained a monarchie . bellarmine would divine , that the civill power ought to be immediately , if not by the law of god , yet by the law of nature , in the whole multitude as in its subject ; and from it to be transferred by the same law of nature to one or more : but he much deceives himselfe , and others also , with such his hallucination . for this power of life and death is given by nature unto none . none seemes to be lord of his owne members ; much lesse of anothers . onely god , who gives life to men , hath the power of taking it away from them ; or those , to whom , by a speciall favour , he hath communicated that power . and surely your blood of your lives wil i require ( saith god ) at the hands of every beast will i require it , and at the hand of man , at the hand of every mans brother will i require the life of man . whosoever sheddeth mans bloud , by man shall his bloud be shed : for in the image of god made he man . hence is that precept both of god and nature : thou shalt not kill . but , if this power were given by nature unto men , it should surely have been given to one man , rather than to all : for the command of one man ( even bellarmine himselfe being the judge ) is the best , and most agreeable unto nature ; but the command of a multitude , the worst . now nature in every thing ( as the philosophers will have it ) doth intend that which is best : so that , out of the politique society , and a certaine forme of civill government , there is not any politique or civill power given unto men . but all consent , that all ancient nations ( as formerly was spoken ) did at first obey kings : and , that it was the first name of command upon earth . yea , as bellarmine himselfe confesseth , kingdomes are of greater antiquity than common-wealths . in the beginning of states , ( saith justine ) the command of people and nations was in the kings . it must needs be then , that kings not receive their power and authority from the multitude , or men , but from god onely the king of kings . for it is a maxime and principle among the lawyers , that no man can transfer more power upon another than he hath himselfe . nor is this assertion contradicted , though you should alledge , that princes , as i said before , are sometimes chosen by men ; more often , if not alwayes , inaugurated by them . for hence it is that s. peter calleth a king , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the ordinance of man : which is not so to be understood , causally , as if it were excogitated or invented by men ; but subjectively , because it is exercised by men ; and objectively , because it is versed about the government of humane society ; and then finally , because it is constituted by god for the good of men , and the conservation of humane policie . for the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} doth recall us to god , as to the first author of authority : and although kings are created by men , that is , erected , anointed , and inaugurated by them ; yet the first creator of kings is god , to whom all creation doth appertaine , and from whom all power doth come . for there is no power but of god , if we will beleeve s. paul , who from his master tels us , that the powers that be 〈◊〉 ordained of god . the finall cause of sover aignty is the glory of god , and the happinesse of the subject : that a king , as the keeper of the two tables in the decalogue , with one eye looks up unto god , whose vicegerent he is , in advancing and defending religion and piety ; and with the other upon his subjects , that they may live in peace and prosperity . for this cause , saith epiphanius , are powers ordained , that all things from god may be well disposed and administred to the good order of government of the whole world . this is that goale to which the princely champion runs ; which is no other , as lipsius speaks , than the commodity , security , and prosperity of subjects . and this is the end which s. paul expresseth , when as he saith , that the magistrate is the minister of god to them for good : where , by [ good ] we may understand , good naturall , good moral , good civill , and good spirituall . first , the king is the minister of god to his subjects for their good naturall , whenas he makes provision of corn and victuals , whereby they may live . secondly , he is a minister of god for their good morall , when as he doth prescribe such laws to his subjects , as that they conforming their lives to them may live honestly . thirdly , he is the minister of god to them for good civill , when as by his sword he doth preserve their persons and estates from injury , and mainteine the publique peace . and lastly , he is the minister of god for good unto them , good spirituall , when as hee doth advance and maintain religion and piety , and suppresse prophanenesse and superstition . the materiall cause of soverainty , is the king and people ; with which , as with its integrall parts , it is compleat and absolute ; and without which , it cannot at all subsist . the formal cause of it , consists in that order which is betweene the king and his subjects : by which , he is above them , and they under him ; he commands , and they obey ; he rules , and they submit : of which , as lipsius saith , there is so great a force , or necessity rather , that this alone is the stay or prop of all humane things . this is that same bond , saith seneca , by which the common-wealth coheres ; that vitall spirit , which so many thousands of men doe draw : who , otherwise of themselves , would be nothing but a burthen and a prey , if this soule of command were withdrawn from them . this is that same circaean rod , with the touch of which both beasts and men become tame and ruley ; & which of all , otherwise head-strong and untractable , makes every one obedient and plyable : each man with the feare of it . a common-wealth , saith aristotle , is a certaine description , or order of those men which doe inhabit it . the king , he is above all others , according to that power which god almighty hath communicated unto him ; and the subjects , they are under him , by the same authority . and therefore princes are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , supereminent , seated in a more sublime estate : and subjects , they are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , subordinate , reduced into order . the metaphor is taken from military discipline , in which the commander placed above all others , over-looks the whole body , whiles every one , besides him standing in their ranks , keepe their stations . whereupon , as souldiers in an army placed in order , are subordinate to their captain , and performe obedience to him , as their supream head : in the same manner , subjects are subordinate to their prince , and bound to performe obedience to him . now what this power of a king is , is not of all sides agreed upon . if we looke into the sacred records , we may see the manner of the israelites king to be described . and samuel told all the words of the lord unto the people , that asked of him a king . and he said , this will be the manner of the king that shall reigne over you : he will take your sons , and appoint them for himselfe , for his chariots ; and to be his horsemen , and some shall run before his chariots . and he wil appoint them captains over thousands , and captains over fifties , and will set them to care his ground , and to reap his harvest , and to make his instruments of war , and instruments of his chariots , and he will take your daughters to be confectionaries , and to be cooks , and to be bakers . and he will take your fields , and your vine-yards , and your olive yards , even the best of them , and give them to his servants . and hee will take the tenth of your seede , and of your vineyards , and give to his officers , and to his servants . and he will take your men servants , and your maid-servants , and your goodliest young men , and your asses , and put them to his work . he will take the tenth of your sheep , and ye shall be his servants . some , from this description of samuel , doe think , that the rights of majestie are set forth : so luthen ( in postil . super evang dom. 23. post trinit. conc. 1. those things ( saith he ) which are said to be caesars , mat. 22.21 . are those rights of kings which are described , 1 sam. 8. now those things which christ affirmeth to be caesars , ought of right to be given unto him . so strigelius in 1 sam. 8. p. 27. hic dicunt aliqui describi tyrannum , non regem , &c. sed textus nominal jus regis , & loquitur de oneribus stipendiorum causâ mpositis . some say , that here a tyrant is described , not a king ; and that these things are not so spoken , as if the lord did approve of servitude : but the text ( saith he ) doth name the rights of kings , and speaks of burthens imposed by way of stipend . but these , with others of the same opinion , are much mistaken and deceived . for god constituting judges under him , was himselfe in a peculiar manner ( which never hapned unto any other nation ) a king to the israelites , who now did ask a king of him , as the other nations had . hearken ( saith god to samuel ) unto the voice of the people ; in all that they say unto thee : for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that i should not reigne over them . samuel therefore , as the lord commanded him , that he might reprehend the rashnesse of this people , describes unto them the impune licence , the rage and violence of this man , ( whom , in stead of god , they did desire to be set over them ) and so , in his person , of all kings . as if the prophet had said ; the lust of this kings licence shall break forth so far , that it shall not be in your power to restraine it : who yet shall have this one thing betide you , to receive his commands , and to be obedient to him . insomuch ( sayth he ) that ye shall cry out in that day , because of your king which ye shall have chosen you , and the lord will not heare you . for kings are exempted from the punishments of humane lawes , and have god only to be their judge and their avenger . the vertue of the law ( as modestinus hath it ) is this , to command , forbid , permit , and punish : but no man can command himselfe ; or be compelled by himselfe ; or so make a law that he may not recede from it . lawes are given by superiours to inferiours : but no man is superior , or inferior , to himself . it is impossible therefore for kings to be bound by their owne lawes : much lesse , by the lawes of their predecessors , or the people . for an equal hath not power over an equall : much lesse , an inferiour over a superiour . there are three sorts of civill government , according to aristotle : monarchie , aristocracie , and democracie . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it is necessary , saith he , that the chiefe be one , or a few , or many : for all nations and cities ( as that great secretary of state to many emperours hath it ) are governed either by the people , or by the peeres , or by the prince . as then , in aristocracie and democracie , it must needs be that the government be in the hands of some few , or many : so in monarchie , it is in one mans hands onely ; whose lawes all men are bound to obey , but himselfe none , save the law of god . for otherwise , it is not a monarchie , but a polyarchie , that is , the state of the peers , or people . a king subject to laws , ( saith the philosopher ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , is not a species of a republike . cicero being to defend king deiotarus , before caesar , begins his oration from the insolencie and novelty of the thing ; telling him that it was so unusuall a thing for a king to be accused , as that , before that time , it was never heard of . c. memmius a popular man , and of great power , although he were a most deadly enemie to nobilitie , yet he subscribes to the same opinion . for , to doe any thing without being questioned , is to be a king , saith he . a prince , saith ulpian , is free from all lawes . dio , his coaetanie , speaks to the same purpose : they are free from lawes ( saith he ) as the latine words doe sound : that is , from all necessity of the laws , or the necessary observation of the laws : nor are they tyed to any written laws . constantinus harmenapolus , a greek interpreter , to the same sense thus delivers himself . a king is not subjected to laws ; that is , he is not punished , if he offends . to which , i might adde the common consent of the interpreters of both laws , unanimously affirming and concluding , that a king is to give an account for his offences to god onely , and onely before him to justifie his innocencie . excellently solomon : where the word of a king is , there is power ; and who may say unto him , what dost thou ? and therefore the wise man , in the wisdome of solomon , thus addresseth his speech unto them : heare therefore o ye kings , learne ye that be judges of the ends of the earth : give care you that rule the people , and glory in the multitude of nations : for power is given you of the lord , and soveraignty from the highest , who shall try your works , and search out your counsels . let us heare some of the fathers about this matter : irenaeus tels us , that the princes of the world having the laws as the garment of justice , shall not be questioned for those things they shall doe according to law and justice , nor yet suffer punishment : but if they shall practice any thing contrary to law , in a tyrannicall manner , to the subversion of justice , in this case they are reserved to the judgement of god , sinning against him onely . of those things which are committed to kings by god , they are only to give an account unto god . so far he . tertullian in his apologie rhetorizes it thus : we , saith he , doe invoke the eternall god , the true god , the living god , for the safety of emperours , whom even the emperours desire above all others to be propitious unto them . they know who hath given power unto them , who men under them , who their owne soules : they acknowledge it is god onely , in whose power alone they are ; from whom they are second ; next him the first , before all gods , and above all men . saint jerome saith of david , that he repenting , after he had accumulated murther upon his adultery , did say to god , against thee onely have i sinned , because he was a king , and feared not man . before s. jerome , s. ambrose thus descants on him : david sinned , as most kings doe ; but david repented , wept , and mourned , which most kings doe not . that which private men are ashamed to doe , the king was not ashamed to confesse : they that are bound by laws , dare deny their sin , and disdaine to aske pardon ; which he implored , who was not bound by humane lawes . he was a king , he was tyed by no laws : because kings are free from the 〈◊〉 of transgressions , for they are not called to punisment by the laws , being free by the power of their command . he did not therefore sin against man , because he was not subject to man . after him let us confort 〈…〉 lar : how far better then is the emperour , 〈◊〉 not tyed to the same laws , and hath power to make other lawes : and in another ●ce , there is a command upon judges , that they 〈◊〉 revoke sentence that is once passed upon an offender , and shall the emperour be under the same law ? for he alone may revoke the sentence , absolve him that is condemned , and give him his life . gregorie arch bishop of tours , thus speaks to chelperick king of france . if any of us , o king , shall transgresse the limits of justice , he may be corrected by you : but if you shall exceed the same limits , who shall question 〈◊〉 for we indeed doe speake unto you ; and if you will , you heare us : if you will not , who shall condemne you , but onely he who hath pronounced him selfe to be justice it selfe ? otto frisingensis writes to frederick o●n●barius in these words : furthermore , whereas there is no person in the world , which is not subject to the laws of the world , by being subject may not be enforced ; onely kings , as being constituted above laws , and reserved to the judgement of god ; are not 〈◊〉 by the laws of men . hence is that testimony of that king and prophet , against thee onely have i sinned it 〈…〉 then a king , not onely nobilitated with magnanimity of spirit , but illuminated 〈◊〉 divine grace , to acknowledge his creator , to have alwayes in his mind the king of kings , and lord of lords , and , as much as in him lyes , to take heed by all means not to fall into his hands . for , when as , according to that of the apostle to every man , it is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god : it will be so much the more fearfull for kings , who besides him , have none above them , whom they may feare , by how much above others they may sin more freely . which sayings of the fathers and other writers , divine and profane , thus premised , i cannot but wonder at the stupid ignorance , and ignorant wilfulnesse , of such men , who would make the world believe , that it is in the power of the pope , or of the people , or of the peeres , to call kings in question , and reduce them to order , if they be extravagant . and if there be a lawfull cause , ( saith bellarmine ) the multitude may change the kingdome into an aristocracie or democracie ; and on the contrary , as we reade hath beene done at rome . but to speak truly , there can be no cause , without the expresse command of god , either expressed or excogitated , for which it may be lawfull for subjects , either to depose , or put to death , or any other way restrain their king , be he never so wicked , never so flagitious . we doe not deny but this thing hath been done at rome , ( as bellarmine confesseth ) but by what right , let him look to it . we must not look so much what hath been done at rome , ( as the romane laws advise us ) as what ought to be done . but bellarmine doth affirme that the king is above the people and that , he acknowledgeth no other , beside 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 temporall things . but to returne whe● 〈…〉 . the power of a king over his people is expressed by samuel , to which they must of necessity 〈…〉 without resistances . not that the king was to 〈◊〉 so by right , as samuel had told the israelites 〈◊〉 would , ( for the law of god did prescribe 〈◊〉 a far more differing forme of government , then sh●ls in any wise set him 〈…〉 whom the lord thy god shall choose ( saith moses . ) but he shall not 〈…〉 to himselfe , nor cause the people to returne into egypt , to the end that he should multiply horses : forasmuch as the lord hath said unto you , ye shall henceforth returne no more that way . neither shall he multiply 〈◊〉 himselfe that his heart turne 〈…〉 neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold ) but because it was the common custome of the kings of the nations ( whose example they desired to imitate , in asking of a king , as other nations had ) so to doe . for samuel doth not speak to him that should be their king , but to the people that desired a king : yea , and he wrote this law of a kingdome , which he there describes , in a 〈◊〉 and put it before the lord , that is , into 〈…〉 of the covenant , that it might be for 〈…〉 all for ever , and a testimony to their posterity , of those things which he had foretold . joseph . l. 6. antiq. judaic . c. 5. where yet we must distinguish , between the rash and gready desire of kings , and the utility and necessity of common-wealths . if a king , spurred on by a private desire , and ravenous lust of having , doth claime such things as are there described , he deales unjustly and tyrannically : but if , the safety and necessity of the common-wealth so requiring , he demands those things ; then , he doth not unjustly , if he doth use his kingly power . againe , we must distinguish also betweene the thing , and the manner of the thing . if a king in exacting these things doth observe a just and lawfull manner , and without compulsion & violence doth require the help of his subjects , as their labours , tenths , and tributes , for the supporting of the state , and necessity of his kingdome ; he cannot be said 〈◊〉 be a tyrant , or deale injuriously : but if he shall goe beyond the bounds of necessity and ●egality ; and onely shall aime at his owne private ends , to the inconvenience and detriment of the publique good of his kingdome , he doth abuse his kingly power , and degenerates into tyrannie . excellently and satisfactorily to this purpose is that of lyra ( in comment . 1 sam. 8. ) sciend● quod aliqua sunt de jure regis in necessitate positi , &c. we must ( saith he ) know , that there are some things , which by right are the kings , being placed in necessity for the common good of the kingdome , and so all those things which are here expressed , are by right the kings ; because that , in such a case , all things that are the kings or princes , are to be exposed and expended for the common good : even as we see in the naturall body , that the hand , or any other part of the body , even by instinct of nature , is exposed for the preservation of the life of the who 〈◊〉 but if the ●ight of a king be taken otherwise , out of necessity , then there are more things expressed there , than doe appertain to the right of a king : as all those things which doe make a people to be 〈◊〉 subject , and those which doe not respect the common good , but rather the will of that man that is set above others in 〈◊〉 some . and such things 〈◊〉 the prophet samuel fore-tell them , to with d● their minds from asking after a king , because it was not so expedient for them , and because the power of a king , by reason of its greatnesse doth easily degenerate into tyrannie . gregorio calls the power given unto kings , jus regium turannerum , the kingly right of tyrants . he calls it ●gly , saith arnisaeus , because it is common to all kings : and he calls it the right , or power of tyrants , because it doth easily degenerate into tyranne , i● kings doe not use it in opportune and convenient time and place , with due moderation . the elect king david , ( as 〈…〉 the fore-named place when he was 〈…〉 unto the lord , he would not 〈◊〉 at 〈…〉 power and right of tyrants ; but he did 〈…〉 the threshing floore of araunah the 〈…〉 for his money yea , and ahab , even 〈…〉 king , did usurpno such power unto himselfe , when as he sought to acquire the vineyard of 〈◊〉 for the worth of it in money , or in exchange for a better vineyard : but whiles he did , upon a pretended crime , take both life and vineyard away from na●th , because he refusing the conditions he had propounded to him , he did fulfill the prophecie of samuel , and justly suffered the reward of his impiety . so that , though kings be constituted only by god , & are to give an account of their actions onely to god ; though they be above the people , and for no crime soever may be deposed or coerced by the people ; yet they must not deale with their subjects as they list : they must neither make slaves of their persons , unjustly oppressing them with their power ; nor yet make havock of their estates , tyrannically usurping them at their pleasure . they must know , that as god hath set them over men ; so it is for the good of those men . they are not onely lords and arbiters , saith lipsius , but they are tutors and administers of states . they are lewd and wicked princes , as he speaks , who being constituted in an empire , doe think of nothing but to be imperious : and they are proud and carelesse , ( saith he ) who doe think that they are not given for the good of their people , but their people onely for them . for , as in the superiour world , the stars have their splendour ; yet so , as they may be usefull for men : so , in this inferiour would , princes likewise have their dignity ; yet so , as with it they have their duty . the commonweal● is by god conferred upon them : but it is committed , as it were , into their bosome ; that it may be fostered and preserved , not ruined and devoured by them . happy is that prince , who in the highest pitch of fortune , desires not so much to be held great , as good , in the esteeme of his people ; and he is no lesse fortunate , that can so temper power and modestie , the two most differing things , in his behaviour and carriage , as that his people cannot tell whether they shall salute him as a lord , or as a father . there are prerogatives and royalties , which must by no meanes be denyed to the prince : and there are immunities and priviledges , which must not be kept back from the subject . the prince must so use his royall prerogative , as that he doth not infringe the subjects rights ; and the subjects must so lay claime to their rights , as that they doe not derogate from the regality of the prince : that so , he ruling as a royall prince , and they obeying , as loyall subj● , may be both happy in the enjoyment of each other . now the prerogatives which by right belong unto the prince , are ripaticks , or watertoles , which are commonly called customes , for the importing and transporting of commodities , by sea , ship-money , the profit of fines and amercements , vacant goods , the goods of condemned and proscribed persons , and other emoluments , which the lawyers doe terme royaltyes , which are due unto the prince , not only for the splendor and glory of his court , but for the better maintaining of the publique affaires . princes may al● be use of the propes goods and labours of their subjects , for the 〈◊〉 of the common , good 〈…〉 may exact tributes , and taxes of the 〈…〉 they may impose lawes to them , whe● 〈…〉 will or no , and they may command 〈…〉 which doe not repugne the law of god 〈…〉 of nature , and the law of the land , o● 〈…〉 christ to the pharises asking him whether it were lawfull to pay tribute to caesar or no , looking upon the money which had the impression , and inscription of caesars image , gave this answer , render therefore unto caesar , the things that are caesars ; and unto god , the things that are gods . and saint paul to the romans , render therefore to all their dues : tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , feare to whom feare , honour to whom 〈◊〉 : and the same apostle to titus , put them in minde , to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , to be ready to every good worke . for as seneca hath it , the power of all things pertaine unto the king , the propriety unto the subject . the king hath all things in his command , every man in their possession . the king hath all things within his dominions , his exchequer onely , those things which properly belong unto him : and all things are within his power , his owne things onely in his patrimony . rightly cicero : we must endeavour that we doe not ( which often times happened amongst our ancestors ) give tribute by reason of the renuitie of the treasurie , and assiduity of wars : which that it may not come to passe , we must make provision long aforehand ; but if any necessity of this duty shall happen unto a common wealth ( for i had rather prophecie of another then our own , nor doe i speake so much of our 〈◊〉 as of every common-wealth ) diligence 〈…〉 that all may come to know and understand if they will bee safe ) that they must obey necessity . for as tacitus hath it , neither the quiet of nations can be had without armes ; nor armes be had without stipends ; nor can stipends be had without tributes . these , these , ( saith cicero ) are the ornaments of peace , and the muniments of warre . in the beginning of things ( saith justine ) the government of countreyes and nations was in the power of kings : whom , no popular ambition , but approved moderation , amongst good men , did advance to this heighth of honour . the people was not tyed by any laws : but the arbitrament , and pleasure of their princes , was instead of laws unto them . pomponius speakes to the same purpose , whenas hee saith : and to speake truth in the beginning of our city , all things were governed by the kings disposall . and ulpian seconds him : that which pleaseth the king ( saith he ) had the force of a law : as when by the royall law , which is given concerning his empire , the people doth confer all their power and authority to him , and on him . whatsoever therefore the emperour hath ordained & subscribed by writing , or by any edict commanded , it is a law without contradiction : these are those which we commonly call constitutions . justinian the emperour to demostenes thus writeth . if the imperiall majesty shall have throughly examined the cause , and given sentence to the parties present , let the judges know , who are within our empire , that this shall be a law , not onely for that cause for which it was given , but for all causes of the like nature . for what is greater , what more inviolable than the imperiall majesty ? or who is so puft up with the conceit of pride , as that hee dare contemne the understanding of the king ? whenas the founders of the old law doe plainely & clearely define , that those constitutions which did proceede from imperiall determination , doe obtaine the force and vigour of a law . and a little after hee addeth these words : for , if , for the present , it be granted to the emperour onely to make laws , it is onely worthie an emperour to interpret laws . whereupon he thus concludes ; therefore , these ridiculous ambiguities exploded , the emperour alone shall be most justly reputed to be both the maker and interpreter of laws : this law nothing derogating from the makers of the old laws : because imperiall majesty gave the same priviledge even unto them . by me ( saith the eternall wisdome of god ) doe kings reigne , and princes decree justice . from whence saint augustine ( whose sentence is reckoned amongst the canons ) doth thus argue : by what right do you defend the church ? by gods law , or by mans ? we have the law of god in the scriptures ; and we have the law of man in the constitutions of kings . and not far after : therefore by the law of man , by the law of kings . why so ? because god hath distributed the laws of men to mankinde by kings and princes . so in another place be thus reasons : for , if it be lawfull for a king in a city , where he hath dominion , to command anything , which neither ever any before him , nor yet he himselfe commanded , and not contrary to the society of that citie , he is obeyed ; yea , contrary to the society he is not obeyed ( for it is a generall pact and covenant amongst humane society to obey their kings ) how much more then ought we to obey god the governour of every creature , and serve him , without any doubt , in those things which he hath commanded ? aristotle teacheth that there are three parts of every common-wealth : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . one which consults for the good of the republique : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} another which is versed in government : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a third which doth exercise it selfe in judicature . but that is the chiefest which consults of warre and peace , of society and leagues ; of laws and death ; of banishment and publicating of goods ; of making and receiving accounts . yet , in another place he seemes to recall these three into two parts , in these words : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . for there are actions of a city : both of those who doe command , and of those who doe obey : but the scope and office of him that governes , consists in commanding and in judgeing . of later wrjters bodinus ( whose sentence yet is approved with the common consent of the learned ) defines this power of the supreame magistrate ( which he calls by the name of majesty ) to be an absolute and perpetuall authority over citizens and subjects , and not tyed to any laws . it is manifest therefore , that all other heads of majesty are included in this absolute power of making and taking away of laws : insomuch , that we may rightly call it , the chiefest power of a common-weale , comprehended in this one thing , which is , to give laws to all and every subject , never to receive any from them , for , by his own right , to make warre with adversaries , and at pleasure to contract peace with them , although they may seeme to be somewhat discrepant from the appellation of law ; yet they are done by law , that is , the command of imperiall authority : so likewise , it is a prerogative of majesty to take notice of appeales fro higher powers , to give and abrogate commands to supreame officers ; to dispose of offices when they are vacant ; to give immunities , and free citizens fró , laws ; to have the power of life & death ; to set a price , name and figure upon moneyes ; and to impose an oath upon subjects : all which things both of commanding & forbidding , come within the supreame power ; that is , to give laws to all & every subject , and to receive from none but the immortall god . these are some of the royall prerogatives , which have been premised in generall and promiscuously : but the politicians are more exact in describing these rights of majesty and royaltie , and they make them of two sorts : greater and lesser . the greater prerogatives belonging unto majesty are those which doe primarily and more principally appertaine to the chiefe authority of the king of emperour . and they are , first , the power of making and abrogating laws at pleasure , as the necessity of the common wealth shall require . for this is , as bodinus hath it , the prime and principall head of majesty , and without this the folitique power cannot long stand . for it is , as the juris-consults have determined , the propriety of law to command . but an emperour , or king without a command , what other thing is he , than as a dreame without sleepe ? but this must be understood of the nomothetique or legislative power , which doth institute laws by its own authority , and not by the command of another . and therefore , it is more than manifest that the decemuiri amongst the romans , who were enforced to seek to the people for the confirmation of those laws which they had made , as livie relates , could not be said to make them by the right of majestie . secondly , a second right of majesty is extreame provocation ; that is , that subjects cannot appeale from the laws that are made by imperiall majesty . for it is a most certain signe of a limited power , if an appeale may be made from the law giver to a superiour . and hereupon bodinus infers , that the dictators did not shine with royall majesty , and that they were not the chiefe magistrates , but curatours onely , or commisaries , as we call them . for the father of fabius did appeale from papirius then dictatour unto the people . ad tribunos appello ( so livie repeates his words ) & ad populum provoco , qui plus quàm dictatura potest , i appeale , saith he , to the tribunes , i protest to the people , who have more power than the dictatorship . now an appeale ( as bedinus hath it ) is a suspension of the jurisdiction of an inferiour judge , by a lawfull invocation of a superior ; made in the same judicial place , and alwayes ascends with the order of magistrates , untill it comes to the highest power , in which it must necessarily acquiesce and rest . as for example : in the romane empire the chiefe tribunall is the imperiall chamber : in france and with us in england , the high court of parliament : and in other inferiour principalities , the princes chiefe court . a third right of majesty , is the creation of dukes , marquesses , earles , barrons , and other noble men . for it is without doubt , that the king or emperour is the fountaine of all nobility and dignity . fourthly , another prerogative of majesty is the founding of academies . for this is referred to the eminence & preheminence of kings & emperours , & which , the pope cannot ( as baldus doth insinuate ) without unjust usurpation ascribe to himselfe . and this , not to speak of our own two famous universities , the most ancient academies , do evidence unto us : of which the university of bononia , the mother of students , which was first erected by theodosius , afterwards repaired by carolus magnus , and endued by them with many immunities and priviledges , is a sufficient witnesse . what shall i say of the vniversities of prague , paris and padua , who acknowledge , not without respective gratitude , the emperours of the same name to be their founders and benefactors ? and therefore the approbation of the pope is not requisite for the founding of an academy : because the civilians tell us , that the jurisdiction , which is exercised beyond the territory of him that commands , is most worthily to be rejected . lastly , other politicians are wont to referre to the regalities of majesty , the calling of councills and synods , legitimation , restitution of fame , the ordering of all judicialls , the indicting of war , and conclusion of peace , and the like , of which you may reade in althus : in pol. c. 7. and thom. mich : de jurisdict : concil. 11.32 . and 47. the lesser rights belonging to majesty , which the king , or emperour may more easily dispence with then the greater , are the remitting or lessening of penalties and mulcts , customes , tributes , the rights of faires or publiplique mercats , of which you may likewise reade l. un . c. de nund . jus saxon. l. 3. art . 66. and l. 2. art . 26. mysing . 5. obser. 29. n. 1.2 . nou. 89. c. 9. vult . l. 1. iurisp . c. 23. n. 13. but to returne , where we did digresse , the king , ( who hath the cheife and absolute command in monarchy ) the parent , yea the author of the law , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a living law , is far greater then the law : as one , who by authority given him from god , can , when he sees it fitting , whether his subjects will or no , yea without their consent , either make or abrogate the law . nor hinders it that he makes use of counsellours and ministers , for so he doth lessen his care and sollicitude , which in the government of a kingdom aright is the greatest ; but not diminish the power of his command , or ecclipse his majesty . the emperours were wont to say , that we account it of our princely clemencie ( worthy senatours ) if when hereafter any emergent necessity shall happen , either in the private or publique cause , which doth require a generall forme and not inserted in the ancient laws , that it be treated of by all ; as well the peeres of our court aforehand , as by your most honourable assembly : and that , if it shall seeme good to all the iudges , as well as your selves , it be then dictated as a law ; and so , when you be all met together , that it be read again : and when all shall have consented unto it , then at length that it be repeated in the sacred consistorie of our majesty : that so the common consent of all may be confirmed with the authority of our highnesse , &c. hence is that , of the iurisconsults , that a prince alone can make statutes , although it be his courtesie that he doth admit the counsell of his peeres . the communication of counsels doth not introduce a consortship of the kingdom . for the rights of majesty ( as bodinus hath it ) may be attributed to the chiefe prince ; but not to magistrates , or private men : but if they be ascribed to either , then they cease to be the prerogatives of majesty . and , as a crown , if it be distracted into parts , or communicated , loseth the name of a crown ; so the rights of majesty vanish if they be communicated with the subject . that which is more evident , by the common decrees of the lawyers : those rights can neither be passed away , nor divided , nor any wayes abalienated from the chiefe prince , nor can they be prescribed by any diuturnity of time . for which cause baldus doth call them sacra sacrorum ; and cynus the individualls of majesty : but if the chief prince shal once communicate these unto the subject , instead of a servant , he is like to have a consort of his empire : and in the meane while , he loseth the regality of majesty , in that he cannot be said to be the chief prince : because he is chiefe who neither hath a superiour nor yet co-partner of his empire . but because princes when they are publikely inaugurated , doe religiously promise that they wil maintain the rights of their ancestors , & the former constitutions of the empire , and other things of that nature ; therefore may some thinke they are tyed by their oath to observe them , nor can they with a safe conscience any way relinquish them . to this it is answered , that princes do no wayes prejudice themselves by swearing , but that they may as freely administer to the good of the common-wealth , as if they had not sworn at al : for they sweare nothing , but that , to which if they had not sworne they are obliged . for , that which is just and equal , that by their office they are bound to observe and do ; but , to doe that which is evil and unjust , they cannot be bound by any covenant or promise whatsoever , though they have confirmed it with an oath . now what is more unjust , than that a prince should be bound to maintain and keepe those laws , which it is necessary that they must be either antiquated , or the common-wealth come to ruine ? although all change whatsoever ( as it is in the proverb ) is very dangerous , yet that of laws , is most pernicious : and yet it is as certaine on the other side , that the change of manners doth efflagitate a change of laws , and that there is no law so honest and inviolable , or so deare , even by the shew of antiquity it selfe , but that , necessity so requiring , it may & ought to receive a change . salus populi , suprema lex esto : the peoples safety is the chiefest law . to conclude , if that kings and princes , breaking all bonds of laws ( which yet god forbid they should ) doe falsifie their promises , and disrespect their vowes , making no account of what they have engaged themselves to by their protestations ; yet the people must not rise up in rebellion against them , or shake off the yoake of obedience from them , seeing they are to have no other than god himselfe to be their judge and their avenger . chap. ii. the svbjects loyalty , or , the duty of subjects to their kings . having in the former chapter set forth unto you the royalty of kings over their subjects : where i have declared their originall from god , and their end , next to god , their subjects good ; and that though they should come short of that end for which they were constituted and ordeined , yet they ought not to be cut short by the people under them , but are to be reserved to the judgement of god , next to whom they are second here upon earth , and under whom they have no superiour , being above all laws of men , and themselves a law unto their subjects : i now come to describe unto you the loyaltie of subjects towards their kings , and the peoples duty . for , a king and subjects being relatives ; and the formall cause of a kingdome consisting in that order which is betweene the king and his subjects ; by which he rules , and they submit ; he governe , and they be governed ; he commands ; and they obey ; it is very requisite in these miserably distracted times , where most men would shake off the yoke of obedience from their shoulders , and live as they list without all order : that , having spoken of kings and their power over their subjects , i should now say somwhat of subjects , and their duty to their kings . and here , that we may the better setforth their duty , it will not be amisse to expresse their nature : for , so knowing what they be , we shall the sooner come to know what they must doe . now if wee consult bodinus about them , he will tell us , that subjects are those , who are bound to maintain , and fight for the dignity & safety of their prince as for themselves : and to have the same friends and enemies with their prince . or , as others doe describe them : subjects are a part of the common-wealth , which are obliged to the supreme power , even to all that they have : and for this cause it is , that they doe enjoy all the priviledges of the weale publike . this is the nature of a subject . but then , if any should aske me who are subjects as well as what are subjects ; i must again have recourse to the politicians ; who do give us to understand , that by the name of subjects , we are to take notice of the multitude of men , which are governed ; or rather , who submit themselves to be governed . and in this name , we must comprehend all , and every one , of what state and condition soever they be , that are in that city , provance , & countrey , where a magistrate is the head : for , so many as do belong to a common-wealth , doe appertaine to the one part of it : viz. they are referred to be either magistrates , or subjects : whence it follows , that the name of subject is more general than that of citizen , specifically and properly so called ; although in writers we finde them to bee promiscuously used . for , he that is a partaker with others of publike honour and dignity is properly a citizen : but hee that partakes onely of burthens and taxes , & not as wel of honours and dignity in the common-wealth , where he resides & lives , is not a citizen , but a subject . they are termes contrariant , not reciprocall . every citizen , is a subject : but every subject , is not a citizen . there is also another disagreeing respect , for a citizen is so called , in respect of his native countrey or common-wealth , where he is borne , or to which he is ascribed : but he is a subject in respect of that magistrate which he obeyes , wheresoever he is . now men are said to be subjects two manner of wayes ; either by their nativity and birth ; or by their dwelling and habitation . that a mans nativity and birth doe make him to be a subject , is plainly evidenced ex l. assumptio 6. § 1. ad municip . filius civitatem , ex quâ pater ejus originem duxit , non domicilium sequitur . a sonne follows the city from which his father doth derive his originall , not his house . and if a man be born of parents of divers cities , he follows the condition of his father , not of his mother . l. municip . 1. § 2. f.eod. the house , or dwelling , in which any doth fixe and settle the seat of his fortunes , doth make him a subject . but what space of time is required to contract a house or dwelling , the interpreters of law doe varie : because , in this thing the laws and manners of every particular common-wealth is to be respected . agreeable to this , is that distinction of the jurisperites , who discriminate subjects by a naturall , and a voluntarie obligation . he is a subject , say they , by a naturall obligation , who is borne under the jurisdiction , and in the dominions of that magistrate , to whom he is subject : and he is a subject by a voluntary obligation , who willingly and spontaneously offers himselfe to any magistrate , and acknowledgeth him for his supreame head , although he be not born within his territories and dominions . to which two sorts of subjects , we may , not without good reason , adde another species , viz. such a one , as being vanquished in warre , is made subject to him that did subdue him . for , when a prince or magistrate overcomes any in a lawfull war , they are then made subject to his jurisdiction and power . but be they subjects these , or any other wayes , they are bound , whosoever they be that are subjects , to yeeld obedience to him who is their prince and governour . if any should doubt of the truth of this assertion , ( because the contrary doctrine is now broached and published by our novel divines ) let him but consult the apostle to the romanes , ( unlesse perchance for the same tenet he be held a malignant ) and he will satisfie him : let every soule ( saith he ) submit himself unto the higher powers . they are his expresse words , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in which universall precept he includes all , of all orders , and states , all sexes and conditions . as if hee should have said : all , whatsoever they be , that do live in a common-wealth , must submit themselves to the supreme magistrate , that is the head of that common-wealth . so that , in the apostles precept , we have not onely implyed the qualities of their persons that are subjects ; but we have also expressed the nature of their duties : viz. subjection and obedience . we shall not need to goe farre then to search after the duty of subjects to their prince : the apostle he hath done it to our hands : it is obedience . and so the augustane confession in the 16. article doth acknowledge it . the first commandement of the second table , which ( as the apostle speaks ) is the first commandement with promise , doth set forth this duty by the name of honour . for so we read it in the decalogue , honour thy father and thy mother , that thy dayes may be long in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee . exod. 20.12 . where , by father , according to the unanimous consent of all divines , we are to understand , not onely our naturall father , that did beget us ; but our spirituall father also , that doth teach us ; and our civill father likewise , the king , who is pater patriae , the father of our country , that doth protect us . and then , by honour which we are commanded to yeeld to this father , we are to conceive all those duties which are comprehended in it . now the politicians doe tell us , that this name of honour , doth consist of sixe severall members , which doe imply as many severall duties , which every subject is bound to performe to the prince his head , viz. agnition , reverence , love , obedience , gratitude , and equity . the first member , wherein this honour doth consist , and the first duty , which every subject is to performe unto his prince , is agnition : that is , an acknowledgement of gods ordinance in the office of the prince . for god will have his owne ordinance to be acknowledged in the civill magistrate ; and that we doe conceive of him , as constituted by god : seeing that as the apostle speaks , there is no power but of god ; and the powers that be , are ordained of god . after which manner , did the woman of tekoah conceive of king david , when as she being sent by joab to intercede for absolom , that he might returne from his banishment into the kings favour : for as an angel of god , ( saith she ) so is my lord the king , to discern good and bad . and a little after , my lord is wise according to the wisdome of an angel of god . and so did mephibosbeth esteem of him , when as he did compellate him with the same title : but my lord the king , is as an angel of god . which agnition and acknowledgement of gods ordinance in him , is a notable meanes to stir up our obedience to him . the second member wherein this honour doth consist , is reverence : when as , subjects look upon their prince not onely as a man , but as a man of god ; and reverence , not so much his person , as his office . for the king is gods legat , and his vicar , presenting his person . and therefore saint peter , when he exhorts to the feare of god , he doth annex the honour of the king : as if there can be no true feare of god , without due reverence to the king , who presents gods person . for which cause , solomon the wisest of men , & richest of kings , doth joyne the feare of god and the king together : the king , for presenting gods perion is called god , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as plato styles him , as a god amongst men ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , an earthly god , being gods minister . yea , as the prophet david , and before him moses , god himselfe . yea , to goe farther , god himselfe doth so call him , ego dixi , i have said it , ye are gods . which yet we must not understand , as if they were so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , indeed ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in name : not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by nature ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by office . and so much the very heathen did acknowledge . for it is reported of philip of macedonia , that he was wont to say , that a king ought to remember , that he being a man , doth discharge the office of god : and the office which he doth execute , is from thence named {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a power like unto gods . whence it is , that s. augustine saith , the king bearing the image of god , ought therefore to be reverenced , if not for himselfe , at least , yet for his office sake . the third member ; wherein this honour doth consist , is love . and it is another duty of subjects to love their princes : not onely for their office , which they , in the name and place of god , do undergoe ; but for the manifold benefits and commodities which they receive from them , by their happy government : thus was king david accepted in the eyes of all the people , whither soever he was sent . kings , as you heard , are patres patriae , fathers of their country ; and therefore subjects ought to respect them with a filiall love , even as children do love their fathers . a fourth member , wherein this honour doth consist , is obedience : subjects must willingly , and readily yeeld obedience , to all the just and honest commandes of their princes , which do no wayes repugne the lawes of god . they must not onely acknowledge , reverentiam subjectionis , a reverence of subjection ; but they must also give them obedientians jussionis , an obedience to their just commands . for , as saint chrysost 〈◊〉 observeth : a people that obeyeth not their prince ; is like to them that have no prince at all : yea , and in a worse estate : for you cannot call that a kingdome , where the king is neglected , and his laws not observed . he seemeth to mee to have lost his kingdome , saith the philosopher , who hath lost his due obedience from his subjects . and therefore subjects must obey their prince , not onely for feare of wrath , that is , to escape punishment , if they neglect their duty ; but also for conscience sake , as the apostle teacheth , because god commands them . the fift member , wherein this honour doth consist , is gratitude . subjects are bound , by way of thankfulnesse , to honour their princes , if it were for no other reason , but because they do dayly enjoy the benefits of peace , prosperity , and protection by them . which gratitude must expresse it self by two other virtues , as necessary as it self ; and without which , it cannot subsist : and they are these : verity and justice : verity , in acknowledging what great blessings , favours , and emoluments they receive by them ; and justice , in endeavouring to make satisfaction , and compensation for them . and for this cause it is , that they pay them tenths , subsidies , customes , and tributes : without which , not the king onely , but the kingdome also , would be debilitated and go to ruine . in these tributes and contributions , ( saith ulpian ) there is none but may know that the strength of a kingdome doth consist . they are the very nerves of a common-wealth . they are , saith cicero , the ornaments of peace , and the supporters of war . it is impossible , said the emperour , that otherwise a republique could be conserved , if it were not for the religious observation , and due collation of tributes . the necessity of which , menenius agrippa , in livie , would teach the romans , with this not more wittie than apposite apologie : for , as if food and nourishment be denyed to the belly , the whole body must of necessity languish and waste away by a consumption : so , if you with-hold subsidies and tributes from the chiefe magistrate , the common-wealth must of necessity come to ruine . and therefore wel said tacitus , you soone teach the dissolution of an empire , if you diminish the revenue , by which it should be sustained : nay , if , as lipsius hath it , you doe not sometimes augment them . lastly , the sixt member wherein the honour of subjects towards their prince consists , is equity . which is a vertue , whereby every subject is bound with candour , either to cover the imperfections and errors of his prince , and to interpret them in the best sense ; or , by a prudent dissimulation to passe them by , and take no notice of them : or , if the reason of his place doth so require it , by moderate counsels and admonitions to endeavour to reforme them . for , that which is spoken unto children by the son of sirach , every true subject ought to apply it to himselfe : glory not in the dishonour of thy father : for thy fathers dishonour is no glory unto thee : for the glory of a man is from the honour of his father . and we cannot but be knowing of chams curse , for laying open , or not covering his fathers nakednesse . it is the office and duty therefore of every subject , according to their respective places , not to discover , but rather to cover and conceale the naeves , infirmities , and imperfections of their princes ; and , as opportunity shal serve , in an humble way , seek by wholsome admonitions , and moderate counsels , to reclaime them . this was luthers doctrine , that great instrument of reformation , which at this day is so much pretended . the office of subjects , saith he , doth require , that they doe declare unto princes what they know not . for , as princes may sinne by not knowing those things which they doe to , be sins ; so , subjects may sin more in not shewing to princes those things which they doe to be sins . the one sinnes by ignorance , the other by negligence . and to this end he alledgeth that passage of abimelock king of gerar : who having taken to himselfe abrahams wife , because abraham had told him she was his sister ; and being warned by god in a dreame to restore her to him ; did lay all the fault upon abraham , because he had no sooner imparted the villanie and wickednesse of his courtiers unto him . and thus you see wherein the duty of subjects consists : either in one word of obedience , as saint paul expresseth it : or in one word of honour , which comprehends acknowledgment , reverence , love , obedience , gratitude and equity , as the fift commandement doth desire it . so then , to bring all to a head : all , and every subject , are bound to submit themselves unto their princes , in those things which they command , not being contrary to the laws of god , and the laws of nature . it is true , that in the apostles times , there were some , who absurdly interpreting the holy scriptures , as too many now , fanatically given , by an unknown spirit ; and extending their christian liberty further then the simplicity of the gospel would permit them , did maintaine , that it was a most unworthy thing , that they , who were freed by the sonne of god , and governed by the spirit of god , should be under the power of man . of this leaven , was judas of galile , of whom we 〈◊〉 in the acts of the apostles . he , as joseph 〈◊〉 late 's , taught , that by the law of god , none ought fit to be called lord , but god himselfe ; and that there was no obedience due to the politique magistrate , no tribute to caesar . after them , sprung up the donatists , anabaptists , and their disciples , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all birds of an ill brood , who did likewise reject the command of the civil magistrate . lastly , the pontisicians , though not in the same manner , did oppose the power of princes , cavilling with the civill authority , and maintaining that their clergie can by no means be punished by a civill judge : or compelled to appeare before the tribunall of a secular magistrate ; but that all their goods , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , 〈◊〉 free , and so ought to be from the tributes and taxes of secular princes . all whose erroneous tenents , and opinions , the spirit of god having confuted in his holy word , doth exactly and precisely determine the contrary ; expresly setting forth , and commanding the office of subjects to their princes . s. paul , as you heard , gives this exhortation : let every souls submit himselfe unto the higher powers : rom. 13.1 . he excepts no order , nor sex , nor condition , nor any thing that hath the nature of man . and a little after , render wherefore unto all their dues : tribute , to whom tribute is doe ; custome , to whom custome ; fear , to whom feare ; honour to whom honour . and , in his epistle to titus , he layes a charge upon him , then bishop of 〈◊〉 , that he should give it in charge to the cretians , to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey magistrates , and to be ready to every good work . tit. 3.1 . so in his first epistle to timothie : i exhort , saith he , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men : for kings and for all that are in authority , that we may live a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honesty : the same thing , before saint paul , yea , before our saviour himselfe , as he was in the flesh , did the prophet jeremiah exhort the jews unto , that were exiles from their own countrey in assyria : and that not without especiall command from god , that they should pray to god for the safety of the king , and the kingdom of babylon , where they were captives ; and withall , he doth sharply reprove the rashnesse of those false prophets , who by vaine promises , and hopes of immature libertie did incite them to rebellion . thus saith the lord of hosts , the god of israel unto all that are carried away captives , whom i have caused to be carried away from jerusalem to babylon : seeke the peace of the city , where i have caused you to be carried away captives ; and pray unto the lord for it : for in the peace thereof yee shall have peace . nor , is saint peter backward to informe the strangers scattered throughout pontus , galatia , cappadocia , and bithynia , with the same doctrine . submit your selves , saith he , to every ordinance of man , for the lords sake : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; or unto governours , that are sent by him : and presently after , feare god : honour the king . from which wholsome doctrine of saint paul , the prophet jeremiah , and saint peter , you may see , not onely the pernicious tenets and positions of those , and all other schismatically affected reformadoes , alias renegadoes , confuted ; but the truth of obedience , due to the civill magistrate confirmed : and , that in obedience , honour , reverence , tributes , and other duties , formerly mentioned , to be by subjects performed to their princes , comprehended and enjoyned . but , to what kind of princes do the apostles &c prophets in scriptures enjoyne these duties to be performed ? that wil be a question wel worth the time to be resolved , especially at this time , when every one almost doth take the liberty to himself ; peremptorily to affirm that subjects ought not to give obedience to their king , if he doth not , as they they would have him , & wil not be perswaded & ruled by them . for say they , it would not bee grievous or irksom to us to yeeld obedience and that respective observance , w● you have alleadged fro the holy scriptures , unto good & gracious princes ; but it goes against our consciences to performe these duties to one king , seeing hee swerves from the holy scriptures , which are the word of god ; and wil not be ruled by his great counsel , but is seduced by malignant councellors , to wicked and ungodly acts of tyrannie . to this , i answer ; that if our gracious king ( which god forbid ) should degenerate so far from himself , as to comit such outrages as they would suggest ( which blessed be god as hitherto he hath not , nor is there likelyhood that he ever wil , although , if he were not so good and so gracious as he is , he might soone by their rebellious carriage be invited to it ) yet they are bound in duty to performe obedience to him ; and not of as too many abuse 〈…〉 , &c misled , do , hand over headrise up in rebellion against him . for , if we consult the same apostle , and other places of the holy scriptures , we shall finde , that the forementioned duties , are not only to be performed to good and gracious princes ; but even to wicked and tyranicall , even , to those that are most cruel ; as were tiberius , caligula , claudius , nero : for under all these the apostles lived , & their epistles coetanie to them , directed for obedience to them . nor is it without good reason , that such obedience should be given to them : for , they are of god , as well as good kings : there is no power ( saith the apostle ) but of god : that is , all power is from god onely . for that negative apostolicall axiome is equipollent on all sides to an universall affirmative . so daniel telleth nebuchadnezzer , that the most high ruleth in the kingdome of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and setteth up over at the basest of men . so christ himselfe pronounceth of pilate , that wicked president of the jews , that he had no power over him , were it not given him from above . and therefore , seeing their power is alike from god , we must give the like obedience to them , as to god . it was the saying of him , who sometimes was nazianzens worthie , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} subjects must submit themselves to good and gracious princes , as to god : and they must submit to evil and ungodly princes , for god : that is , because god hath so commanded it . let us heare the fathers a little farther in this point , and we shall finde that they doe all unanimously give their votes unto it . tertullian , if we addresse our selves to him , resolves us in these words : for as much therefore as concernes the honour of kings and emperours , we have a sufficient prescript that we should be subject , according to the apostles precept , in all obsequiousnesse to magistrates , princes , and higher powers . but yet within the bounds and limits of religion , so far , as we are separated from idolatrie . for therefore is that example of the three brethren excelling , who otherwise obsequious to king nabuchodonosor , did most constantly refuse to give honour to his image ; proving that it was idolatry , whatsoever was exalted above the measure of humane honour , after the manner of divine majesty . and so daniel relying upon darius forother things , so long continued in his office , as he was free from the danger of his religion : but rather then he would run that hazard , he did no more feare the kings lyons , then the others were afraid of the kings fornace . optatus milevitanus , speaking of davids observance to king saul , hath these words : david had the opportunity of victory in his hands : he might have killed his adversaries , unwitting of him and secure , without much adoe , and he might have changed , without much bloud-shed , or the conflict of many , his tedious warfare into a sudden slaughter : both his servants and opportunity did invite him to it . opportunity did spur him on to victory . now he began to draw his sword : and now his armed hand was ready to seize upon his adversaries throat : but the remembrance of divine institutions did altogether withstand these intentions : he contradicts not onely his servants , but opportunity , egging him on to victory . as if he should have said thus unto them : o victorie , causelesly dost thou provoke me on : o victorie , thou dost in vaine invite me to triumph : i would willingly overcome mine enemie , but i must first observe the commands of god . i will not ( saith he ) lay my hands on the lords anointed . he did represse both his hand and his sword ; and whiles he did revere the oyle , he saved his adversary ; and performing observance to him , though his adversary , he did vindicate him from slaughter . saint augustine speaking of the same person , speaks in this manner : david well knowing that there was a divine constitution in the office of kings , doth therefore still honour king saul , being in the same condition , lest he should seeme to injure god , who decreed honour to this order . for a king hath the image of god , even as a bishop the image of christ . so long therefore as he is in that condition , he is to be honoured ; if not for himself , yet for his order . whereupon the apostle saith , be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god , and the powers that be are ordained of god . hence it is that we doe honour an infidel in authority , although he be unworthy of it ; who performing gods office in that order , doth gratifie the devil : yet the power he hath , doth require that we give honour to him , &c. and in another place : but in that the apostle saith , let every soule submit himselfe to the higher powers : for there is no power but of god : he doth rightly admonish , that no man be puffed up with pride , for that he is called by the lord into liberty , and made a christian ; and that he doth not think there is no order to be kept in the course of this life ; and that he is not to be subject to the higher powers , to whom for a time the government of temporall things is concredited . and a little farther , if any man therefore think , that because he is a christian , he is not to pay custome , tribute , or due honour to those higher powers , to whom those things of right doe appertaine , he is in a great errour : but this rule is to be observed which the lord himself prescribed , that we give unto caesar , the things that are caesars , and unto god , the things that are gods . s. jerome , whose sentence is inscribed among the canons , saith thus : if it be good , which the emperour , or magistrate , commands , obey the will of him that commands : but if it be evill , answer him out of the acts of the apostles , it is better to obey god then men . s. chrysostome , upon the words of the apostle , let every soule submit himselfe to the higher powers , thus descants : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . although thou beest an apostle , although an euangelist , although a prophet , or whatsoever else thou beest , thou must submit . s. ambrose thus expresseth himselfe : i could grieve , i could weep , i could mourne : my teares are weapons against the armies and soldiers of the goths , for such are the weapons of a priest . otherwise , i neither ought , nor will resist . bernard to lodowick king of france , writes in this manner : but whatsoever it shall please your majesties mind to doe , we that are the sonnes of the church , cannot , in the least , dissemble the injuries , contempts and scorn even to the trampling under foot of our mother , &c. and a little after , but we will stand out , and fight even to the death , if necessity shall require , for our mother : but with such weapons as are lawful for us to use : not with swords , but with words ; not with shields , but with prayers and tears to god . and in another place , if the whole world should conspire against me , to make me attempt any thing against royall authority , yet i would feare god , and would not dare to doe any thing rashly against the king , that is ordained by him . for i well know where i have read , whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , &c. amongst later writers , cardinall cajetan thus comments upon saint paul : after that the apostle had instructed the romans about the use of the body , affaires of the world , and the gifts of god ; he doth now prosecute his instruction about the use of liberty in respect of princes . for he gives them a caution , lest by reason of the liberty which they had obtained by christ , they should think themselves to be exempted from the power of secular princes . and to this end he doth instruct them , that they should be subject to secular powers . and whereas he ought to have said , every man , he doth more significantly say , every soule ; that so we might understand , not only our estates , not onely our bodies , but even our souls ought to be subject to temporal kings , in those things which they may lawfully command . and in saying all , or every , he excepteth none . see , how the fathers doe , with one consent vote that we must give obedience to kings , although they be wicked , in all things that are not unlawfull ; that honour , tribute , obedience , and the like , must be given to lawfull princes ; and that there is no other remedy against their violence and injustice , but prayers and teares to almighty god . what , doe we think that they were destitute of strength , that they could not oppose one power with another , or repell one injury with another ? were they so stupid and ignorant that they did not understand what power was in the pope or people , to reduce their kings into good government ? they wanted neither power to resist , nor forces to rebell , if we dare give credit to tertullian , ( who yet is of sufficient authority and antiquity to be beleeved , even without our assent ) thus writing in his apologie against the gentiles . but far be it that either the children of god should be exempted from the furie of man ; or that they should grieve to suffer in that thing wherein they are tryed . for if we would take upon us to be open and professed enemies , doe you think that wee could want money or men ? are we not more in in number then the moores , and marcomanns , & the parthians themselves , or the gentiles , how great soever they be , let them be but of one place , and of their neighbours adjoyning unto them , yea , then of the whole world besides . we are but of yesterday , and yet we have filled all places among you : your cities , islands , cittadels , burroughs , assemblies ; your very camps , your tribes of the common people , decuries of the judges , palaces , senats , judicatories ; onely we leave your temples to your selves : for what war have we not been fit , and ready to manage , even with fewer forces , who thus willingly suffer our selves to be put to death ; if that we were not disciplined by our religion , that it is more lawfull for us to be killed then to kill ? thus far tertullian , with whom s. augustine is not discrepant : you may find his sentence to be registred among the canons in these words : julian was an infidel and unbeleeving emperour ; was he not likewise an apostate , an enemie , an idolater ? yet the christian soldiers served under this unbeleeving emperour . when they came to the cause of christ , they did acknowledge none but him that is in heaven ; when he would have them to worship idols , and to sacrifice , then they did prefer god before him : but when he said unto them , lead forth the armie , & go against such a nation , they did presently obey him . they did distinguish the lord eternall from a temporall lord ; and yet they were subject unto their temporall lord , for their eternall lords sake . when jovianus after the death of the fore-named julian was elected by his armie to be their emperour , and he refusing , began to speake in these words unto them : i cannot , seeing i am a christian , command such men , nor take the government upon me , of julians armie , which he hath imbued with such venemous precepts , and pernicious discipline . which , and words of the like nature , when the souldiers had heard , they began to shout with one acclamation , and say : o emperour , let not your minde be troubled with such doubtings , nor yet wave the command of us , as if we were prophane and wicked , for you shall finde both christians of us , and men disciplin'd in piety to doe you service . from which recited places , it may appeare that it was no such difficult matter for the christians in the primitve times to have coërced their emperours , by whom they were miserably afflicted , and most cruelly used , if it had beene lawfull for subjects to rise up against their princes . but if those forementioned fathers , endued with no lesse science then conscience , and furnished with as much knowledge as zeale , had thought it lawfull , either for the pope , or the people , or any other men to regulate their princes , as they thought fit ; without all question , they would never have suffered themselves and the whole church of god , to bee so cruelly oppressed by those wicked emperours . but as they did most freely reprehend their vices , so they would at least have admonished them of their office , if they had beene wanting to it . but when they knew that kings ( as have beene formerly , not onely touched , but oftentimes urged ) have onely god to be their judge and their avenger ; hence it is , that they did only flee to him , and piously and happily implore his aid . these things ( saith nazianzen ) did julian meditate and deliberate , ( as those that were witnesses and co-partners of his secrets have imparted and divulged to the world ) yet hee was restrained by the ordinance of god , and the teares of christians , which were then many , and shed by many , seeing they had no other remedie against their persecutors . the like may be said of divers other wicked princes , who have either beene taken away by the singular providence of god , or at length reduced to a better minde : for god who is the father and judge of all alike , doth oftentimes most justly send ungodly princes unto a people for the punishment of their sins : although , they minding nothing lesse , than the justice or purpose of gods wil doe most unjustly . shall there be any evill in the city ( saith god by the prophet amos ) which the lord hath not done ? but no sooner doe subjects repent them of their sins , and depart from their evil courses , but god ( in whose hands the heart of kings is , and which way soever it pleaseth him , as the rivers of waters , he doth incline it ) according to his great goodnesse and singular mercie , wherewith he is affected towards afflicted penitents , makes those wicked princes either cease to be , or to bee tyrants . vengeance is mine ( saith the lord ) i wil repay it . this is the onely fort and sure defence against all injuries of wicked kings : they are the weapons that are to be taken up against ungodly princes : and , this , lastly is the most expedite way to pessundate all tyranny . but then you will say , if the king should make aprey of his subjects , and impose greater taxes on them , and exact more grievous tributes and customs on them , oppressing all and every one of them with his tyrannicall power , shall we not in this case resist and oppose him ? for answer of this , i must tell you , if we will be as we professe our selves to bee , christs disciples and obey his word , which we desire , at least pretend , above all things to be sincerely preached unto us , wee must not resist him . now what saith christ . but i say unto you that yee resist not evill , &c. our lord and saviour jesus christ , being king of kings , and lord of lords , as he is stiled in holy scripture , yea and the sonne of kings according to the flesh , being of the seede of david , yet lest he should give offence , though he were free , payed tribute to caesar ; for so wee finde him discoursing with peter : the kings of the earth , of whom doe they take custome or tribute , of their owne children or of strangers ? peter saith unto him of strangers . jesus saith unto him , then are the children free ; notwithstanding lest we should offend them , goe thou to the sea and cast an booke and take up the fish that first cometh up , and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a peece of money , that take , and give for thee & mee . hereupon bernard to henry then arch-bishop of the senones thus elegantly writeth : let every soule bee subject to the higher powers : if every soule , then yours ; who doth except you from the universality ? if any endeavor to deceive you , hearken not to their councols , who seeming to be christians , hold it yet a disparagement to them to follow the deedes or observe the words of christ their master . and a little after : these things , saith he , doe they ; but christ he did both bid otherwise , and did otherwise : give unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods . what he spake with his tongue , hee performed with his hand ; as he taught so hee wrought : the maker of caesar did not deny to pay tribute to caesar , for he gave an example to you , that you should also doe the like . and a little farther he saith to this purpose . doe you contemne the saecular power ? none was more saecular then pilat before whom our lord stood to be adjudged . thou couldst have no power ( saith hee ) over me , if it were not g●ven thee from above ; even then did he speake by himself , and in himselfe shew , what afterwards he did by his apostles in his church . that there is no power but of god , and that hee that resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god . before bernard st. ambrose wrote to the same purpose . if the emperor demands tribute , we doe not deny it : the lands of our church do pay him tribute : if he requires our fields , he hath power to lay claim unto them ; none of us doe interpose or withstand him . the collation of the people may redound to the poore ; let them not conceive displeasure about our fields , let them have them if they like them ; i doe neither give them the emperor nor deny them . and againe , i was commanded by the court officers and tribunes , to make a speedy surrender of the church , they alleaging that the emperor doth but use his right in demanding it , for as much as all things are in his power . i made this answer , that if hee did require of me what was mine owne to give , viz. my ground , or my goods , or any thing of the like nature , this my right i would not deny him ; although even those things of mine are the poores also . very excellently st. ang. but whereas the apostle saith , wherefore yee must needes bee subject ; it is as much as if hee should have said , there is a necessity for this life that we be subject , not resisting ; if they will take any thing away from us , in that they have power given them over our temporall things . now then , if it were not lawfull for subjects , without sin , to resist their kings when they did exact unjust tributes of them , and by violence take away their estates from them ; much lesse may we deny to princes just tributes , & other things of the like nature , which are requisite and necessary for the safety of the common-wealth , and cannot bee denied without its certaine ruine , and the great hazard of the whole christian policie . in the law of moses we reade , that the man that would doe presumptuously , and would not hearken to the priest ( that stood to minister before the lord , or unto the judge , even that man was to be put to death . and since by the lawes of men they have proceeded no lesse severely against rebels . but most strict is that law of god promulged by the mouth of the apostle : therefore whosoever resisteth the power , &c. resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : that is , as all divines expound it , temporall here ; and , without repentance eternall hereafter . and as for those that doe calumniate and derogate from the power , &c. of princes here , by their seditious words , and scandalous writings , although perhaps they may escape the hands of men ; yet they shall never avoid the judgements of god , from whose all-seeing eye of providence nothing can bee hid , against whose omnipotent power nothing can resist , and by whose most just judgements no wickednesse can goe unpunished . no lesse wittily then pithily st. ang. for whereas the doctrine of the apostle doth make mention of these earthly powers , he doth insinuate into our apprehensions even the parts of the heavenly judgement . for whenas hee doth enjoyne us to obey the lawes of the world , hee doth necessarily admonish us to take heed of the world to come . if thou wilt not , saith he , feare the powers , doe that which is good , which is as much to say . if thou wilt not fear the judgement to come , then eschew evill and doe good whilest thou art here . therfore we ought to take heed , & performe the first forme of this constitution , which wants the lawes of this life , that we may exclude & keep from us that fore-judgement of eternall death in the other life ; because those whom this temporall punishment doth not take hold of here ; there that eternall punishment wil follow with insufferable torment hereafter . amongst other examples of the judgements of god upon rebellious , gainsaying and disobedient persons , we have that dreadfull and horrible example of corah , dathan and abiram , in the holy scriptures , which the spirit of god sets downe as a warning to us , that we fall not into the like contradiction , lest wee fall into the like condemnation . of whom optatus milevitanus writing against the donatists , who did refuse to obey their magistrates ( as too many of the smectymnuan rout , & antipodian state doe now amongst us ) thus delivers himselfe . schisma summum , &c. that schisme is a great evill , you your selves cannot deny ; and yet without the least feare you doe imitate your most desperate ring-leaders , corah , dathan and abiram , nor will you set before your eyes , or once take it into your hearts that this evill is both prohibited by the word of god , and revenged with a most grievous judgement . and a little after : the congregation of ministers , and the sacrilegious multitude that was soon to bee confounded did stand with their inter dicted and forbidden sacrifices ; time for repentance was denied and withheld from them , because their fault was such , as it deserved no pardon . a command of hunger was laid upon the earth , which presently opened her greedy jawes upon them that caused division amongst the people , and with an insatiable mouth did swallow up the contemners of gods word . in a moments space the earth clave asunder to deuoure those fore-named separatists ; it did swallow them up , & then was closed againe upon them . and lest they should seeme to receive a courtesie by their soddain death ; as they were not worthy to live , so they were not vouchsafed to die . upon a suddaine they were cast into the prison of hell , and so buried before they were dead . st. aug. having occasion to speake of the same separates , cap. 29. of the wonders of the holy scripture speaks to the same purpose , & cap. 30. of the same book , he doth thus enlarge his meditations : again the next day the whol multitude gathered themselves together against moses and aaron as guilty of blood and would have slain them , in revenge of those that were killed ; but here both moses and aaron come before the tabernacle of the congregation , and again the wrath of the lord went forth and raged amongst the rebellious people : and againe aaron at the command of moses , filling his censer with fire from off the altar , ran into the midst of the congregation , and standing between the living and the dead , the plague was stayed . a just judgement inflicted on both , that they who did inwardly burne with the fire of anger against their lawfull princes , should now outwardly perish with the burning flame of most deserved vengeance ; & he that in his heart had forgiven the offence of his brethren , by his footsteps others being defended , the fire from heaven durst not consume ; but they that died of the plague that day were 1400. whom the wrath of the lord consumed . wherefore to draw to a conclusion , as the apostle admonisheth and comandeth , we must needs be subject not only for wrath but also for conscience ; because as s. peter saith , this is the will of god that with well doing wee may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , as free & not using our liberty for a cloake of maliciousnesse but as the servants of god . for although , as s. aug. hath it , we are called to that kingdom where there shall be no such powers , yet while wee live here in our journey thither , untill such time as wee shall come to that age , where there shall be an annihilation & ceasing of all principalitie and power , let us cheerefully and willingly undergoe our condition , according to the order of humane things , not dealing feignedly and hypocritically : and so doing , we shall not so much obey man , under whose command we are , as god , who doth command us to be obedient to them . therefore to use s. peters words , he that will love life , and see good daies , let him refraine his tongue from evill , and his lips that they speake no guile : let him eschew evill , and doe good ; let him seeke peace and ensue it ; let him beare in mind that commandement of god , thou shalt not revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of thy people . and not forget the councell of the preacher , curse not the king , no not in thy thought , for a bird of the ayre shall carry the voice , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter . but let him embrace the councell of king solomon , not only the wisest of kings , but of all other men . my son ( saith he ) feare thou the lord and the king , and meddle not with them that are given to change ; for it is our saviours saying , who is truth it selfe and ought to be beleeved before all our pretended reformadoes , whosoever shall take up the sword , especially against gods annoynted , contrary to the word of god , shall perish with the sword . and thus having gathered certaine flowers out of the garden of divinity , philosophy , history and policy , to make a crowne for royalty , and a nosegay for loyalty , there wants nothing now but that same thread of charity ( which the apostle casseth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the bond of perfection ) to constringe and binde them together ; and indeed to use s. chrysost. similitude , as flowers be they never so choyce and rare , yea the prime darlings in natures garden , and be they never so exactly composed and set in order , yet if they be not as perfectly combined & tyed together , hey fall away from one another and come to nothing . in lik● manner although a man should compose an anthologie of never so excellent precepts , sentences and examples out of the garden of divine and humane writings , and propound them as so many sweet flowers to the use and benefit of the common good , yet if there bee not the hand of charity to receive them , and the eye of candor for to reade them , and the heart of sincerity to apprehend them , and tye them together with the constriction , or rather the construction of love ; like flowers that are not tyed together , they fall to the ground and become uselesse . and s. chrysost. reason that hee gives there will hold here likewise , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . for without love they will soone dissolve , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it is love alone that knits them fast , and keeps them together , making them usefull for the church of god , which otherwise would doe no good . and therfore having selected and culled out variety of choice sentences , precepts and sayings , both out of ancient and moderne writers as well humane as divine , and they as well protestants as romanists , and such as have been approved and honored by the judgement of the learned even of the adversaries , to set forth to the world the royalty of kings and the loyalty of subjects ; i humbly tender them to the consideration of both , his majesty our royall king & the parliament his loyal subjects ; that so if there be any thing in them , which shewing the power of the one , and the duty of the other , may tend to the repayring of that great breach , by a happy pacification , between the king and his people , which being at first begun with faction , fomented with feares and jealousies , and continued thus long with malignancy of affection , is likely to bring both king and parliament ( without the especiall providence of god preventing ) to utter ruine ; i shall attain the happy end that i first did ayme at : and for that which remaines in me to effect it , i shall turne my pen into a petition , and these occasioned collections , into religious ejaculations ; that god would be pleased to vouchsafe such a happy concurrence of opinions , and unanimity of affections between the king and his parliament ; that ( all feares and jealousies being laid aside on both sides ) the king would be graciously pleased to condiscend , as far as with his honor he may , unto his parliament ; and the parliament would humbly addresse themselves to comply , as far as it may stand with the good of the commonwealth , with the king ; that so royalty and loyalty , like mercy and truth meeting together , and the king and his parliament , like righteousnes and peace , embracing each other , the king may stil enjoy his regalities and prerogatives without farther alteration , and the parliament may still retain their ancient priviledges and immunities without any more interruption : that so the king , the head , may be happy in the parliament , his members , and the parliament , the members , reciprocally happy in the king their head ; and the whole kingdom , by this c●ment of charity , happy in both . which that it may speedily come to passe , is the hearty wish and darling desire , of him who for the accomplishment of it is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . his gods most humble orator , his kings most loyall subject , his countries most affectionate patriot , ro. grossk . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85738e-240 greg. lib. 21. moral . c. 11. aug. l. 19. de civ. dei c. 15. cic. de leg. 3. cic. ibid. arist. l. 1. pol. c. 3. chrysost. ad . pop. antioch . hom ● . tacit. l. 1. hut . soph. arist 3. pol. c. 5. sen. lib. 1. de clem . c. 19. casus sph. civi . p. 1 81. plat. dial . 3. arist. 3. pol. 1. cic. 1. de leg 3. salust . de conjur . caral . herod . l. 2. zech. l. 1. pol. c. 1. diodor. l. 1. polyd. virg. 2. de invent . rer. m. arrian . in hist. alex. messal . corvin . in lib. ad aug. herodot. 1.3 . bellar. de laic . l. liber homo . d●ad leg. aquil. gen 9 5.6 . exod. 20.13 . bellar. de ro. pont. l. 1. c. 2. cic. l. 3. leg. salust . bellar. de ro. pont. l. 1. c. 2. just . l. 1. l ne●o 54. d. de regul . jur . rom. 13.1 . ver. 2. epiph. cont. archon haer. 40. lip. 2. l. pol. c. 6. rom. 13. lip. pol. 2. c. 1. sen. de clem. 1. liv. li . 6. spud lips . arist. l. 3. pol. c. 1. 1 sam. 8.10 . & se● . luther in post . super eu●ng . dom. 23. post trin. cor. c. 1. strigel , in 1. sam. 8. p 27. 1 sam. 8.7 . l. legis virtus d. de legibus . ille a quo §. tempestivum . d. ad sc. trebel . l. 4. d. de . recept. . qui arbit . arist. pol. 3. c. 5 tacit. 1.3 . hist. arist. l. 3. pol. c. 12. cic. orat. 4. deiot. salust . de bel . jugurth . l. prince p● d. de legibus . dio 1.53 . const. harm. 1.1 . epit. tit. 1. eccles. 8.4 . wisdom . 6.1.2 . irenaeus 1.5 . advers haeres . tettul . in apol. hieron. ep. 46. ad rustic . psal. 51. ambros. apol. prim . david . c. 4. aug. ep. 48. aug. de fa● . greg. l. 5. hist. c. 17. & aimoin . 1.3 . c. 20. otto f●sing in . ep. ad ercd. oenob . praef. 1. chron. 6. bellar. d● . laic . c. 6. l. sed licet d. de offic. praef. bellar. de rom. pon . 1.2 . c. 17. & 1. 〈…〉 3. 〈◊〉 de regim. civ. num . 4. bodin de . rep. 1.1.13 . philip . in epit. phil. moral . p. 197. brent . hom. 27. in 1. l. sam. osiander in notis d. h. l. deut. 17.15 , 16 , 17. joseph . 1.6 . antiq. jud. c. 5. lyra in com. 1 sam. 8. greg. l. 4. in 1. reg. c. 2. arnisaeus l. 2. de jur . majest. c. 1. n. 4. greg. l. 4. in 1 reg. c. 2. 1 king : 21.2 . 1 sam. 8.10 . lips . pol. in praef. lips . ibid. feud . l. 4. tit. 56. regalia . mar. 12.21 . sen. 1.7 . de be nes . c. 4 , 5. cit. off . 1 , 2. tacit. 1.4 . hist. tacit. 1.4 . hist. cic. pro leg. man . just . l. 1. hist. pompon. l. 2. d. de orig. jur. ulpian l. 1. d. de constit . princip. l. si imperialis 12. c. de legib. & constit . princip. pro. 8.15 . aug. tract. 6. in euang. johan . & habetur dist. 8. can. quo jure . aug. l. 3. conf●s●e 8. & refertur dist. 8. can. quae contra . arist. l. 4. polit. c. 14. arist. l. 7. pol. c. 4. joan. bodin . l. 1. de rep. c. 8. joan. bo 〈◊〉 . l. 1. derep . 〈◊〉 bodin . l. 1. c. 10. l. 7. f. de legib. bodin . l. 1. de rep. c. 8. bodin l. 1. c. 10. & arnisae . pol. c. 11. keck . in syst . polit. l. 1. c. 17. p. 303. l. 3. f. de nat. resti . vult . de feud . l. 1. c. 5. n. 7. baldus c. 1. quae sit. reg. n. 3. & 16. mut. in vit. car. m. & car. 4. althus . in pol. c. 7. and tho. mich. de . jurisdict. . con. 11.32 . and 47. vult . de . feud . 1.1 . c. 5. n. 7. l un . c. de nund . jus saxon. l. 3. art . 66. and 1.2 . art . 26. l. humanum . c. de legib. & constit . princip. bodin . l. 1. de . rep. c. 10. ob. resol. notes for div a85738e-4990 bodin de repub. pag. 170. colleg. polit. dithmar . disp. 8. thes. 2. l. assumptio . 6. §. 1. ad muncip . l. municip . 1 sect. 2. f.eod. augustan : confess . art . 16. ephes. 6.2 . exod. 20.12 . deut. 5.16 . ro. 13.1 . 2 sam. 14.17 . ver. 20. 2 sam. 19.27 . 1 pet. 2.17 . pro. 24.22 . plato in point . ro. 3.4 . 〈◊〉 82.1 . exod. 22.28 . philip maced. in plin. paneg. aug. in lib. quest . v. & n. test. q●est . 35. 1 sam. 18.5 . chrysost. arist. polit. rom. 13.5 . colleg. polit. dithmar . disp. ulpian . in● 1. in criminibus §. 20. f. de quaest. cic. pro manl nov. 149. c. liv● . 2. p. 78. tacit. 14. annal. lip. pol. 4. c. 11 ecclus. 3.10 , 11 gen. 9.25 . luth. com. in gen. c. 23. p. 270. gen. 20. act. 5. rom. 13.1 . titus 3.1 . 1 tim 2 , 1 , 2. jer. 29.4.7 . 1 pet. 2.13 , 14. ver. 17. rom. 13. dan. 4.17.25 : john 19.11 . greg. nazian. tertul. de idololat . optat. milev. 1.2 . cont. parmen aug : in quaest. ex vet. test . quaest. 35. aug. exposit . quar . propos. ep. ad r●m . propos. 78. hier. in ep. ad tit. & habetur 11. quaest. 3. can. si dominus . chrysost. in rom. 13. hom amb. 1.5 . orat . in auxent . bern. ep. 22 1. cajet. in ep. ad rom. 13. tert. in apologet advers. gent. c. 37. aug. in psal. 1 2 4. & habetur 11. quaest. can. imperatores . ruffin . hist. eccl. 2. l. 1. & theodor . l. 4. hist. c. 1. nazian. in orat . in julian . amos 3.6 . prov. 21.1 . object . resol. mar. 5.39 . mar. 17.25.26.27 . bernard ad hen. archiep. senon . ep. 42. amb. 10.5 . conc. de basilicis non tradend . haer●t . p. 104. ambros. l. 2. ep. 13. ad marcel august . exposit . quar. propos. ex epist. ad rom proposit. 74. deut. 17.12 . august . de jmper . see . ro. 13.3 . ● ptat . mi levit. cont. parmen. august . de mirac . sact script . c. 29. & 30. num. 16.50 . ●0 . 13.5 . pet. 2. ●5 . 16 . august . exposi● . q●ar pro ●of . epist. ●d rom. proposit. ●2 . pet. 3.10 exod. 22. ●8 . ●ccles . 10. ●0 . pro. 24.21 . mat. 26. ●2 . conclusion . colos. 3.14 . chrysost. hom in coloss. 3. chrysost. ut supra . a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd the title of our rightful and lawful king william vindicated, and the unreasonableness and mischievous tendency of the odious distinction of a king de facto, and de jure, discover'd / by a person of honour. person of honour. 1697 approx. 129 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70272 wing h2995a estc r10075 12148485 ocm 12148485 55015 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70272) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55015) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 91:11 or 1673:11) a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd the title of our rightful and lawful king william vindicated, and the unreasonableness and mischievous tendency of the odious distinction of a king de facto, and de jure, discover'd / by a person of honour. person of honour. defoe, daniel, 1661?-1731. howard, robert, sir, 1626-1698. [2], 122, [4] p. printed for john lawrence ... and richard baldwin ..., london : 1697. ascribed to daniel defoe in wing (1st ed.), but not included in dottin's or in hutchins' lists of defoe's works; ascribed to sir robert howard in wing (2nd ed.). pages 60 and 61 misnumbered as 61 and 60 respectively. page 7 lacking with page 9 bound in its place in wing h2995a. includes advertisements: p. [1]-[4] at end. item at reel 91:11 identified as wing d833 (number cancelled). reproduction of originals in yale university library and university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702. kings and rulers. despotism. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd . the title of our rightful and lawful king william vindicated . and the unreasonableness and mischievous tendency of the odious distinction of a king de facto , and de jure , discover'd . by a person of honour . quo sis africane alacrior ad tutandam rempublicam , sic habeto , omnibus qui patriam conservaverint , adjuverint , auxerint , certum esse in coelo , ac definitum locum , ubi beati sempiterno aevo fruantur . somn. scip. è l. 6. ciceronis de republica . london : printed for john lawrence at the angel in the poultrey , and richard baldwin near the oxford-arms in warwick-lane . 1697. a free discourse wherein the doctrines which make for tyranny are display'd . i have never been conscious to my self , that the temptation of any base interest , or the apprehension of any threatning danger , could corrupt me to betray , or force me to decline , that which i well knew to be the true interest of my king and country ; and therefore have i constantly look'd upon those , that made it their business to break in upon the just rights of the one , or the other , as unhappy contrivers to involve the nation , in a consuming debt to tyranny , or confusion , which the people shall be sure to pay , out of their enjoyments in life , liberty , and property . of consequence therefore , i must with grating affliction have observ'd , how strenously this vile design has been labour'd , from towards the latter end of king charles the 2d , to this present time . under the screening shelter of that prince , popery and arbitrary power were favour'd , and cherish'd with all the art and industry , which men of slavish principles , and profligate consciences , could devise and apply , till the twin monsters were thought arriv'd at that fulness of prodigious stature , as no longer to need his life , for their concealment or protection . as a good preparative for the introduction of arbitrary power , in which are all the hopes of popery , pernicious * pamphlets were publish'd , in which it was magisterially asserted , that the realm of england was such a compleat imperial soveraignty , as wherein the king had full , perfect , and intire jurisdiction from god alone ; and that his subjects ought rather to suffer death wrongfully , than resist him . it was speciously granted indeed , that there were political laws to secure the rights of the subject : but it was stifly maintain'd , that the imperial laws , which ascertain'd the rights of the sovereign prince , were superiour to the political , and might and ought to determine when the political laws should be observ'd , when not . as much as to say , the rights of the subject should be secure from all invasion , but that of their king. well! that 's worth something , tho' the clown in the greek epigram , would not have much valued it ; for , said he , a little irreverently indeed , but very plainly , and to the purpose , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hercules , that defends my flock from the wolf , has ever and anon , a fat sheep for sacrifice , the wolf has no more for prey . i lose on both sides ; for 't is all one to me , whether the god has it roasted , or isgrim raw . the judges , in king james's time , very leernedly stated , and decided the matter ; pronouncing , that in cases of necessity , the king might dispense with the laws , and that he was judge of the necessity . these gentlemen seem to have had some modesty , tho' no more conscience than the other ; or , perhaps this little show of modesty , was a cast of their wit , they made use of the fowler 's cunning , stalkt under shelter , to get a full shoot at the peoples liberties , which was the quarry they aim'd at ; and dead they laid it , beshrew their hearts for their pains . but 't was a sorry piece of cunning , which would never have taken , but that the game they shot , was ' tangled in a net before . who sees not , that if the king may dispense with the laws in cases of necessity , and be judge of the necessity , he may dispense with them as often as he pleases ? wherefore his learned sages of the law might have spar'd their wit , and more ingenuously with open boldness , have asserted and declar'd like richard the 2d , that the king's will was the law. this is what the false coiners of the cheating distinction of imperial and political laws , and the corrupt putters of necessity-cases [ which makes the people's slavery the one thing necessary ] would fain be at . but the design is so wicked and odious , that to own it in plain words , were the way to overthrow it : in truth , subtle distinctions , and cases which have never happen'd , are like to make the most of this bad market . thus all in the land of metaphysicks , where every period or page of famous school-divinity , harbours wild notions of religion , which cannot be explain'd , and made intelligible , much less prov'd and ascertain'd by clear reason ; the sons of science supernatural , the mystic adepti introduce them , with proper terms of art , [ terms useless to any other purpose ] and settle and ' stablish them for ever , [ i.e. as long as ever they can be settled and establish'd ] on the unexamin'd foundation of perplexing distinctions . there were not wanting among the eminent clergy , who , as if they would go a length k. richard never dream't on , seem'd to intimate , that the king's will was not only the law , but the religion of the country too ; and passive obedience , the only wretched portion of the unpeopled people ; for then they were no longer a people , but a plunder'd and enslav'd rabble , left only tenants at will for their lives , liberties , and properties . in such a wretched case , it would become the unpeopled people , to have always their loins girt , shoes on their feet , and staves in their hands ; not like israelites taking leave of their hard masters , and going to set up for themselves ; but like the shepherds of cremona , waiting for the terrible sentence — veteres migrate coloni . be gone ye old english race of strubborn free-holders , ne're trouble your selves how ye shall drive your flocks , but leave such things behind you ; haste , haste , you have nothing to pack up , unless your old wives , and young children ; haste , and make room for naked colonies of tres humble monsieur serviteurs , that shall not dare to call their wooden shoes their own ; but soul and body become all obedience , let [ with spiritual curb , or temporal snaffle ] priest or tyrant ride them . the design of changing our legal , into an arbitrary government , was copy'd from the french original . in france t was laid in the reign of lewis the xi . and took effect to the destruction of the rights of the people , by destroying the power of parliaments . the destruction of the power of parliaments was carried on by very sober paces , by the most easie and modest encroachments , that people weary of their liberties could have wish'd for . the king did not pretend to raise money , when he pleas'd , — by himself , — and without his parliament ; no , — good prince , — not he. all that he desir'd , was only to be permitted to raise money , — now and then , — upon occasion , — in the intervals of parliament ; and not that neither , but in cases of pure necessity , when the safety of his good subjects absolutely requir'd it . and how could it be deny'd him , who lov'd his people so well , to judge of cases of necessity . but the power of raising money being once gone , the deluded people presently perceiv'd , that they had purchas'd their slavery with it . for now all power fell easily into the hands of the king. in vain it was to dispute with him any civil rights not yet parted with by name , or even the publick profession of religion . for the power of raising money is , in effect , the power of doing all things ; just so is it with the article of infallibility , admit but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that first false article , and you must stand with his holiness for nothing , but believe thro' thick and thin , in spight of sense and reason . well! the french king became , by the abovesaid artifice , at perfect liberty to be , or not be a tyrant , which he pleas'd . let no one ask how he govern'd himself ; for , did ever man grasp at the power to do mischief , without the purpose ? if there have been such mysterious riddles of irregular vertue , yet the french king 's after lewis xi . were no instances of it . in them it plainly appear'd how effectually the temptation of unlimited power works on ambitious nature . ambitious nature seldom or never esteems any thing enough , if there be any thing at all out of her possession . it has not been enough for lewis the xiv . to be the law , but he must be the religion also of his slaves . with a great many it was argument enough to be of the religion he requir'd , because it was his : while his spiritual dragoons disputed more forcibly with those of a more backward faith ; the priests had stood altogether idle , and unconcern'd in this conversion , but for the merit of that flattering doctrine . a king is accountable to none but god , but to make amends for their being less serviceable than the military men , their unaccountable king shall be stil'd , the vicegerent of god , nay the very image of the most high , tho' they spoil the argument in the first chapter to the hebrews , for the divinity of christ. i wonder they do not maintain , that their king is accountable to none but himself . for if he prescribes them their religion , as well as dictates their law , he is their idol god , as well as their royal tyrant . but , as i noted , ambitious nature never esteems any thing enough , when there is yet something out of her possession , therefore lewis the xiv . is for advancing his tyranny over his neighbours also . to this purpose , his method has long time been to corrupt the courts of princes by his lovis d'ors ; to surprize un-armed countries , and ill-provided forts , by breach of his oaths : thus his treachery has many years purvey'd for his cruelty , and his cruelty shed torrents of blood to quench the raging thirst of his ambition . he has plunder'd the monuments of the dead , and the altars of his own gods , nor fearing , nor reverencing one more than the other . he has broke his leagues with christian princes , as long as they would trust him ; has kept them , something better indeed , with the turk , for it was his interest , tho' the turk is not his only allie , for he has the devil , and the pope beside . what good understanding there is between him and the pope , the world sees , and he that will not grant him to be in league with the foul fiend also , must believe that there 's no devil in hell , or no monkish conjurer in france , to bring those mighty potentates together . is there any difference between neighbouring states ? lewis will interpose to settle it , and never leave 'till he has settled , or made it wider . is any prince or princess to be married ? he proposes a match for them , some bastard son , or daughter of his own , well pre-instructed what returns to make him , for their preferment . is there any candidate labouring for a sovereign bishoprick , or coadjutorship , who has very little reason to support his pretences ? lewis the grand will serve his hopeless interest , out of his own free mischievous generosity . when he prospers , he fights for the glory of his majesty ; when his affairs are in some danger , he labours only to extirpate heresie ; but in neither of these cases , thinks it improper to assist an heretical noble revolter against his catholick lord and master . in sending abroad embassadors , he choses huguenot ravigni for england , a stout toper for germany , a bold marquess for rome , a grave clergy-man for spain . in short he makes himself all things for all , that he may confound all nations , and turn the world into a wilderness . this is the french original , which some unhappy men among us have studiously set themselves to copy . now in the first place god be prais'd , then due thanks paid to king william our deliverer , and every noble afferter of our english liberties in the convention-parliament , for that , the work of those unhappy copyers was disturb'd , and so they could never finish their piece ; but they gave us a plaguy sketch of it in the last reign . but there is another original draught of a tyrant , set forth in that excellent history of the revolution in sweden , wherein many particulars bear a perfect resemblance of our late times , as to the great transactions both in france and england , which is not to be wonder'd at , but rather to be consider'd as a good evidence , that all tyranny is alike ; for tho' the streams from the same fountain may run in several ways , and channels , yet they all tend to the same ocean of blood. after the death of the brave steno , the worthy administratour of sweden , christiern ii. succeeded his father in the kingdom of denmark , and obtain'd the crown of sweden by conquest . this prince was not more ambitious to make others his slaves , than he was , himself to become the slave of sigebrite , a woman who had neither the charms of youth , or beauty to captivate him . but this notwithstanding , her power was as great over him , as if she had seem'd intit'led to it , by all the perfections , which nature could have bestow'd upon her . it is hard to be imagin'd how an old dutch woman could obtain this absolute dominion over a haughty monarch , unless it were by perswading him to assume the same over others . the inhumane polities of this she-favourite were extremely agreeable to the fierce and cruel disposition of christiern ; he look'd upon the antient liberties of his subjects , as inconsistent with his royal honour and dignity ; and she tempted him to sacrifice a whole senate to his arbitrary ambition . this , this was the pleasing conjuration , that charm'd him , whose nature was not so pardonably wicked , as to dote on youth and beauty ; the tyrant receiv'd the malitious addresses of his furious mistress , as testimonies of her passionate fondness for him , and so gave her that dominion over himself , which he resolv'd to have over the swedes . he found the pulse of the church beat as high as his own , they were even impatient to make their king , their tyrant , supposing that their share in the ecclesiastical part would be as flourishing , as his in the civil ; and the violent arch-bishop of vpsal fancied he should not be much the lesser monarch of the two . christiern ill enough dispos'd of himself , and always animated to mischief by his hellish erinnys , quickly came to a resolution of destroying all the senatours and principal noblemen , that had been , or were like to be enemies of his imperial arbitrary authority . to facilitate the fatal execution , he put on a better countenance , than the withered hagg his spightful favourite wore , no cloud sate on his royal brow ; but all was clear and calm there , proper as could be to perswade them to trust , who once suspected him . with this show of gentleness and affection then , he invites the lords to a magnificent feast at sockholm , two days they were highly treated , and on the third massacred . yet was not the imperial tyrannick thirst of christiern satisfied , for the great gustavus , with some few illustrious patriots escap'd the slaughter , wherefore he sends fresh bloody orders to his troops , who presently put the whole town to the sword , sparing none except the old and ugly , but them , perhaps in complement to sigebrite . nay so utterly averse did this tyrant then show himself to all humanity , that when a swedish gentleman could not restrain his grief , beholding such a scene of horrour , he had him fastned to a gibbet , and his bowels torn forth , because of his tenderness and compassion . this surprizing bloody start from a king to a tyrant , terrified the people so extreamly , that it dispos'd them to do their parts to free themselves from their deplorable condition . slavery may be the misfortune of a people , but to submit to it , can never be their duty ; and i much question whether in the like case , our advocates of imperial absolute sovereignty would not have been of the same mind with the swedes ; and not by their passive obedience have acknowledg'd their ruine for their religion . well! in a short time , what the swedes long'd for , a deliverer appear'd . he was the injur'd gustavus ericson , descended from the ancient kings of sweden , and nephew to king canutson . christiern had now not only abdicated his government , by his tyranny , in the utter subversion of the laws , rights , and properties of the people , but being generally hated , beaten , and forsaken , he consumated his abdication by flight , and gustavus the generous deliverer , was by a convention of the estates , with the joy of the people chosen king of sweden , which he govern'd happily all the days of his life . a philosopher being ask'd , which was the most dangerous of all beasts , answer'd , of wild ones , a tyrant ; of tame ones , a flatterer ▪ these tame ones hunt the game like jacalls , and with their plaguy yelping excite , and guide the wild ones to the prey ; and this they do , in hopes , that , when their lawless masters are cloy'd , they may satisfie their own appetites with reliques of that destruction , in which they had been instrumental . this jacall yalping in england was never more fierce , eager , and loud , than in the reign of king charles ii. and it was a proper time for the enemies of england , and the protestant religion , with the advantage of the shelter which he gave them , to make preparation for the triumphant entrance of popery and slavery . and at that time they did not neglect the opportunity , witness the dover treaty ; the popish plot discover'd by doctor oates , and many a bantering sham , that could not be brought to pass upon the people ; but then something that could make its one way came on , quo warranto's like bombs were thrown into corporations , which miserably destroy'd their antient charters ; dispensing judges were advanc'd ; proper sheriffs chosen , and all unjust arts used to dispose things for the easier plundering the nation of their liberties , properties , and religion . these unrighteous proceedings would hardly have been ventur'd on , but for the countenance that was giv'n them by the doctrine of passive obedience , a doctrine not reveal'd by jesus christ , nor recorded in his gospel , but stamp'd by latter creation , under the protection of which , any king may play the christiern , or the lewis safely , and without controul . this creation stamped doctrine grew in such credit , and esteem , that not a man , who did not give his assent and consent to the same , could be allow'd to be a true son of the church , scarcely to be a christian. the unlimited power of a king having been so strenuously asserted , and so sucessfully in the proceedings of those times , seem'd to make the death of king charles very seasonable for the opening the execution of the grand design , in a barefac'd subversion of the religion and laws of england . king james at his first coming to the crown seem'd to endeavour to take away the apprehension , and terrour that was justly imagin'd to fill the minds of people . and in his first speech declar'd so much tenderness for them , and such a respect for the preservation of their liberties and properties , that the cajol'd parliament from an excess of satisfaction , shew , [ i may safely say ] more affection to him , than ever parliament did to a protestant prince , and gave money , till he himself put a stop to the profuse and excessive expressions of their satisfaction . it must be granted that the lives of some professors are not so bad as the consequences of their erroneous opinions : and it was charitably thought by the parliament , that king james , tho' a papist , would not govern so arbitrary , as the encourag'd doctrines of the age gave him leave ; but they quickly perceiv'd their error , and found to their sorrow , that popery , and arbitrary power could no more be seperated , than the double monster that was shown in london of two brothers , one growing out of the side of the other , who were so intimately conjoyn'd , that the life , decay , or death of the one was equally the concern , and fate of the other . for now he began to put his imperial laws in execution , and by dispensing with , fairly abrogated all the political , which should have secur'd the rights of the people , but alas ! they were betray'd into his hands , and he without mercy dispatch'd them . to me it seems almost impossible , but that the spiritual defenders of the absolute power of an english king — who deliver'd that power to be gospel , and the slavish judges who declar'd it to be law , should have deplor'd the wounds they have given to the religion , and laws of their country , unless the hopes of a share in the spoiles had prevail'd above all honest considerations , and unless they had been themselves as ready to embrace the popish religion , as they had been instrumental to set it up . together with the first exercise of an arbitrary power , the popish religion began to appear on the stage ; and the monks and friars enter'd to act in their proper habits ; seminaries were set up in several places , and houses fill'd with those religious furies ; father peter , a jesuit was made of the privy council , and reign'd chief minister . thus from the spring of imperial [ i.e. arbitrary ] power , an over-flowing deluge broke forth , threatning miserable occasions for the religious exercise of that fatal duty , passive obedience . king james no sooner altered from what he seem'd to be in his first speech , but the people alter'd from what they were . their satisfaction in their new king vanish'd , and from the hopes of living happy subjects under him , they sank into the apprehensions of becoming despis'd , and ear-boar'd slaves . a general consternation fell upon the whole body of the people ; and even those clergy-men that were the tools to subvert their own religion , and the civil rights of their brethren , were afraid that themselves should feel the thunder with which they had arm'd their tyrant . this brought them quickly to interpret away the grammatical , plain , mischievous sense of passive obedience ; and as for the exercise of it , that they were so far from practising [ being above their own ordinances ] that no honest men were more forward to invite and joyn with a deliverer , than these shifters . the miserable condition of england at that time , did not only move compassion in our neighbours , but [ as we have reason to believe ] put them in mind , that the disease we labour'd under was catching ; and if it was not timely repell'd by their assistance , it would not be long before they lamented their own fate . they were therefore , for our , and for their own sakes , aiding and assisting to our rightful and lawful king , the then prince of orange , whom god and his own vertue prompted to attempt our deliverance . the difficulties that threatned this attempt were great and discouraging , but he , who was incapable of fear , despis'd the dangers , landed some forces at torbay , and met a success answerable to the justness of his cause , and the greatness of his courage . but before he set forward , to take off all suspicions that might reasonably arise , where an army came , that might pretend to conquer , as well as to relieve , he put forth a glorious declaration proclaiming that his expedition was intended for no other end , but to have a free and lawful parliament assembled , soon as possible , to secure to the whole nation the free enjoyment of their laws , rights , and liberties , to preserve the protestant religion , and cover such as would live peaceably under the government , [ as becomes good subjects ] from all persecution on the account of religion , papists themselves not excepted . king james was now reduc'd , to that , wherein he seem'd always to place his greatest trust , an army , [ for the preachers had forsook him , and their own slavish doctrines sometime before ] with the army then he advanced to salisbury , but found that they were a part of injur'd english men ; seeing himself therefore deserted by them , as well as by his chaplains [ who invested him with his illegal arbitrary power , ] and all the honest english ; he left the kingdom , thus he did , as it were , sign and seal his own abdication , which was grown as full and perfect as obstinate tyranny could make it ; and as his act and deed the nation took it , then the lords , and the commons represented in their chosen trustees , settled the crown and royal dignity on king william and queen mary , the exercise of regal power , on their glorious deliverer only . thus did they restore the old constitution of redem'd england in king , lords , and commons . there was before the settlement of the crown , ( feb. 4. 1688. ) a great conference between the lords , and commons , chiefly on two particulars voted by the commons . 1. that king james had abdicated the government . 2. that thereby the throne became vacant . the lords insisted on altering the word , abdicated , and in the place thereof , to insert deserted . also they were not willing to willing to admit those words — the throne is thereby become vacant . the exception against the word abdicated was , that in the common acceptation of the civil law , it imports a voluntary express act of renuntiation , which was not in this case , and did not follow from the premises . to this the commons answer'd , that the doing an act inconsistent with the being and end of a thing about which it is conversant , or which shall not answer the end of that thing , but go quite contrary , that act shall be construed an abdication , and formal renunciation of that thing . this they exemplified . thus the government is under a trust , and any acting contrary to that trust , is a renuntiation of that trust , tho' it be not a renuntiation thereof by a formal deed. for act and deed is as plain and full a declaration , as a writing can be . he that acts contrary to a trust is a disclaimer of that trust , tho' he does not disclaim it by a formal deed. from all this they drew these just consequences — that king james having acted contrary to his trust , had abdicated his government ; and that having abdicated it , the throne is thereby become vacant . but the lords insisted , that the throne could not be vacant , because there was an heir , and that in a successive kingdom , an abdication of the government by a tyrannous breach of trust , could be a forfeiture only as to that person , who tyrannically breaking his trust , does abdicate the government ; but not as to the next heir , so as to put him by , and make the government elective . therefore the abdication of king james the ii. could not prejudice the next heir , and then by consequence the throne was not vacant . the commons upon this demanded , that the lords would tell them , with whom the throne was fill'd . the lords only answer'd in general , that it was sufficient to know , that there were heirs to take by lineal succession , tho' they did not , or could not expressly name the particular person , whose right it was to fill the throne . and therefore tho' they could not say who fill'd the throne , yet they had reason to conclude , it was not vacant . the commons then represented to the lords , that their lordships would neither agree , that the throne was vacant , nor say how it was full , and desir'd to know who was king , if king james was not , or were they to be always in that doubtful condition ? for none could be king james his heir , during his life , the crown could not descend till his death . the lords replied , that tho' the king be not dead naturally , yet if he is so civilly , the next of course ought to come in as by hereditary succession . the commons replied , that their lordships held it a difficult thing , to go upon the examination who is heir , and demanded , if that was not clear , whether they were always to remain under the difficulty . as for the commons , they were not concern'd what words were us'd , fill up , nominate , or elect , 't was the thing they were to take care of , and 't was high time it were done . it was farther demanded of the lords , whither , if there had been an heir , to whom the crown had descended in the line of succession , and this heir certainly known , their lordships would have assembled without his calling ? or would have either administer'd the government themselves , or advis'd the prince of orange to take it upon him ? a known successor being in possession of the throne , this would amount to high treason , and such a one must be in possession if the throne were not vacant . their lordships were press'd to consider that they had concurr'd with the commons in this vote — that it is inconsistent with our religion and our laws to have a papist to reign over us . upon this it was askt , must not we come to an election if the next heir be a papist ? the concluding stroke was , that if their lordships would not allow the throne to be vacant , nor name the heir who fill'd it , the nation would be left in in confusion and distraction ; but the lords were not willing that should be left at their doors , therefore , after they return to their house , they sent a message to the commons on febr. 7. 1688. that they had agreed to the above said votes of the commons without any alteration . i thought it necessary to the chief purpose of this discourse , to set down some general arguments of this conference , which is to be seen at large in print , and is most worthy to be read by all that think it worth their while to look into the constitution of the english government , and to understand the reason and grounds of our late settlement . i would now demand of any one , that had not given double security to the goddess of errour , by swearing first to be always of his present opinion ; and secondly , never to examine the reasons of it ; i would , i say , demand of any , but such an over-prejudic'd man , by what other way , or means , the nation could have been justly settled , besides that way , and those means , by which the representatives of the people conventionally assembled did settle it . the commons came to a vote , jan. 28. 1688. that king james the second , having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of the kingdom , by breaking the original contract between king and people ; and by the advice of the jesuites , and other wicked persons , having violated the fundamental laws , and having withdrawn himself out of the kingdom , hath abdicated the government , and that the throne is thereby become vacant . and after a long conference betwixt the lords and commons , the lords on febr. the 7th , next following , sent a message to the commons , to acquaint them , that they had agreed to the vote sent them up of the 28th of january , without any alterations . here now was the whole body of the nation , the lords by themselves , in their own persons , and the people by their representatives , agreed , that king james had abdicated the government , and that the throne was vacant ; by which it is evident , that there was as great a necessity to provide a supply , and that by way of election , as there was to have any government at all ; for if a people without government , and desirous to settle a government , must not choose for themselves , i would fain know who must ? it is not to be expected that god should miraculously interpose , and for any enemies or neighbours to intermeddle , is against the nature of the thing ; because the end which the people seek in government , is to secure themselves against all that are , or may be enemies . it remains therefore , that they must choose for themselves , both who shall govern them , and by what measures . the lords indeed , in the great conference , spake much of an heir , and argued strenuously for his rights ; but knew not who that heir was , nor where to find him ; and there 's no being govern'd by the lord knows who , that is to be found the lord knows where ; or , as old maynard phras'd it , in the clouds . if the lords had known of any heir , they had not admitted a vacancy ; if the votes of the majority of the representatives of the people had not supplied the vacancy by resetling the old constitution , or framing a new [ which at that time they were at liberty to have done ] every one of them must have been left in a state of nature , which 't is every man's interest to get out of as soon as he can : for tho' in a state of nature , no man has a lisence to do what he pleases , every one being under obligation to the dictates of reason , which is the law of nature ; yet , in that state , no man has the advantage of more than his single wit and strength to do himself justice when he happens to be injur'd , which inconvenience is the great motive that inclines men to unite in society , and put themselves under such form of government as they like best . when the representatives of the people were conven'd to supply the vacancy , [ after that king james had sufficiently published that he would have nothing to do with the government upon the terms of the constitution , and according to the original contract ] the condition of the nation seem'd to be the same , as when the original contract was first made , the people choosing their ruler , and agreeing the laws , by which he should rule them ; which original right can never be justly taken from them , until the champions of the imperial laws of a tyrant , and the preachers of passive obedience slavery , can prove , that the people were made for the advantage of their kingly ruler , and not the kingly ruler for their advantage . i know it has been affirm'd , that breaking the original contract , is a language that hath not been long in use , nor is known in any of our law-books , or publick records ; but is taken from some late authors , and those none of the best received . 't is strange with what confidence some men by the help of a little artifice will advance the denial of truths obvious and evident enough , presuming , that at the same time , they shall by their intimations and insinuations , establish their own wild , pernicious , and novel notions . imperial laws controuling the political , jure divino tyranny , quiet submission to illegal violence , commonly called non-resistance , sometimes disguis'd under the absurd phrase of passive obedience , this without controversy is barbarous language , no man ever yet in our law-books or publick records could find either name or thing . of what antiquity these doctrines may be in the writings of some clergymen , is not material , for neither christ , nor his apostles , nor natural reason requires any man quietly to submit to illegal violence , and look upon a tyrant as the ordinance of god. but yet there are among the clergy some good men who abhor these unchristian and unnatural doctrines , and none among them that can bring themselves up to the practice of the same ; but even the apologists are now fain to trim the matter with loose general talk , and softning interpretations . but then the sense of original contract runs thro' all our law-books , the unanswerable mr. johnson has cited so many , so clear testimonies of this , that i will only mention the confession of an english monarch , king james i. who , tho' he uses not the word contract , yet he does a synonimous , if paction signifies the same as contract : in his speech to the parliament 1603. he sets down the just distinction between a king and a parliament : but in his speech to them 1609. he hath these words : the king binds himself by a double oath to the observation of the fundamental laws of his kingdom ; tacitly , as by being king , and so bound to protect , as well the people , as the laws of his kingdom ; and expresly , by his oath at his coronation : so as every just king , in a setled kingdom , is bound to observe that paction made to his people by his laws , in framing his government agreeable thereunto . but he that is most a stranger to our law-books , may easily be able to prove , that the beginnings of all forms of government could not but proceed from the choice or consent of the people . it is true , god is the fountain of all power , but he does not communicate it immediately to man , at least he has not done so in these later ages ; nay , in the designation of saul , and david , which is recorded to have been from god , 't is remarkable that after the divine unction , the people assembled , and by their votes freely chose them , and before the peoples choice they were not actually kings of israel . but i will make short of this matter — original contract there must have been between king and people , wherever lawful power is exercised by a king , because kings are not immediately chose of god : but such a thing , as a power to do mischief , which ought not to be resisted , never could be , because 't is against the nature of god to give such a power to any man , and that which inclines people to set up a king over them , restrains them from giving him such a power . if this be a digression , i beg the readers pardon , but i hope i have fully prov'd that at the time of the convention , [ when 't is confess'd we were without a setled form of government ; so that the lords of their own free motion address'd the prince of orange to take upon him the administration for a while ] the government could not have been setled otherways than it was setled , viz. by the choice of the community ; and if they had not made so wise a choice as they did in the person of king william ; yet his title would have been lawful and rightful , because his person was the free choice of the community at that time when they had no king. but notwithstanding this plain state of the case , and , as i presume to think , these unanswerable reasons , the old tyrannical doctrine had still a spreading root , and tho' the common sense and honesty of the nation , long provok'd , and almost undone by it , was ready to check the incouragements formerly given it , and blast its open growth , yet now it began to shoot forth its baneful branches under the sheltring distinction of a king de facto , and a king de ivre . of all the mischievous doctrines , that ever were topt upon a nation by holy priestcraft , none ever stood more in need of shelter . the doctrines of popery commit but slight depredations on the liberties , and properties of a people : but by imperial laws controuling the political , by quiet submission to illegal violence , they are with a vengeance swept quite and clean away . our comfort is , that no parliament men can possibly believe , that the people have no right to their liberties , because the people chuse knights , and burgesses to defend their liberties and properties , and 't were the most disingenuous injustice in the world , for gentlemen to accept such a trust , if they are of opinion , that the people are not rightfully possess's of their liberties and properties : no parliament men can possibly believe , that king william is only a king de facto , because it were the most infamous self-contradiction to joyn with a king to make laws , in whom they did not own a right to give them a sanction . indeed when i look back on the beginning of this king's reign . i call to mind those things , which somewhat amaze , and puzzle me . for who can take notice , without some extraordinary emotion , that any of the king 's chief councellours should urge him not to insist on his title de ivre , or that , when the owning him rightful and lawful king was started , and propos'd in the house of commons , it should be coldly received and rejected . for if the king shall not hold his title to be de iure , he must be an enemy to his own quiet possession , and if the commons shall not own him for their rightful and lawful king , they must needs look upon themselves as slaves , not subjects , holding their honours , estates , and interests precariously . for my part i cannot but conceive , that when the lords and commons in the grand convention , declared the prince and princess of orange , king and queen of england , &c. and setled the full and sole exercise of regal power on the prince , they made him their lawful and rightful king. they made him their lawful and rightful king , or they made him nothing . can any man think or talk so absurdly , as that the lords , and representatives of the people chose the prince of orange to the infamous honour of an usurper and a tyrant , praying him to play the tyrant , and administer that government , which he had no right to meddle with ? or that , at one and the same time they own'd king james his right to govern them , and would not admit him to exercise that right ? these are absurd contradictions , which cannot consist with the honour and wisdom of english senators . but whatever any enemy of our settlement may pretend was meant by the convention , who made choice of the prince and princess of orange to be king and queen of england , &c. and of the prince alone to exercise the regal power , this i am sure that the distinction of a king de ivre , and a king de facto , is ill-grounded , and mischievous . 1. it is ill-grounded . this distinction can be trac'd no higher than edw. the iv. and his first parliament invented , and made use of it , not as a salvo , for the justification of any thing done by , and under the kings of the house of lancaster , but in contra-distinction to a king de ivre , and that parliament did thereby denote that they held a king in possession , to be a king falsly so call'd only , and to have no right to the allegiance of the people . but our ancient common lawyers , bracton , fortescue , &c. knew nothing of this distinction . a de facto king of england , according to their sense of words , is as perfect nonsense and contradiction , as ever was made use of , to illustrate the romish anti-evangelical mysteries of priestcraft . a king de facto is just as much as a rightful and lawful usurper , or a mild and gracious tyrant . our honest ancient lawyers were not wont to flatter ambitious princes with such odd , and wickedly devis'd distinctions , at the expence of their countries honour and safety . a king , with them , was but of one sort , viz. the creature of the law , the ordinance of the people . the king , says bracton , has a superiour , god , also the law , by which he is made king. a king is made , and ordain'd , says fortescue , for the defence , or guardianship of the laws of his subjects , and of their bodies , and goods , whereunto he receiveth power of his people . let kings therefore [ it is the monition of bracton ] temper their power by the law , which is the bridle of power . these famous , and learned lawyers would certainly have thought it very ridiculous , that the title of a king , should be deriv'd only from the notion of a fact ; and the exercise of his kingship made to consist in the execution of the imperial law of his will. between such a king as this , and a people , there can never be a good understanding , but they will be eternally at variance , for their interests are distinct , and separate , and cannot but often happen to be directly contrary to one another . i wish the clergy advocates of imperial power , would but well weigh the reasoning of the reverend mr. hooker , a justly celebrated writer , and i hope they will take his word , for more than a ceremony . i will transcribe a passage , they that like it not , let them answer it . he says , that for any prince , or potentate on earth , of what kind soever , to exercise government , and not either by express commission immediately , and personally receiv'd from god , or else by the authority deriv'd at first from the consent of the people , upon whom he imposes laws , is no better than meer tyranny , for laws they are not , which poitical approbation hath not made so , but , approbation they only give , who personally declare their consent , or by others in their names , by right originally deriv'd from them , as in parliaments , &c. but all of this learned , wise , and good man's order are not of his excellent true christian spirit , some of them , among those that best understand this matter , in spight of reason , and common use of speaking , will set themselves up for such imperious dictators of words , that the word king must needs signifie an absolute monarch . but what if it should be admitted to signifie so sometimes in some countries , yet this is plain and undeniable , it does not signifie so always , nor so at all , in england . the bare word or title king does not distinstly inform us , what power belongs to him , that must be known by examining the constitution of the state , wherein he presides . perhaps some may object , that if a king has not an absolute power , he is dignified with a name which does not belong to him . but this is like all the rest , a positive stroke of arbitrary philosophy . words signifie as custom , and common consent make them , there is nothing in the nature of words themselves , but that tyrant might have signified a just , a gracious prince , a father of his country ; and king , a faithless cruel tyrant , a lewis , or a james . the gibberish of a king de facto , and the cant of an imperial law , are of the same nature and design , levell'd at the two northern , equal , and equally hated heresies , the protestant religion , and monarchy limited by law. mr. johnson observing how long , and how troublesomely the nation had been haunted with the word de facto , out of pure kindness to his countrymen try'd to lay the goblin ; but tho' he had exercis'd many a stubborn devil in his time , nay once not only rescued , and restor'd some possess'd creatures , but thrown the very devil himself into flames , yet has he not been able to lay this de facto goblin . perhaps i ought not to pretend to more powerful charmes than he , however i will repeat the exorcism , there may be something in that : and who knows but 't is towards day-break with the common people , if they once begin to discern the priestcraft , and state-craft of the distinction , a little matter will rid all king william's dominions of the mischeivous phantom . the plain english of a king de facto is of , or from fact , or deed. a king de facto must denote one , that by the means of some fact , or deed , is denominated a king . de facto in contradistinction to de ivre implies an unrighteous forcible , an illegal violent act. a king de facto then is a false king , a wrong king , a king who carries usurpation , and tyranny in his very title . a king so far remov'd from rightful and lawful , that he has not , no , not a right by law , unless the law of his sword ; a king that has no right to govern the people , but the people a very good one to take away his de factoship from him . but there is nothing in this false , and dishonourable title of a king de facto , that can be affix'd to king william , without the most impudent and malicious injustice : tho more of it , than the advocates of the late king are well aware of , really agrees to their abdicatour . if they who administred the coronation oath to the late king left out the provision in the ancient oath , for the peoples enjoying st. edward's laws , and added a special clause in favour of the clergy's , canonical priviledges ; if they clogg'd the promise of securing the civil rights of the nation with a salvo for kingly prerogative , then we may safely say that the late king was no more than a king de facto from the very first , and all the oaths that were made to him , are of no obligation , he not being the person he was taken for . but supposing that the late king did oblige himself by solemn oath to govern according to law , without any unrighteous omission , addition or salvo ; yet when he notoriously violated that sacred oath , by claiming an imperial arbitrary power , above and contrary to law , and by exercising the same in very many , and those the most dangerous instances that could be , then he disclaimed all the legal title he could ever be supposed to have had , tho' he continued indeed but too long afterwards a king de facto , a king in possession doing all the despight he could to our old english constitution , and our holy reform'd religion . but this false and dishonourable title of a king de facto [ as i said just now ] cannot be affix'd to king william without the most impudent and malicious injustice ; for he came over upon the earnest sollicitation of lords spiritual and temporal and other subjects of all ranks , to deliver the nation from popery and slavery : to this purpose he declar'd himself in words , the truth of which was clear enough from matter of fact , for the forces he brought over with him were proportion'd to the design of relief and assistance , not of invasion and conquest . he took not on him the administration of affairs for a time , but at the request of the lords spiritual and temporal assembled in the house of lords , and of those parliament men that had serv'd in the reign of charles ii. being assembled in the house of commons : and at the meeting of the convention he gave up that trust , which had been committed to him but for a time , and and left it to the convention to lay such a foundation for the security of their religion , laws and liberties , as they themselves should think good . it was never yet objected to him by his most inveterate enemies , that by any acts of force , or arts of corruption , he endeavour'd to work on the members of either house to labour his own advancement : but that was the free election of the majority , after long debates and consultations on other expedients : he did not lay violent hands on the crown , but only accepted it when offer'd , and upon the conditions offer'd with it . it is a truth undeniably manifest , that king william did not purchase to himself the title of a king by any fact of his own , save that by his vertue and his merit he recommended himself to the community , and their choice it was that made him king , that 's the fact and deed he claims by , and 't is the most righteous and lawful that can be , without a miracle , which i think the jure divino doctors do not pretend that we ought to wait for , that so we may have a lawful king. the election of the prince of orange to supply the vacancy of the throne gives him as rightful and lawful a title , as the election of any community ever gave to the first elected king. there 's nothing in the nature of a king de facto , but king william has shown his abhorrence of it ; when he took the oath , together with the crown offer'd him by the scotch commissioners , he demurr'd at one dubious expression , and call'd witnesses that he did not intend by it to oblige himself to be a persecutor , as if he had said , he would not be obliged by any means , to govern in any instances as a tyrant , he would be no other than a legal king. in short , if the choice of a people , whose king has broke the original contract , and will not govern by law , but be the law himself , or nothing ; if this choice cannot create a rightful and lawful king , then the fault must be in the office ; but if the office has no fault in it , and it has none that i know of , i am sure there is no flaw in the present possessor's title . it is impossible that every member of the community should be pleas'd with the settlement of the crown : but if a party think much to be concluded by the votes of the majority , they ought to withdraw their persons from this kingdom thus setled contrary to their likings , and seek out some country where government is model'd more to their mind : for while they stay here and question the right of king william , what do they but ridicule and reproach their own act ? in their supposition , that they have set up a king de facto , and no more , they suppose that they have given a man authority to play the tyrant and do mischief , they suppose that they have made slaves of themselves , and given away their liberties and properties , they suppose they have done all that against their own interest , which they were angry that the late king attempted to do : they will never vindicate their honour , unless they renounce their distinction , which i have prov'd ill-grounded . i will next show the mischievous consequences of it . the mischievous consequences of it are these : i. it lessens the honour of the king. this distinction was reviv'd in the first infancy of our present settlement , by some disappointed persons , who , when they found they could not serve their turns of the prince of orange , [ whom with humble supplications they had call'd in to their rescue from popery and slavery ] nor prevent his election to the crown , presum'd that they should take from him , by artifice , that which was confirm'd upon him [ maugre all their opposition ] by law. it would have pleas'd them well , to have been screen'd from the tyranny of king james , and protected in their tyranny over their brethren ; but missing their point there , they thought they might safely restore the divine right to their late king , who could no longer hurt them ; and as for the new elected successor , who seem'd not made to serve their party-interest , before all things else , he should be to them but as an usurper , not have more than the empty name of a king. de facto , and de jure nick'd this contrivance to an hair , impair'd the fame of their envied deliverer , and gave them the ravishing hopes of having their old master again upon their own terms . they could not have started , had they studied for it , a more mischievous reproach than this against their generous deliverer ; for thus they charg'd his honest and well aim'd declarations with want of truth and sincerity , they rob'd his heroick actions of their civic garland , they plunder'd his happy successes of much of the just welcom and esteem , which was due to them from every free-born english-man . every dissatisfied person that reviles the king's honour with this illegal de facto title , assassinates his glorious fame , and comes but little behind [ if he does not exceed nor equal ] a granvil , friend or perkins . we have reason to believe that our glorious king william values his honourable fame more than his life ; his honourable fame may last thro' many ages , his life cannot ; the nation indeed is most concern'd in his life , posterity in his fame : but we ought to be tender of the last , for they who hold him but a king de facto , appear by their common discourses very tender even of the fame of his murderous assassines , what little stains a brace of those miscreants had contracted , are thought to have been done away by a triumvirate of absolvers . i should be glad to see that affront to the government reproved by other arguments , besides what our reverend teachers use . the vncanonicalness and vnrubricalness of the bold deed , not but that it might be uncanonical and unrubrical too , for ought i know ; but i will swear that the publick absolution of traytors , who are not pretended to have declar'd their sorrow for that devillish treason which brought them to the gallows , no , not so much as in the ear of the absolver , was a more impudent piece of roguery , than ever was committed by the gown , in the face of the sun , with a reverend grace and solemnity . i am afraid i digress , but i hope i am within the purlues of the forest. it is the distinction of de facto and de jure which i am to arraign , and i charge it to be mischievous , because it lessens the honour of the king , it draws king william's picture too like that of king james ; there 's difference enough , let but an ordinary painter have the shadowing it , between a tyrant that will not be limited by law , and a rightful king who pretends to no power but what the law gives him . between the sternness of the one awing the poor scholars of maudlin , and the martial heat of the other forcing proud boufflers out of namur . it ought not to be forgot , that this de facto injury to king william's honour , is an instance of unparalell'd ingratitude , for he ventur'd life , and fortunes for the deliverance of our enthrall'd nation , and that , upon the humble requests of the chief of those very men , who now requite him , with this wicked , shameful , and ingrateful distinction . one would think it was not politickly done of them , as it is plain , was not done honestly ; for , who would serve their interest another time , if this be their way of testifying their sense of the obligation ? they are a generation difficult , and hard to be pleas'd , and possibly it were easier to teach them their duty , and make them subscribe to rightful and lawful king , than to gratifie all their pretensions , for , whether they know it or no , the honest english men , who were enough to carry it , for the election of king william to supply the vacant throne , are enough to defend his right , and establish his throne , maugre all their restless endeavours to supplant him . ii. as their malevolent distinction lessens the honour of the king , so it weakens the government . unto a king de facto only , there is no esteem , no thanks , no allegiance due . we may admire a difficult , and great atchievment , but it must be a vertuous , honest , and beneficent , which wins our esteem , and love ; we must be the better for it , if it deserves our thanks , we must have paid our thanks in giving the hero the right of a king or he can have no just claim to our allegiance . some men teach , [ and pretend the authority of the church of england for it , but therein they wrong their holy mother ] that allegiance is due to successful usurpers , and that providence , together with success , grants them that authority , which the people ought to obey for conscience sake . when an unhappy interest with-holds us from professing our assent to an evident truth , we are many times tempted to profess , and defend an evident and shameful untruth : so it is in the case before us . the de facto men refusing to own the rightful , and lawful title of king william , are forc'd to say that allegiance is due to usurpers , for well they know , should they pursue their principle as far as it would carry them , they could have no pretence at all to his protection ; besides , open and declar'd enmity against the government under king william's administration , was too much in all conscience to be endur'd . hence they found it requisite to labour to perswade the king , that they were oblig'd to obey him , tho' he had no right to govern them . 't was a strange paradox this , so very strange , that , had they not been endued with the uncommon wit , and bouldness of guilding and varnishing it at the expence of the honour of god almighty , they had made bold with the honour of the king to very little purpose . but it is my business to wash off the guilt and varnish , and show the odd paradox naked , that no consciencious weak mind be cheated thereby hereafter . they would perswade the king , that they were oblig'd to obey him , tho' he had no right to govern them . this is pretended , first to have been the opinion of some of the best lawyers of former days , and instance is offer'd in sir edw. coke , the judges in baggett's case , the lord chief justice hales and the lord chief baron bridgman . but the lord chief justice hales for what he says , quotes sir ed. coke only , against sir edw. coke's authority many things are obvious , besides that it stands singly on baggett's case ; the parliament roll recited in that case , is pointed directly against what sir edw. coke is suppos'd to have asserted ; lord chief baron bridgman has said nothing in favour , but much against the paradox . for a fair and full illustration of these particulars , i refer to the review of dr. sherlock 's case of allegiance , printed in the year 1691. as our law is not chargeable with so foolish and unrighteous an injunction , as that , which requires obedience to kings in possession , kings falsely so call'd , who have no right to govern ; so much less is it to be defended from the words of holy scripture . but as it sometimes happens in other cases , so in this , where men have the least reason for it , there they put the greatest trust . there is not a text in the bible which commands obedience to tyrants or usurpers . the scope of the places , and the evident reason of things all along evinces , that the kings , magistrates , and other superiours , whom we are commanded to obey , have a lawful authority to govern . yet by artifice , and dextrous shifting the sails , our de facto men hope to weather the point . their method is , to refer all events to the over-ruling disposals of providence ; so as if providence left nothing to the free will of man. indeed if it were the positive will of god , that ambitious men should grasp sceptres , and arbitrarily lord it over cheated or conquer'd people , then we ought to obey tyrants , and usurpers for conscience-sake , but then the argument would prove too much , for such ambitious men being the ministers of god's providence , and executing only what he would have them , they ought not to be called tyrants and usurpers , they have according to this reasoning , from providence , a lawful tittle . but the sophistry , in this way of arguing from providence , is plainly discover'd , and refuted by distinguishing between the will , and the permission of god almighty . when those things , that ought to be done and which are just and good , are done , then the will of god is complied with ; when contrary things are done , then the will of god is resisted , and oppos'd , for as dr. sherlock has excellently observ'd , we are to learn our duty from the law of god , not from his providence ; the providence of god will never justify any action which his law forbids . let me add , nor can we , without the highest impiety , ascribe an unlawful action , to his over-ruling influence ; he does not so much as give leave to the attempts of ambitious men , he is not pleas'd with usurpation and tyranny , and therefore it is impossible for him to require , that obedience be paid to usurpers and tyrants . god , for many wise reasons , permits the affairs of the world to go on , as they are mov'd by the force of natural causes , thence it comes to pass ; that craft , and cruelty often prevail over right , and innocence : but god has not made the misfortunes of honest men their duty ; neither reason , nor revelation forecloses them , from using the lawful means to free themselves from oppression and slavery . when the calvinists are charg'd with making god the author of sin , they commonly answer , that the divine decrees do indeed necessitate every action , taken materially , not formally ; i acknowledge this distinction , to be an empty nominal distinction , not containing any sound reason to invalidate the heavy charge brought against them ; but however , it showes that the men have some modesty , for , whatever may be the consequence of their doctrines , which they pretend not to see , they will not charge god so foolishly , as to say in direct terms , that he is the author of sin ; but the defenders of the de facto notion applied to king william , are not afraid to make god the author of usurpation . they blasphemously affirm , that allegiance is due , not to legal right only , but to the authority of god who sets up kings , without any regard to legal right , or humane laws . if there be any doctrine which more than another deserves to be call'd a doctrine of devils , it must be this , which boldly flies in the face of god himself , and in downright terms proclaims , that the judge of all the world does wrong . the publishing and defending such notions as this , naturally tends to promote all flagitious and unjust attempts , and thereby to bring confusion and ruin upon a nation . the great god has a just authority over all men , for he made them ; they ought to obey him , for his commands are just , when he expostulates with disobedient sinners , he appeals to them , whether his laws are not reasonable . he gives none but reasonable commands , but to obey usurpers and tyrants is not reasonable , nor any command of his . the success of ambitious usurpers is not promoted by any favourable assistance from heaven ; but is only the consequence of the wit , vigour , and industry of those usurpers , the almighty permiting , and leaving the course of things to the force of natural causes . it is a most impious thought to imagin , that the righteous god should require us to be aiding , and assisting to wicked usurpations . it might as well be thought , that he should bid us disobey lawful powers , as bid us to obey usurpers . in short , even the de facto men themselves have granted all this , in their discourses of god and providence , when they have not had a by-cause to serve . what i have now mention'd and censur'd , was all , which for some while , envy and ingratitude against our glorious deliverer , and rightful king , could advance in behalf of that shameful paradox — which requires allegiance to be paid to a successful usurper , a king de facto , who has no right to govern . but when it was observ'd , that neither our law-books , nor bibles , by all the artful application of ill-affected lawyers , and priests , could be perswaded to spread a sheltring umbrage over that shameful paradox of theirs , which the denial of king william's right forc'd them to devise , some more refin'd phoilosophers , with a particular court-like address , thought to save its credit . the throne ( say they ) being fill'd , [ no matter how ] we are protected by it , and the benefit of protection requires the reciprocal duty of obedience . by this one argument , they would have us believe , that all differences may be compromiz'd , their consciences sav'd , and the government in no danger . but by their favour , tho' perhaps their consciences may shift well enough , come what will ; yet i think the government cannot be safely ventur'd upon their gratitude , we have had so many plots , and trayterous correspondencies of discontented men , who were not only protected , but some of them trusted , and honour'd ; that there 's no avoiding such a suspicious thought . but to speak close to their argument : they make possession of the throne , tho' obtain'd by bloody , and violent mischiefs , the same thing as protection ; to an usurper's administration they give the name of a benefit , and to such a violent benefit obtruded upon men against their wills , they would have obedience paid , as duty . more absurdities cannot well be crowded into so few words . a violent possessour is like to give but an odd sort of protection to them , who do not uphold his violent possession , as far as they are able ; his dealing to all but the friends of his usurpation will look more like tyranny than protection , and must more properly be called an injury than a benefit . a violent possessor does , by his first unjust violence a present great injury , to all them on whom he imposes his yoke ; and how should they expect any future benefit from him ? for , by his usurpation , they are depriv'd of all right to claim , or expect it by any obligation of laws , or claim of justice ; what they shall chance to meet with of that kind , they must have from his unconfin'd will and arbitrary power , which is a very capricious and fortuitous thing . are we oblig'd to obey a prince , whom not our law , but his own might advanc'd over us ? then it must be his might that obliges us , and the obedience which we pay , is obedience per force , obedience falsly so call'd , in truth , it is no more obedience than possession is protection , and governing us whither we will or no , a benefit ; true obedience is from choice , and always paid for real and valuable considerations . the due allegiance of subjects is paid for the enjoyment of life , liberty and property , defended by such laws as the subjects have consented to , the execution of which laws is committed to his trust , who is by due course of law made their governor , under what high character or title soever . he that is advanc'd to the throne by due course of law and consent of the people , becomes a king de jure , a rightful and lawful king , and to him obedience is really due ; for , from his legal possession , we have a real and not an imaginary benefit under his government ; we have a protection from certain and known laws , not from uncertain and unknown will and power . from this plain and clear state of the case it appears , that our refin'd philosophers in their neat argument are guilty of a wilful or weak mistake in putting one word for another , in calling violent possession protection , an injury , a benefit , suffering obedience : whether i should call it a wilful or weak mistake , i know not , for ' t is not plain to me which they value most , their wit , or honesty , but a manifest mistake it is , and will not pass upon the nation , unless they who take such pains to dress things in disguises , had that command in rhetorical sophistry which the old declamators at athens so valued themselves upon , pretending to be able to make the worst cause look well ; unless they could by artificial studied words , and strains of wit , make the people esteem it as great a benefit to live in the apprehension and expectation of being slaves , as in the condition of subjects ; unless they could by wheedling amusements , persuade them , that their lives , liberties and properties are as safe under uncontrouled and arbitrary power , as under a power limited by those laws , which they themselves had a share in making . in short , if this be good reasoning , he that fills a throne , tho' he has no right to fill it , does , by filling it , give protection to the people ; and by governing them without their consent , bestows a benefit upon them , in return for which they are oblig'd to obey him : then thieves that break open a house , and spare the lives of the family , may be said to give them protection , and in disposing the goods at their own pleasure , to bestow a benefit on the true owners , and what the owners suffer under such a terror , may be called obedience : nay , according to these measures , the man that is hang'd may be said to pay obedience , and he that trusses him up , right or wrong , is his ruler de facto . the preachers of passive obedience made it their business to abuse the people with a very pernicious false doctrine , but they gave it a proper , agreeable , and true name ; for , the plain signification of passive obedience is , suffering , actual suffering , irremediable suffering : with a bareface it teaches , that if we receive no manner of protection or benefit by the laws of the land , but on the contrary , are depriv'd of our liberties and properties , yet we must submit and suffer : but the authors of the argument which i am reproving , are pleas'd to call suffering , obedience ; the one would enslave us by a confident belying of religion , the other by a subtle misuse of seeming reason . i have prov'd in general , that the distinction of a king de jure and de facto , as applied to king william , weakens the government . i will now exemplisy the same in some particulars . i. they that do not believe king william to be their king de jure , i. e. their true and lawful king , are not like to bear true faith and allegiance to him . they have no motive , no temptation to induce them : if they bear true faith and allegiance to a king , in their opinion , an usurper , they must contradict the principles which god and nature have implanted in them , they must cross their own present inclinations without the prospect of a future advantage . it is as much as ever our preachers can do , to keep men from indulging their present inclinations by the hopes of a recompence hereafter ; but 't would puzzle all their eloquence to persuade them to this , when the instance is not a moral action fit to be done , nor any thing to be got by it . the wonderful and unreasonable confidence of those jacobizing authors , who would persuade their readers , that allegiance ought to be paid to a king , whom they believe to have no right to require it , made me with a strict thoughtfulness consider , on what bottom they could pretend to ground the obligation ; but bottom could i find none , save that from the christian precept of loving enemies , a merry man might make a jest on 't . by the way , this most difficult of christian precepts , had been recommended to the world before our blessed master's time , by wise heathens , grotius in his book de ver. rel. christianae , quotes several , but no wise heathen or christian , ever explain'd that precept so far , as to exact the payment of good offices to an enemy at the expence of the just rights of a friend , or allegiance to an arbitrary king in possession , to the wrong of the lawful king unhappily dispossess'd : and i am opinion , that the consideration of this , or a less justifiable cause mov'd a good doctor to mince the matter thus : it is our duty to pray for the king in possession , while we take care to do it in such terms , as not to pray against the dispossess'd prince . which is as much as to say , we may pray that god would do such a king some small personal kindnesses , or so ; but not to discomfit his enemies , or establish his throne , and this justifies my position . that they who do not believe king william to be their king de jure , are not like to bear him true faith and allegiance ; we have but too long seen the effects of the doctor 's caution , one while many were contented to pray for king william only from the desk in appointed forms , they abstain'd from mentioning his name in the pulpit ; the most thought it enough in general terms to pray god to be gracious to king william ; not one of a hundred at this day dares pronounce him rightful and lawful king ; they will , 't is true , not grudge to call him the king that god has set over them ; but that 's an oblique reflexion , for , the same is their phrase also for an usurper . the questioning king william's title , was always the profess'd cause of the refusal of swearing to bear faith and true allegiance to him . indeed the above mention'd doctor was pleas'd to tell the nation , that he did not refuse the oaths out of any fondness for the government of king james , nor zeal for his return : but i am confident he did not refuse them out of any persuasion of the right of king william , nor zeal for his establishment ; in truth , his refusal of the oaths , was a plain declaration of his sense against king william's right ; but when he took the oaths , then to insinuate that king william had no legal right — hic nigrae succus soliginis , haec est aerugo mera . yet this doctor is a saint , in comparison with that loyal rector , who essay'd to prove , that notwithstanding his oath to king william and queen mary , he had not put himself out of a capacity to perform what he swore to the late king : which makes it plain that they who are not persuaded of king william's rightful title , cannot be willing to give him , no , not their oaths , unless it be for the better opportunity to betray him . in short , i would sooner hope to find an atheist , zealous to promote the practise of vertue and piety , than that the government under king william should be rightly serv'd , by those that are persuaded of the right of the late king. when the late king sent forces against the late duke of monmouth he was in the right , not to put his trust in the county troops , for he look'd upon many of them to have no opinion of his title , but rather to think well of the cause of the invader . 't is the ordinary policy of every tyrant to oppress his own people with mercenary foreigners , or such subjects of his own , as are souldiers , who have nothing but fortune , and his bounty to trust to ; 't were as foolish to go about to suppress them by other instruments , as 't is wicked to oppress them at all . perhaps a hungry lawyer may plead for his fee against his conscience , but a lover of his country will not be the chief justice of an arbitrary monarch . ii. they that do not believe king william to be their righful and lawful king , are bound in conscience to endeavour to dispossess him . i know there be some casuists , who contend earnestly , that an erroneous conscience does not oblige a man to follow it ; in proof of their negative , they muster many zealous , and some witty pleadings , proper to amuse , and entertain one sort of readers , but no man can be convinc'd by them . for god gave us conscience to be our guide , and nature will have us to follow it , whether in the doing good or evil . i prove it by this plain reason — if we are not oblig'd to obey an erroneous conscience , then we are not oblig'd to obey a right and well perswaded conscience , for the erroneous conscience thinks it self in the right , as well as the conscience that both thinks so , and is so . a man who is erroneously perswaded in moral matters cannot but sin ; he sins in following his erroneous conscience , when it prompts him to an immoral action , because by the word of god , and right reason , he might have inform'd his conscience better : he sins most audaciously when he acts against his conscience , because he thinks it his duty to obey it . bishop taylor teaches , that it is a greater sin to do a good action against our conscience , than to do an evil action in obedience to it . the example he brings answers exactly but to one part of his rule , but comes near the other , and leads to our purpose . fryar clement the jacobine thinks erroneously , that it is lawful to kill his king : the poor damosel faucette thinks it unlawful to spit in the church ; but it happen'd , that one day she did it against her conscience ; and the fryar one day with his conscience and a long knife kill'd the king. if the question be here who sinn'd most , the disparity is next to infinite , the poor woman was to be chidden for doing against her conscience , and the other to be hang'd for doing according to his . thus say i , those assasines deserve to be hang'd who attempt to kill , and those also who consult , and labour to disposses our rightful and lawful king william ; but while with an erroneous conscience , they believe him to be only king de facto , i.e. a false king , but a real usurper , i do not see how they can avoid treason , and the danger of the gallows . now , bless us ! and deliver us ! some friends of the party may say , from so barbarous doctrine as this . what! hang men for obeying their consciences ? and doing what in their circumstances they could not avoid . but to abate their wonder , and let them into the cruel mystery , i reply , it is but a just , reasonable , and necessary doctrine ; for why should their consciences disturb our settlement , and endanger the life of our king. they should labour to inform their consciences better , or carry them to some other country , where our government , and the life of our king , may be as safe from the treacherous practices of their consciences , as their consciences from the just , and but too slow , vengeance of the government ; for , as mr. johnson told them long agoe . he ought not to live under any government , who refuses to give it the customary and legal caution . they shall put you out of the synagogues , said christ to his apostles , yea the time cometh , that whosoever killeth you , will think , that be doth god good service . friend , and perkins , and their fellow assassines thought themselves oblig'd in conscience to take off king william , because they look'd upon him only as a king de facto , a meer usurper : in conscience they held themselves oblig'd to endeavour the restoration of the late king , because they look'd on him as king de ivre . and rather than not effect these purposes they engage to promote a french invasion , which would have made bloody work among us , but what car'd they for that , as long as it was to reinstate the right heir . a more mischievous distinction cannot be imagin'd than this of a king de ivre , and de facto , the former being applied to the late king , the latter to king william ; but i will descend to some particular instances . this wicked distinction , thus mischievously applied , long encourag'd troublesom commotions in scotland , but more fatally delay'd the reduction of ireland . it famish'd some thousands in london-derry , kept a gallant army from action one summer for six weeks , that was , till the season for action was over ; so that the victory of the next year cost the king some of his own blood , and the life of his brave general . it betray'd our councils , and brought the french fleet into our channel , prevented the pushing on our successes , so that our dishonour is not yet reveng'd , as it ought , and perhaps might be , it expos'd our merchants , and ruin'd our trade , it hatch'd many a hellish plot in ireland , in flanders , in england , against the life of king william and queen mart , against the liberties of this nation , and the lives of all honest protestants , it hinder'd the due examination of discover'd plots , and rescued traytors convict , without obliging them to confession . this wicked , and mischievously applied distinction contriv'd the last hellish conspiracy , laid it deep , and spread it wide , urg'd it on with a steddy zeal , and unwearied application under the auspices of an exil'd tyrant , and at the vast expence of his proud protector , watch'd all opportunities to begin the bloody execution ; conceal'd it obstinately , pursued it after disappointments , and we have reason to believe , that we are not got so far into the horrid secret , but they have their hopes to retrieve it . however , blessed be god , who has brought so much of it to light , that we shall not perish — that we shall not perish , — unless it be our own fault ; — if we please , — the sun may be let in upon it , the law may effectually spppress it , and then , — and not till then , we shall be safe , both we , and our king. the undantedly honest mr. johnson , and one or two more , out of dry love to their country , some years ago oppos'd this wretched , mischievous , and misapplied distinction , with learning , wit , and reason ; but the friends of the late king james could endure that opposition , and reply little , while they met with no penal opposition from the government : but when one or two of the conspirators , averse to so horrid a villany , as was in agitation among them , reveal'd the design to the king , and the king laid it before the house of commons ; of a sudden the spirits of that honourable body , the representatives of the people of england , were rouz'd from the confus'd lethargy of a doubtful opinion , into a clear discerning sense of the danger , into which the sacred life of king william , and all the dearest interest of all true englishmen were betray'd by the distinction of a king de ivre , and a king de facto . immediately therefore to repair their errour , with a just warmth , they declar'd the right of their king , that so they might on a stable rock , build their own defence , which had been vilely shaken by the rotten foundation of an usurper , daub'd over with the empty name only of a king. a very great majority of that august assembly , presently cheerfully subscrib'd the association , wherein , after they sincerely , and solemnly profess , testifie , and declare , that his present majesty king william is rightful , and lawful king of these realms ; they mutually promise and engage to stand by , and assist each other to the utmost of their power , in the support and defence of his majesties most sacred person , and government , against the late king james and his adherents . further they oblige themselves , if the king should come to any violent and untimely death , which god forbid , to revenge the same on his enemies , and their adherents , lastly , to support the succession of the crown according to an act made in the first year of king william and queen mary . the house of lords also , moved by the same amazing occasion , as the commons , damn'd the mischievous distinction de facto , and de ivre , declaring that his present majesty king william hath a right by law to the crown , which words one might be afraid of , but that their lordships , ever honourable , and sincere , took care to secure them from exception , by the next plain , righteous and decretory sentence , — and that neither the late king james , nor the pretended prince of wales , nor any other person , hath any right whatsoever to the same . i can't see wherein this declaration comes short of that of the house of commons , for here the lords determine , that king william hath a right by law to the crown , and such a right by law , that neither the late king , nor the pretended prince of wales , nor any other person hath any right whatsoever to the same ; then of consequence , he hath all the right to the crown that can be , all the right that ever prince had , or can have . and is in their lordships judgments , what the commons have declar'd him , viz. our rightful and lawful king. i am glad the houses are so well agreed . but alas ! neither has their happy agreement , nor the following hearty and just votes of the commons carried the association of the commons thro' the kingdom , with that success as might have been expected , and as was due to so well advised a sanction for the publick good . the reason of which disappointment i cannot imagine , for i hope , that commoner's chaplain was not in the right , who openly told an acquaintance , that the penalties inforcing the association were only in terrorem . but as if he had been able to give the refusers security , many stood off , and began to frame exceptions against it . to pass by the little cavils , and impertient sarcasms , started by vain and unquiet men , who are proud to tell the world with what unfair equivocation they swallow'd the oaths of allegiance , and consonant to that scandalous wickedness , will affix a sense of their own devising to the parliament association , or else associate in a cold empty form of their own drawing up ; to pass by every thing of this nature , i shall only reflect on the grand exception , which is so common in the mouths of all the de facto men. and that is this — they have as their bounden duty does require , that awful regard for the divine prohibition of revenge , that they can by no means agree to oblige themselves to revenge the king 's violent death upon his treacherous enemies . to this i have several things to reply . 1. tho' with some men the blood of a king is so cheap that it may be spilt like water on the ground , and they never trouble their hearts about it : yet i make no question , but were it the blood but of an arch-bishop of st. andrew , they would be very active to hunt the murtherers from their coverts , and bring them to condign punishment . that these words may not be wrested , i do avow , that it was a necessary piece of justice , the punishment of that arch-bishop's murtherers . but i argue a fortiori , how necessary then is it to punish wicked regicides ? ii. when a noble peer is impeach'd in parliament for high-treason , the lords spiritual pretend to a right of siting , and voting among his judges , so that clergy-men are not willing to be wholly sequestred from their share in legal revenges . iii. when the house of commons declar'd , [ upon the occasion of the popish plot , discover'd by doctor oates , ] that if his majesty , king charles , that then was , should come to any violent death , [ which they pray'd god to prevent , tho' [ as 't is thought , ] they were not heard ] they would revenge it to the utmost on the papists . none of this clan of non-associators bawl'd against that vote , as unchristian ; and yet i do not see , but king william's life is as precious , and ought to be as dear to the nation as ever king charles's was ; besides , i perswade my self , that popish assassines deserve not to be more severely treated , than — than any other assassines . iv. when any private person unites with the house of commons , to revenge the violent death of the king , [ which god prevent , ] he unites with the representatives of the body of the people , for the just execution of a legal revenge . v. he that is not willing to do his part towards the bringing the assassines of the king to suffer the law , may be justly suspected as an abettor of the assassination , [ if such a thing should happen , which god prevent ] and if he be treated accordingly , he is not worse treated , than the old lady lisle . vi. in a state of nature , every man has a right to preserve all his honest interests against the injuries of others , and to punish such injuries according as he judges they deserve to be punish'd . in political society every man resigns up this natural right to the community , who intrust some chosen man or men to govern them , by setled laws made with their own consent : now if wicked assassines shall traiterously take off the chief head or heads that govern , and so reduce the people to the unhappy necessity of a new choice , from whence may arise infinite mischiefs , by reason of the differences of ambitious pretenders , the people seem reduc'd to a state of nature , and then every particular individual person has a right to be reveng'd of the assassines . it is true , the english government is hereditary , and by act of parliament setled after the death or demise of king william , on the princess ann and the heirs of her body , but then there is danger that jacobite zeal may wade thro' more blood to make a clear vacancy for a royal abdicator ; and if so , there 's reason for every true englishman , by the parliaments association to denounce vengeance against the assassines ; but the single loss of king william alone by violent , sudden treachery , might chance to throw us into those confusions , that it is just and prudent to associate to be aveng'd of them , that shall tear that dear interest from us . vii . let who will refuse the association , yet it is honestly and wisely done of them who enter into it ; for thereby they not only discharge the duty which they owe to the king ; but also do that which has a powerful influence to deter execrable assassines from attempting the desperate villany ; for it is the hope of impunity that confirms the bold nonjurers in their declar'd enmity to king william ; the hope of impunity that animates the sneaking perjur'd jurors to abide by their mischievous distinction of a king de facto and de jure ; the hope of impunity that hatches conspiracies , and carries on correspondencies with france ; and no doubt king-killers hereafter will be harder to be hired , because that particular villany has the least hope of mercy ; to say no more , 't is the hope of impunity that hardens a perverse conscience , and makes so many non-associators . viii . 't is not indeed unwisely done of the non-associators , that they may put the best colour they can upon their refusal , to pretend that they are christians , and cannot be reveng'd , no not upon their most mischievous enemies ; but then it is easy to see thro' this pretence ; a wet finger will fetch off the false varnish ; for tho' they dare not for the world associate to revenge the violent death of king william ; yet they are well contented to give up three nations to the vengeance of the late king , who if ever he returns , [ which god of his infinite mercy , i beseech him , prevent ] will return like the evil spirit in the gospel , with seven other spirits more wicked than himself , and the last state of our nation shall be worse than the first : for , as it is said by the apostle , it had been better never to have known the way of righteousness , than having known , to depart therefrom : so it had been better for us never to have been deliver'd from the yoke of the late king's tyranny , than to submit our necks to it again ; if he hooks us under his power a second time , it will be a mercy to dispatch us ; he will hamper us so sufficiently , that our next deliverer must be that sure conqueror , who makes the ill figure in churches with his scythe and hour-glass . ix . among the rest of the mischiefs whereof the de jure and de facto distinction is the procuring cause , set it down for one , that it keeps them who falsly and maliciously apply it to king william , from associating with their representatives in parliament . it comes into my mind now , very opportunely , i think , that their tyrant de jure , just upon his departure , [ and the words of departing friends we know sink deep into the minds of good christian people ] advis'd his loyal officers and soldiers expresly , and all his other well-wishers [ not worth naming ] tacitly , not to expose themseves by resisting a foreign enemy , and a poison'd nation [ that was his complement to old england ] but to keep themselves free from associations and such pernicious things . our mischievous distinguishers have observ'd this advice most exactly , they have not yet rashly ventur'd their carcasses in the field against our king and government . their treachery must succeed before they try their valour ; and as for associations , and such pernicious things , they most religiously keep themselves pure and undefil'd . for another particular instance of the mischief caus'd by the wretched distinction , i might mention , that it encourages the attempts of the french king , to re-impose on us the late king james as his deputy , [ for that 's the most the late king in his vainest hopes can expect ; nay , if it should rain crowns and miracles on his head , who may have more faith to believe the latter , than strength to bear the former ; he must govern by the imperious dictates of his protectors arbitrary will , he must be but the prime minister of a superior tyrant , nay , hardly that , for lewis would not trust him but under french school-masters , and having first deliver'd up cautionary towns. ] if king lewis were not well assur'd that the mischievous distinction was suffer'd among us with impunity , he would not be at the expence of a livre to make a descent upon us , but rather be glad to secure his own shoars , which indeed is more than he can do now , rebus sic stantibus . but that i may not on this head chance to touch on some things said before , i am content to dismiss it with this bare mentioning , only let me take my leave of the de facto men with one question upon the whole matter : since they vex their wits to serve the fury of a prince whose tyranny t' other day themselves could not brook , let them tell the world , is tyranny one of those blessings whose value we can never enough esteem till we begin to want it ? i make haste to conclude my discourse , and therefore shall wholly pass by some little inconveniences caus'd by the distinction of a king de facto and de jure , such as that it hinders the late king's devotions ; if it were not for the vain hope of returning to be reveng'd of a certain poison'd nation ; why , he might retire to a religious house , and spend the remnant of his life in prayers , mass it early and late , for the soul of his elder brother , or any of the unlucky assassines that t'other day fell in his cause , and might for ought he knows drop into purgatory notwithstanding their absolution : or if a court is the thing with which his heart is ravish'd , he might e'en betake himself to his holy father , the blessed pope's holy court , where he might be forgiven , submitting to penance , all the improvidences and cowardize in his frustrated pious attempt to massacre a nation or two of hereticks . as a corallary to the foregoing discourse , take this — the impunity of them who own king william only as a king de facto , discourages the friends of the government , who own him , and believe him to be our rightful and lawful king. it is true , a man of steddy vertue will not be put by the practice of those duties which serve the interest of his country , by any neglects from the government , or apprehensions of danger likely to happen : but surely their number , who have wrought themselves up to such consummate excellence , bears no proportion , either with their own friends , who are but [ more or less ] well inclin'd , or with their enemies who are mischievously bent : of the most of them that sincerely believe king william to be rightful and lawful king ; i fear this is the extent of their praise : they are ready to defend the government as far as the government is willing to defend it self and them ; but cautiously do they abstain from an over-active zeal , which is not well accepted , for fear it should be visited upon them and their children in another revolution . for my part , i believe it as impossible for our late king james , to recover his forfeited and abdicated crowns , as for the intreaguing king of france to make himself monarch universal : but the annual succession , and thickning of jacobite plots , and the last refusal of a bill to be brought in , obliging certain persons to abjure king james ; convince me , that men of good and bad principles , have , the one hop'd for , the other suspected and fear'd such a new dismal scene of affairs . and , for ought i know , the establishment and security of the government under king william , may be owing more to what has been done against it , than to what has been done for it . perîssem nisi perîssem : i think it was the saying of the brave themistocles , by which i suppose he design'd to declare that it was his opinion , he had not arriv'd at that heighth of greatness , if he had not been ruffled , oppos'd and banish'd ; and i am very fully satisfied , that if it had not been for this last devillish invasion and assassination-plot , we had not in haste declar'd king william our rightful and lawful king , nor associated for the preservation of his life , by threatning to revenge his violent death . there is a difference between those that were to have had their part in the assassination , and those that were concern'd only in the invasion . the assassines are not able to devise any the least colour to take off from the heinousness of their intended villany . perkins was a little asham'd of this infamous design ; but as for the promoters of the invasion , their treason was but consonant to their old mischievous distinction of a king de facto and de jure : some of the assassines have met their deserv'd fate , but the simple invaders have hardly been scar'd ; yet if they shall not be call'd to an account also [ who bid fair for slaying ten thousands of the people , and so making up in numbers , a sacrifice equal to that of their king ] they will not only be confirm'd that they have distinguish'd well , but prompted more vigorously to pursue the fatal end and purpose of their threatning distinction . and this indeed is enough and enough to cool the zeal , and to discourage the endeavours of them that are otherwise very well dispos'd to serve the interests of king william , their country , and the protestant religion . our king himself is not capable of endangering his own just rights , or the safety of the people of england , unless by his singular mercy and goodness , which like his fearless valour , knows no bounds : as for the representatives of the people , it may be reasonably presum'd , they will at last provide , that the de facto jacobites shall not have the temptation of impunity to attempt to subvert the liberties of the nation , and to destroy the lives of all that love their liberties . they have indeed , according to the trust reposed in them , honestly endeavour'd and advanc'd some paces towards such a necessary provision , by their noble , just , and righteous association : but there remains a great deal more for them to do still , lest what they have already done , be frustrated , and render'd all together ineffectual ; for their association is no sooner drawn up , subscrib'd by a great majority , and the session prorogu'd . but ante-associations are form'd against it by some of the clergy , not indeed in broad words directly contrary , but in cold and empty flourishes of their own devising , and such borrowed expressions as they imagine capable of an interpretation , that will not utterly subvert their distinction of a king de facto , and de ivre , which distinction while it reigns unpunish'd , king william does not reign secure . several of the ante-associations were drawn up so little favouring the title of his present majesty , so little consulting the security of his administration , that it was scandalously manifest , the subscribers associated only in lewd hypocisy , to avoid the envy of non-associating , to sham the authority of the nation with some deceitful complements , but in reality and truth , to preserve their dear distinction . such associations therefore as these , were rejected , as they well deserved , nor could all the academic elegance bestowed upon them , help them through the officious hands of friends , to his majesty's gracious acceptance : but these gentlemen carried it highly , if his majesty would not accept such association as they had drawn up , he should have none at all from them . this being observ'd by other persons of the same order , they wisely consider'd what inconveniences might possibly happen from not associating at all , and therefore determin'd to comply , but resolv'd to come off as cheap as they could . they would venture to associate , but not with their parishoners in the form prescrib'd by the house of commons [ except here and there an honest parson that had no priestcraft in him ] wherefore they carefully abstain from declaring it to be their perswasion , that his present majesty king william , is rightful and lawful king of these realms ; and as for his violent and untimely death , should it happen , which god prevent , they oblige not themselves to revenge it upon his enemies and their adherents . but let us see ! what do they give us in the room of rightful and lawful king , and instead of making it the utmost danger to kill him ? why ? they borrow some words from the association of the house lords , and insert the same among some empty flourishes of their own ; upon which i note , that , altho' the form of the association of the house of lords , be in the literal , plain , and obvious sense , and in the sense by them intended , truly , just , and highly loyal , yet when clergy-men , who are represented by the house of commons , and not by the house of lords , shall associate in the language of the latter , and not of the former , it is a manifest sign , that they dislike the association of the house of commons , and that , tho' the association of the lords tends to the same just , noble and necessary purposes , yet in their opinion it may be interpreted to signifie something less . it cannot be imagin'd , that any of the clergy should decline the association of the house of commons , by whom they are represented , if they were perswaded that the same was a just , and righteous association ; it cannot be imagin'd that they should prefer the phrase of the house of lords , by whom they are not represented , if they were firmly perswaded [ as i declare my self to be ] that , that phrase did come fully up , to the sense of the house of commons , and could not possibly be interpreted to signifie , with a jacobite abatement , something favourable to their mischievously applied distinction of a king de facto , and de jure . now in this their practise they do a great injury to both houses , they audaciously slight the one , and wickedly traduce the other . what reward so high a misdemeanour may deserve , i take not upon me to pronounce ; but i hope i may have leave to say , that these clergy-association-separatists have not that unquestionable fair pretence to his majesties special graces and favours , as the voluntary subscribers of the association of the house of commons ; indeed they may , considering the wonderful generosity of the king , expect as much forgiveness as they shall need , and more grace and favour than they are dispos'd to deserve : but it were a presumption very like impudence in them , to hope that his majesty king william should prefer them before his best affected liege people , who associate , [ as is most just and proper , fair and unexceptionable ] with their representatives in parliament , heartily , sincerely , and solemnly professing , testifying and declaring , that his present majesty king william is rightful and lawful king of these realms , &c. and that they will stand by one another , in revenging his untimely death , [ which god prevent ] upon his enemies and their adherents . it was a very sharp reflection , and , i would very fain perswade my self , an unjust one , that of mr. dryden , for priests of all religions are the same ; but it grieves my soul to think , that so necessary an order of men , protestants , as well as papists , should be so generally given to oppose the proceedings of the state. old and crazy is the body , i cannot say , which i carry about with me , but which is carried about for me ; but yet , i am in hopes , that it will hold out , till all his majesties subjects represented by the commons , be taught the necessity of subscribing the association of the house of commons ; for , i well remember , how before the end of their last sessions , they set their own members a day to subscribe it , or declare their refusal ; also the names of refusers were requir'd to be return'd , from all or most towns of the kingdom ; which was setting and a distinguishing mark upon them ; and it is not reasonable to suppose , that they will suffer their august assembly , and wise councils to be so contemptuously us'd , as they must be , if that form of association , which their wisdom judg'd absolutely necessary to save the honour and life of the king ; the lives , liberties , and religion of the subject , happen to be disappointed by particular forms of association , devis'd by some discontented ecclesiasticks , who refuse to declare , that his present majesty king william is rightful and lawful king of these realms ; and have so very little love for his person , that who as will may assassinate him , for all them , with impunity . o the christianity of these gentlemen ! whose consciences will not serve them to be aiding and assisting any just orders of legal revenge ! if this be christianity , commend me to the manners , and doctrine of heathens . but why should christianity be reproach'd for their sakes ? that holy institution neither injures the civil rights of particular persons , nor alters the grand reason on which political societies , kingdoms , and commonwealths are founded , and preserv'd . salus populi the good of the people is the grand reason on which political societies are founded ; the good of the people requires that enormous wickednesses should not escape unpunished ; he that has it in his power , but will not contribute to the legal punishment of an infamous assassin , is wanting in the duty which he owes to that body politick , whereof he is a member , in short , every member of a body politick is in strict justice oblig'd to endeavour , as far as in him lies , to bring to legal punishment the bloody villain that shall murder the meanest of his fellow subjects ; this is a duty , which by the fundamental reason of society is owning from every single person to the publick ; how much more strongly does it oblige , if a brave prince should fall [ which god forbid ] by the treacherous cruelty of ingrateful miscreants , prompted by a disappointed tyrant , and supported by a faithless , enchroaching foreign enemy ? it is a very odd thing , that any men should pretend conscience for their forbearance of that action , which they are bound in duty to perform , tho' they look no farther , than their being members of a body politick . there is no government upon the face of the earth , that will take them in upon other conditions , than their agreeing to be reveng'd upon those assassines , whose desperate malice shall wound the publick in so noble a part , as her chief officer . and therefore we have good reason to hope , that since the government knows her boldest enemies who [ mindful of the advice from rochester ] will not associate with us at all ; and her no-friends who will not associate in the form of the house of commons , since , i say , the government knows them intus & incute , fully , and throughly , [ as she well may , after seven long years troublesom experience ] that she will now at last take the necessary security , that security which providence hath so loudly , and so oft proclaim'd to be the only necessary ; by which not only the government , but , by the blessing of god , even the enemies thereof may be brought to their right wits , and sav'd from cruel tyranny , and foolish superstition . this looks , some may object , as if i wish'd , that the association of the house of commons might be impos'd on the clergy . i might reply , if that really was my wish , i know no great harm which would follow ; but i rather choose with all softness to clear the purpose of my writing . i remember to have read some author , who vindicating the practice of the church , [ which sometime had been , ] in compelling men to conformity , when he was asham'd to affirm in express terms , that violence might be offer'd to mens consciences , in matters about religious worship ; he gave this turn to the matter — they might lawfully be compell'd to consider . i mean no more , as to our dissenting associators . and i am perswaded , let the government give them but one good argument able to move them to consider the matter , they will never stand with their representatives for the phrase of rightful and lawful king , no , nor the word revenge neither , which when the parliament threatned against the king's enemies , they never dream'd it would scare the clergy . for the ground of this my perswasion , i will tell the reader a story . when pope paul the vth. quarrell'd with the venetians , the imprisonment of a brace of ecclesiastick villians was the least thing that troubled him . but the great offence was from two decrees , the first commanding that no more churches should be erected within the city precincts ; the second that no more lands should be alienated to the ecclesiasticks , without leave had from the senate . it seems the senate were for governing the republick , by such decrees , as they judg'd necessary for the publick good. the pope excommunicates the duke and senate , lays their dominions under his interdict , the jesuits associating on the side of his holiness , obey the interdict , and refuse to say mass ; for this , the senate banishes them , but the people associating with the senate , instead of mutining for the holy fathers now ready to depart each man with the hoast at his neck , intimating that they and jesus christ were both taking their leave together , bid them be gone with a vengeance . the senate pursu'd their steaddy resolutions with an order that all ecclesiasticks , who would not continue the celebration of divine service , should retire out of their dominions ; upon this , many of the holy men , especially the capuchins , had the courage to make a noise of departing , they intended to have gone out in procession with the sacrament , but that the senate forbid it ; they actually did use all arts to make the people apprehend the sadness of their case , and that the being without priests was being without god in the world. one morning therefore they celebrated mass , they eat up all their gods , and concluded the service without blessing the people . but the senate stood firm to their order , and the people were quiet , and content to take care of their own souls , which so troubled these holy fathers , that several alter'd their minds , and were content to stay and do their duties , most of the capuchins in the territories of berscia and bergamo wisely consider'd that they could not live half so well without their flock , as their flock without them ; therefore when they saw they could not help it , they associated with the senate , and celebrated divine service as before , notwithstanding the pope's interdict . i will not say , that every thing in this story , which relates to the senate of venice and their clergy , runs paralel with the circumstances between the government , and our clergy-dissenting-associators ; but if any one shall say , that there is no manner of resemblance between the one and the other , i must beg his pardon . what may or may not be fitly applied , the reader shall freely judge , i will not labour to prepossess him with my notions ; yet i will make bold to affix one note to the story , and that 's this — it was not with the popish religion , nor its ministers , that the senate had a difference ; only this they firmly resolv'd , that none should be ministers of religion for them , that would not own , that the senate had a rightful and lawful authority to govern the republick by what decrees they pleas'd , without asking leave of the pope . the readers trouble shall be over , when i have told him , it is not the church of england , nor ministers of the church of england , as such , that i have here tax'd ; for i heartily and sincerely profess a profound veneration to the right reverend fathers in god , my lords , the archbishops and bishops that are as faithful to his majesty king william , and the interest of their country , as paolo sarpio veneto , better known by the name of father paul , was to the senate of venice ; i highly esteem and regard all the inferior clergy , whose honesty and loyalty keeps even paces with the house of commons , the representatives of the people of england , and equals them to those venetian ecclesiasticks , who prefer'd the decrees of the senate their lawful governors before the interdiction of their holy , medling , spiritual father , the pope . postscript . of the mischiefs which flow from the seditious distinction of a king de facto and de jure , there is no end ; as oft as i think of it , new instances of its mischievousness occur to my mind : for might not a french commissioner at a treaty of peace , from hence take occasion to argue after this manner — as it was said in behalf of the dutch , when they first refus'd the bank of england's bills , why should they take them , when the english among themselves would not ? so it may be said in behalf of the french king , why should he own king william for rightful and lawful king of england , &c. when so many of the clergy , enjoying their tythes and pulpits , and not a few of the laity in publick office and imployment will not ? might not the monsieur pursue the raillery thus — when the government does not think fit to impose the lawfulness of king william's title on the consciences of the clergy , and all other officers and magistrates commissionated by his majesty , why should it be impos'd on the conscience of the french king , who is none of king william's subject , but a crown'd head , as well as himself ? i know not what could be reply'd to this argumentative raillery , which mingles reason and reproach together , unless that english subjects of all orders and degrees should be better taught their duty for the future , and then the french king would stand with us for nothing — when once those wretched inventions of usurpation , conquest and desertion , branches of the de facto doctrine , are penally restrain'd , as by english law they might and ought to be ; there 's not a clergyman of an hundred , but shall justify the choice of the people and speak honourably of the conventional parliament ; there 's not a lay-magistrate but shall know under whom , and for whom he was created , and dare as well be — as betray king william or his country . let clergy-men and lay-men be compell'd to associate in the form of the house of commons , to defend their rightful and lawful king william , and to revenge his untimely death , which god prevent , [ and a very little compulsion will doe , for the most backward of them , are only a little knavish , or so , not obstinate ] and there shall not be a mercenary villain found , that will be hir'd to lift up a hand against him , not a crown'd , nor decrown'd head so foolishly wicked , as to go about to hire them . note , that this should have been inserted among the arguments , which are offer'd against the non-associators , who scruple the word revenge . a parliament-association with the royal assent , is in all its parts , as legal , as any other parliamentary act with the same royal assent ; and if the supream authority of a nation , may decree what sort of punishment , they judge most proper , to be inflicted on thieves and robbers , house-breakers and murderers ; nothing hinders but that they may decree what punishments they please , to be inflicted on those treacherous assassines , that shall kill king william . and if the supream authority of a nation may lawfully authorize all and every person of the nation to kill a mischievous out-law , where e're they find him ; no reason can be giv'n why they may not authorize all and every person of the nation to be reveng'd according to the utmost of their power , of the treacherous assassines that shall kill king william . it is the interest of the nation that such treacherous assassines should not scape vengeance , it is therefore the prudence of the parliament to commission every particular man against them . finis . some books sold by john lawrence , at the angel in the poultery . the life of the reverend mr. richard baxter , published by mr. mathew sylvester , folio . mr. lorrimers apology for the ministers , who subscribed only to the stating of truths and errors in mr. william's book , in answer to mr. trail's letter . 4 o mr. lorrimer's remarks upon mr. goodwin's discourse of the gospel . 4 o dr. burton's discourses of purity , charity , repentance , and seeking first the kingdom of god. published with a preface by dr. john tillotson , late arch-bishop of canterbury . in 8 o bishop wilkin's discourse of prayer , and preaching . mr. adday's stenographia : or the art of short-writing compleated , in a far more compendious way than any yet extant , 8 o mr. addy's short-hand bible . the london dispensatory reduced to the practice of the london physitians ; wherein are contained the medicines both galenical and chymical that are now in use , those out of use omitted ; and those in use , not in the latin copy , here added . by john peachey of the college of physitians london . 12 o atkin's english grammer : or the english tongue reduced to grammatical rules , composed for the use of schools . 8 o cambridge phrases for the use of shools . 8 o the dying man's assistant : or , short instructions for those who are concern'd in the preparing of sick persons for death . being also no less worthy the consideration of all good christians in time of health . as shewing the importance of an early preparation for their latter end ; with regard as well to their temporal , as eternal state. 12 o books sold by r. baldwin , near the oxford-arms in warwick-lane . the history of religion . written by a person of quality . 1694. a twofold vindication of the late archbishop of canterbury , and of the author of the history of religion . the first part defending the said author against the defamations of mr. fr. atterbury's sermon , and both those eminent persons against a traiterous libel , titled , the charge of socinianism against dr. tillotson consider'd . in two letters to the honourable sir r. h. the second containing remarks on the said sermon , and a reply to the same libel : wherein some right is done to that great and good man , dr. tillotson , in the points of the original of sacrifices , the sacrifice of christ , future punishments , &c. and a word in defence of the eminent bishop of salisbury . by another hand . 1696. twelve dissertations out of monfieur le clerk's genesis , concerning i. the hebrew tongue , ii. the manner of interpreting the bible . iii. the author of the pentateuch . iv. the temptation of eve by the serpent . v. the flood . vi. the confusion of languages . vii . the original of circumcision . viii . the divine appearances in the old testament . ix . the subversion of sodom . x. the pillar of salt. xi . the coming of shiloh . xii . the several obscure texts in genesis explain'd and illustrated . done out of latin by mr. brown. to to which is added , a dissertation concerning the israelites passage through the red sea. by another hand . 1696. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70272-e190 * jovian . tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours. or, the difference between good and bad magistrates; in several characters, instances and examples of both. / by j.p. price, john, citizen of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90972 of text r203206 in the english short title catalog (thomason e738_18). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 129 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90972 wing p3349 thomason e738_18 estc r203206 99863250 99863250 115440 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90972) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115440) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 113:e738[18]) tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours. or, the difference between good and bad magistrates; in several characters, instances and examples of both. / by j.p. price, john, citizen of london. [8], 52 p. printed for h. cripps and l. lloyd, and are to be sold at their shop in popes-head alley., london, : 1654. j.p. = john price, an anagram of whose name ("cri in hope") appears on e1v. the first leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "june [ye] 5th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kings and rulers -early works to 1800. despotism -early works to 1800. a90972 r203206 (thomason e738_18). civilwar no tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours. or, the difference between good and bad magistrates;: in several characters, instances a price, john, citizen of london 1654 24024 338 0 0 0 0 0 141 f the rate of 141 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-03 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tyrants and protectors set forth in their colours . or , the difference between good and bad magistrates ; in several characters , instances and examples of both . prov. 28. 15. as a roaring lion and a ranging bear , so is a wicked ruler over the poor people . chap. 16. 12. it is an abomination to kings to commit wickedness , for the throne is established by righteousness . by j. p. london , printed for h. cripps and l. lloyd , and are to be sold at their shop in popes-head alley . 1654. to the reader . reader , a tyrants test , and a protectors pourtraiture , are worthy thy contemplation in these froward times ; in the one thou mayest read what thy condition had been through gods most righteous severity : had he not graciously interposed in the other what thy condition is , and mayst expect to be through his meer mercy so interposing . tyranny makes earth a hell , and a tyrant is a devil incarnate . just government makes heaven on earth , and good princes , gods in the likeness of men . no government is hell broke loose , where all would rule , and none be ruled ; every mans lust would be every mans law ; his wants measured by his will , and his deserts by his desires , which would render men furies in flesh ; and daily tormentors to themselves and others , and therefore any government is better then none , tyranny then anarchy , but just government banisheth the wicked from a nation , ( as it did the evil angels out of heaven ) making the remaining inhabitants to shout for joy ; here thou shalt find a tyrant tryed , and a protector pourtraitur'd , by plain characters , brief instances , and examples of both , ( which truly considered with our own concernments in both respects ) would muzzle the mouths of our muttering murmurours , and render us more sensible of our present happinesse , and thankful for it ; thou shalt not here find a censorious condemnation of the long and short parliaments , nor a flattering congratulation of all publick transactions since their date ; for although these be ad nos in respect of their events , yet are they supra nos in respect of our censures , this is my principle , this is my prayer , that wherein men have been wise , and done worthily for their countreys liberties , and the saints interest , god would remember it , and never forget it ; and that wherein they have been weak , and failed in their duty , being but flesh and blood , and men at best , though the best of men , god would forget it , & never remember it ; the demonstration of tyranny , the commendation of magistracy , the characterizing of good and bad magistrates , in their principles and practises , with the effects thereof to themselves , and their people , was the designe of my heart , had the fact answered the fancy , and the product the project . reader , if thou beest a son of sion , and a citizen of jerusalem , which is from above , the peace that is within thy gates , and the prosperity that is within thy palaces , must needs render thee sensible of thy felicity by thy freedom from tyranny , and fruition of liberty by our present government , thankful for it , and fruitful under it , except like jessurun thou art waxen fat , and kickest up the heel , hast turned thy grace into wantonness , and thy table be made a snare unto thee ; if thou beest one of them that have thus converted their fulness into folly , and their liberty into licentiousness , murmuring that moses and aaron ( i mean ) thy quondam preservers are thy present protectors , and hast forgotten the days of old , and the years of many generations , who hath sown that crop in tears , yea in blood , which thou now reapest in joy , if that liberty will not satisfie , the like whereof is not in all the world , that liberty the like whereof the generations that are past did never understand ; that liberty , a greater then which thou knowest not how to desire ( except it be to have power to tyrannize it over thy brethren dissenting from thee , as precious in the eyes of the lord as thy self , and it may be more in the truth then thy self ) not a son of belial suffered to molest thee , nor a dog to move his tongue against thee , if thou canst not in this fulness sit down with content , who will pity thee if thou risest up , and fall ? if thou wilt read and consider the difference between good and bad magistrates , thou mayest see the misery which thy fore-fathers felt , and our selves but lately feared under the one , and thy present felicity , which our fore-fathers desired , and we now enjoy under the other , the due and spiritual effects of which vision upon all our hearts , through the grace of our god in jesus christ , is the fervent prayer of thy friend , and servant , j. p. errata . page 31. l. 32. for spoil you , read spoil him . p. 11. l. 34. for violendum , r. violandum . p. 12. l. 13. r. profuseness . p. 15. l. 32. for asses r. lasses . these , besides some others , which i pray thee correct with thy pen . a tyrant , or homo homini demon . 1. tyranny is a complication of iniquity ; whereby men ( being gods in power ) become devils in practise , to terrifie and torture all that withstand them in their devilish dealings . a tyrant is a devil in heart , a man in shape , a lyon in power , a bear in practise , affrighting his people with his rage , and roaring and tearing them limb-meal with his teeth and ●a●ons . the tend●r merc●es of tyrants are cruel : the scripture calls them , roaring lyon● , evening wol●es , that gnaw not the bones till the morning , zeph. 3. 3. not satisfied so long as any thing is left , dealing by the people as the cruel spaniards do by the indians , of whom it is storied , that they shew them favour when they do not for their pleasure whip their nak●● bodies with ●oards , and dayly drop them with the ●at of ●u●ning ●acon : they cause the just to perish , and the wicked ●o fl●u●●sh qu●ffi●g the tears of the oppressed , making m●lody with their mis●ry and musick with their signs . the oppressed romans complain●d to pompey , nostra miseria tu es magnus , thou ar● become great by our miseries : like those miscreants in micah 3. 3. they ●at the flesh , and fl●y the skin , break the bones , and chop them in pieces as for the pot : like those american canibals , who when they take a prisoner , feed upon him alive and by degrees , cutting off from his body now a meal and then a meal , which they roast before his eyes , fearing up the wounds with a firebrand to stanch the blood , to the unutterable aggravation of his horror and torment : such a lyon ●ampant was nero , 2 tim. 4 17. i was delivered out of the mouth of the lyon ; and the rest of those monsters of mankind , the bloody tyrants , rom●s● emperors , in the primitive persecutions ; and their romish successors , the same in cruelty , though not in profession , ext●r●ing complaints against them 〈…〉 m the people of god in the voyce of the prophet jeremiah personating sion , jer. 51. 34. nebuchadn●zzar king of babylon hath devoured me , he hath crushed me , he hath made me an empty vessel , he hath swallowed me up like a dragon , he hath filled his belly with my delicates , he hath cast me out . it is said , that the roman tyrants in the first persecutions did destroy twenty seven millions of people , and that with such cruelties as were never heard of before . one mentions a cruel tyrant , who to get monies of his miserable subjects , used to send for them first to the court ( as charls ultimus angliae did use to send for the citizens of london and others that refused to pay ship monies , &c. ) and if they did deny to pay according to his pleasure , he would first knock out one of their t●eth , and then another , until they did yield to pay the same ; as charls aforesaid by himself or ag●nts did send persons that would not pay his illegal and unjust demands to new-gate . 2. a tyrants regiment is without righteousnes● ; he lives by robbery with authority , making his will his warrant , and his lust his law : he is not a magistrate , but a malefactor ; not a preserver , but a persecutor of law and equity . righteousness is a ra●i●y in the court of tyrants ( except unconcerned in their own interest , ) where golden angels ( especially if their name be legion ) are their sacred oracles , from whose mouth they receive , and so give sentence accordingly , be it right or wrong , to the wresting of judgment : the bribe prospereth which way soever it turneth ; making even wise men mad by their unrighteous sentence : their right hand is full of bribes , psal. 26. 10. solomon saith , such person●trouble their own houses , prov. 15. 27. fire their nests while they think to feather them : fire shall consume the tabernacles of bribery , job 15. 34. it was an oath taken by the very heathen judges , audiam accusatorem & reum sine aff●ctibus & personarum respectione , i will hear the plaintiff and difendant with an equal mind without aff●ction or respect of persons . it is ●●corded , that olanes sat upon the fleyd skin of his father s●lanes , na●led by chambises on the tribunal . there are more th●n whispers of very sad stories of the bribery and baseness of our la●e english court and the greatest therein , taking mony on both sides , and doing just●ce on neither side ; but , as i said before , ●i●e consumes the tabernacles of bribery : wi●ness the woful desolations of that wretched family ; the husband hunted out of the world by the hand of justice , and driven from light to darkness , the wife banished from the land of her pleasures , the children in their several dispersions in several places unwelcome to all , being a burthen to all . the word of the lord is tryed : the house of the wicked shall be overthrown , prov. 14 11. brimstone shall be scattered upon his habitation , job 18. 15. 3. he carries death at his tongues end , the peoples welfare is at his m●er pleasure , where his word is there is power , and be his doings right or wrong who dares say unto him , what dost thou ? hi● heart is hard , his hands are heavy , and wo be to him tha●●eels their stroke . he hath long arms , and can strike at a distance ; he wants not a heart to conceive , a head to con●●ive , nor hands to execute his bloody commands : it is said , that methridates with one letter did slay fourscore thousand citizens of rome ; none must cross them in their devilish cruelty , except he will take a bear by the tooth , or a lyon by the beard . i dare not dispute , said a philosopher to adrian the emperor , with him that hath thirty legions at his command , neque in eum scribere qui potest proscribere nor write against him that can easily undo me : against his word there must be no rising up , prov 30. 31. they will ride without reins , until unhors'd with haman , and their honour of all becomes the hatred and scorn of all : his wrath is as a roaring lyon , prov. 19. 12. amazing al that are about them : as a late king of england , who ( though he had more of the nature of a fox then a l●on , yet ) would make h● courtiers tremble with his sparkling countenance , fierce , fiery , furious and ph●enzylike cursing and swearing ▪ nebuchadn●zzars rage against those three worthies in daniel , was hot●er then his oven ( for he had destroyed them in his heart , when his oven could not hurt them ) for refusing to obey his idolatrous commands : and herod by the word of his mou●h hath bloody executioners to murther poor innocent child●en in a barbarous manner . now cursed be the anger of●yrants , for it is fierce ; and their wrath , for it is cruel ; by means whereof they live undesired , they dye unlamented , as nerva , valentinian ; yea their ruine is the rejoycing of the people , as was that of nero . cum mors crudelem rapuiss●t saeva neronem credibile est mul●os romam agitasse jocos . when the wicked perish , the city shouts for joy , prov. 11. 11. absolute power tick●es tyrants ; to destroy with a word , a nod , this is their glory . caesar told met●llus , he could as easily destroy him as bid it to be done : and caligula , speaking to his consuls , i laugh ( said he ) to think that i can kill you with a nod of my head , and that this fair throat of my wives shall be presently cut if i but speak the word ▪ to have power to crucifie and power to save was pilates pleasure and delight . 4. he makes his people tremble before him ; he kills and saves , puts down and sets up in the haughtiness of his heart and pride of his power , persons and principles at his meer discretion . it is said of nebuchadnezzar , that having a kingdom , majesty , glory and honour , in so much that all people , nations and languages feared and trembled before him , his heart was lifted up , and his mind hardened in pride , that whom he would he slew , and whom he would he kept alive , and whom he would he set up , and whom he would he put down : you may judg of their disposition by his own , and of his by his cruel decree against daniel , who did him no wrong ; like king like courtiers , like prince like priest ; for whom will they advance but either those that are their likes , or whom they hope to make their likes ? when princes are roaring lions , zeph. 3. 3. they that are advanced judges are evening wolves , vers. 3. the prophets are light and treacherous , and the priests do violence to the law , vers. 4. what a cursed crew is here ? he doth not scatter , but gather the wicked about him , for they love their image ; regis ad exemplum , &c. hence it is that kings courts in cities and countries as they remove from place to place , are little other ways then a moving hell on earth , where the elect of satan , the most cursing , swearing , blaspheming , lascivious , proud , wanton , effeminate , base and beastly persons , are gathered together , from all the nation , people and families of the whole country , infecting all places where ever they come , rendring them ( as it were ) the very suburbs of hell : hence it was that where the prince and the prophet ( anglicè ) the * civil and ecclesiastical tyrants had their seats and their seas , the cities , towns , countries were the most debauch'd parts of the whole nation . 5. he will rule all , and be ruled by none ; he throws away the bonds of nature , reason and religion , and acts by his pride , pleasure and passion . no , not by god , nature , reason , law : exod. 5. 2. pharaoh said , who is the lord that i should obey his voyce , and let israel go ? i know not the lord , neither will i let israel go ▪ pride compasseth them about like a chain , violence covereth them as a garment , psal. 73 6. taking pleasure in their pride and cruelty , until their pride bring them low , prov. 29. 23. their greatness and gallantry makes them swell and look loftily : is not this great babel that i have built for the house of my kingdom , by the might of my power , and for the honour of my majesty ? said proud nebuchadnezzar : but god pluckt down his plumes , and stain'd all his glory , and sent him to school amongst wilde beasts , that he might learn better manners then to vye it thus with the great god of heaven & earth . sea the r●ign and ruine , the pride and punishment of tyrus , eze. 28. 27. because his heart was lift●d up , he said , i am a god ; but god threatened to darken his br●gh●ness , to shame his glory , and to bring him to the pit . i might instance likewise in herod , who glittering in his shining garb ( as josephus hath it ) assuming the honour of god , was ungodded , yea unman'd by the basest of vermin . the time would fail to speak to b●n●adad rabshecha , zenacherib . antiochus , nicanor , of alexander the great , of nero , of bajazet the great turkish emperor , with many others , whose pride , insolency and haughtiness brought the wheel o● gods wrath so exempla●lry upon them , that they are made ( some in sacred , and others in other histories ) perpetual monuments of gods most fearful indignation ; amongst whom may we not bring the late king of england of bleeding memory , whose stubbornness , resoluteness and unruleableness by parliaments , councels , or the wisest of his people , brought him to ruine , because they would not suffer him to command like a god without contradiction ? he acted so like a devil , murth●ring and massacring his people with fire and sword , until the wrath of the lord broke out upon him , like a lion from the thicke●s , devouring him by the hands of his own people , to the h●rror and amazement of all the princes round about : his will was his reason , and his reason his will , and both his downfall . 6. his commonwealth is a common woe , where his p●or subjects as in a great bridewell receive their work and their wages , their labour and their lashes , their stripes and stipends , as his meer discretion , and the will of his beadles . where a tyrant rules , the estates , lives and liberties of the people are not theirs , but his ; not at theirs , but at his commands . cato calls them , fures publicos , p●bl●q●e t●ieves ; another , latrones cum privilegio , r●bb●s by authority ; the very scabs of a nation : isai. 5. 7. he looked for judgment , but behold oppression ( or a scab , ) for righteousness , but behold a cry : like that of the poor subjects of phalaris , whose delight it was to see and hear their tortures and screeches : as john maria duke of millane , who took pleasure to throw his people to be torn in pieces by fierce mastives . with the spaniard it is sin to enquire into religion , and punishable by a perpetual cruel inquisition : with the french it is crime enough in the poor husbandman to wear good clothes of his own getting , eat good meat of his own breeding ; it is meat for his master and his attendants , too good for him . the great turk hath his bow ▪ strings to strangle his subj●cts at their pleasure , whose commands must be obeyed , though they be to require whom he pleaseth to throw themselves headlong , and break them into pieces down steep rocks and clifts , lest a worse thing ( if worse may be ) should befall them . 7. in stead of punishing offences he arms offenders , whereby he becomes the greatest traytor , murtherer and thief , violating the greatest trusts of the liberties , lives and livelyhoods of the people . as god hath his good angels to do his will , viz. secure and defend , protect and preserve his people ; and the devil his evil angels for contrary service : even so tyrants , which are satans first-born , have their angels or messengers , viz. whole troops , regiments , and armies , to execute their cursed commands : as herod had his armed men sent out to destroy poor innocents ; all histories recording the cruelty of tyrants , mention their numerous and armed agents , their swift m●ssengers and executioners of fury , who are commonly the scum , filth and froth of the nation : hence it was , that when the late king set up his standard against his parliament and people , the vilest , basest , and worst of the nation did flow in unto him , whereof god made a great sacrifice unto his justice and indignation by their utter ruine and destruction . 8. he eats up the people like bread , and drinks their blood like sweet wine , commanding all as if he made all , though he mars all , making his creators his creatures , his makers his meat , his lords his loons . all men naturally are born free , made at first to command , and not to obey ; and so lived , until from the spring of adams transgression they fell among themselves to do violence and wrong ; and foreseeing that such courses must needs tend to common destruction , they agreed by common consent to bind each other from mutual injury ; and because a mutual faith was not sufficient unto mutual peace , therefore they ordained authority by mutual consent , and betrusted some therewith to restrain by force and punishment the violation of common right , which trustees were not so made to b● their lords and masters , but d●pu●ies and commissioners to execute that justice , which else every man by the b●nd of nature and covenant must have executed for himself and for another : and why any man should have lordship or authority over others but for this common end , is not imaginable : rulers were made by the people , not the people by them ; they were made for the people , not the people for them ; they are each particular mans lord by their own consent for each mans peace , but they are servants to the whole for the good of all ; no man●s bound to the ruler in any matter of common prejudice , but he i● bound to them all in common preservation ; the whole owe not their lives to any though never ●o great on earth , the greatest oweth his li●e to the whole , and is made great by god and man for service , and not for lordship sake : wh●n such trustees turn tyrants , what are th●y but the grea●est traytors ? is not treason the betraying of just trust● ? the greater the t●ust , the greater the treason , the worse the t●aytor : what greater trust then that of governmen● ? which being once vo●un●●r●ly and plenarily betrayed , the people are ipso facto discha●g●d from their all●geance : the affi●mation , that the whol● peop●e in one body is inferior to on● single man who ever he be ▪ is high trea●on against the dignity of mankind . it was the saying of a heath●n king , i rule not my people by tyranny as if they were barbarians , but am my self liable if i do unjustly to suffer justly : and trajan the emperor , giving a naked sword to one whom he made general of his praetorian forces , said , take this drawn sword , to use for me , if i raign well ; if not , to use it against me : but a tyrant , what is he but carnivorum animal , a ravenous creature , a devourer of the people ? 9. he makes no more conscience of killing men , then moles , of burning their houses , then wasps nests , of destroying whole families , then litters of rots . as methridates did slay fourscore thousand citizens of rome : what need we instance the large volumes of cruel tyrants ? of their heading , hanging , burning , frying , roasting , scalding , wracking , cuting , chopp●ng , flaying , their poor innocent subjects at their pleasure , making pastime with their pains , & sports with their spoils ; witness also the rapes , robberies , murthers , burning and destroying of so many thousand persons , cities , towns , and families by the late tyrant in england , scotland , and ireland , in his late bloody wars , and massacres , raised for the utter ruine of all those that in the least withstood his tyrannical principles , and usurpations . 10. he holds himself accountable to none , but god alone , though he believes no more god in the heavens , then man in the moon , pretending most to that which his soul most abhors , religion and righteousness , the glory of god , and the good of the people , are most in his mouth , when his heart loaths them , and his conscience serves him to say , and unsay , to swear , and forswear , advance , and abase principles and persons , to satisfie his lusts . tyrants know no god but themselves ; who is the lord ? said pharaoh : w●o can deliver out of my hands ? said nebuchadnezzar . alexander the great commanded himself to be held a god , and apelles pictured him with a thunder-bolt , lypsius with this posie , jupiter asserui terram mihi ; tu assere coelum , let jove take heaven , so the earth be min● . with which pictures alexander was so delighted , that he commanded that none should take his pictures , but lypsius and apelles ; caligula braved his god jupiter , and threatned him , though at every clap of thunder , or flash of lightning , he would run hastily and hide himself under his bed like a wrigling worm . tullius hostilius said , that religion did but ●ffeminate mens minds , and unfit them for noble imployments , but one witneseth that even this roman king fained to himself two new gods , viz. pavorem , & pallorem , whom he carried about with him in h●s own bosom , such wretches not fearing him that made all things , are sometimes affrighted with nothing ; as ahaz that trembled at the shaking of a leaf , and manasseh who hid his head among thorns ; and thence was taken and bound in setters , 2 chron. 33. 11. a tyrant wants not parasites that say to him as one said to the pope , tu meritò in terris diceris esse deus . thou well deservest here to be stiled a god . how did the peopl●s●-blow herod with their flatteries ? crying him up for a god , and god makes those worms to devour him ; the voice of a tyrants heart is like that of ninive , i am and there is none besides me ; or as babylon , i will ascend unto heaven , and set my nest above the stars . my r●of receives me not , 't is ayr i tread , at every step i feel my advanc'd head knock out a star in heaven , — said sejanus . attilas king of hunnes arrogantly vaunted that the stars fell before him , that the earth trembled at his presence : caligula by certain engines thundred and lightned as another jupiter , i will asc●n● above the height of the clouds , i will be like the most high , said the king of babel : cyrus caused this to be writ over his sepulchre , i could do all things . but why then did he not preserve himself from death ? zerxes was angry with the mountains , winds , rivers , the elements , if any of them crost him , as if they were men under his pay : at hellespont he caused two millions of men to be w 〈…〉 d over into greece , where a suddain tempest battering and b●ating his boat● , he caused the sea to be st●nck with three hundred stripes , and c●st a pair of setters into it , to make it know to whom it was subject . i have heard of a story of an english king , or rather a king of england , of very late dayes , ( a great hunter , that was his worthy character ) who being at newmarket for his pleasure sake , & hindered in his sport by a long rain for many days together , with very little or no fair weather , began at last to be so really fretted thereat , that he was heard to say , that no king in the world was so little beholding to god almighty as he , in that he should wait a whole month together for a day of fair weather for his recreation , and could not procure it , or words to the like wicked purpose , that one day falling fair , great joy was at court , all his troop of courtiers mounting upon their hunting horses , and he with them , and being about their game , the clouds frowned upon them , and at last a very great soaking shower of rain fell , at which the said k●●g being in a mad fretting and frenzy fit , cryed out with cursing and sweating , that the world should be drowned , and therefore in a scorn rode up upon the brow of a knap upon new-market heath ( if my memory fail me not in my information ) where he said , give me a bible , i 'le prove the world must be drowned , crying out again and again , why do you not give me a bible ? at last a bible was brought him , when he had it in his hands , he opened it , and turned and tossed it , at last making a scornful mouth , he threw it over his left shoulder in derision , and so rod● away . as for promises , vows , and covenants , these are nothing with a tyrant , he oftentimes promiseth in the word of a king , and thinks his heart unsworn , his solemn oaths , vows , and covenants , protestations , imprecations , and execrations , he slips as easily as monkies do their collers , making election of those only that serve his turn , and reprobates the rest ; so a tyrants maxim is out of lucian , sceptrorum vis tota perit , si poedere just● incipit . scepters are vain that do on justice stand ▪ that principi nihil est injustum quod fructuosum , a prince ought to account nothing unjust which is profitable ▪ that it is lawful regni causâ sceleratum esse , to do any wicked thing to procure absolute soveraignty . again , that regni causa jus violendum esse , that all laws may be violated to make way for domination ; that vbi honesta tantum dominanti lic●●● , praecario r●gnatur , where it is warrantable for the prince to do nothing but right and just things , he rules but by curtesie . who can forget those manifold imprecations of the late king in several cases together with his promises , vows , and oaths , and his common breach of all , and the just sentence of god from his own lips , so frequently upon him , and his , and the execution thereof in the sight of the world . 11. his court is commonly the center of wickedness , a burrough of beasts , a den of theeves , his h●ll a hell , his chamber of presence the very synagogue of satan , his chair of state , the throne of iniquity , where with his ranting r●tinue , his cursing courtiers , his cunning flatterers , his fine fools , his gaudy grandees , he satiates himself in his filthy desires , and where loosness and licentiousness , glut●ony and drunkenness , chambering and wantonness , strive and envyings , blasphemies and beastliness , profusness , prophaneness , and all kind of wickedness do ran● and reign cum privilegio regio . tyrants courts are commonly the very sourse of sin , the wel-head , the spring of the wickedness of the nation , from whence flows such bitter waters , as infect the whole countrey , like prince , like priest , like prophet , like people , like court , like countrey ; the chambers of tyrants , what are they but the very chappels of venus ? where their beds , pallets , couches , are the very altars whereon those abominable sacrifices of filthiness are so abundantly offered ; their kitchins , pantries , cellars , butteries , are stuft and fill'd with the sacrifices of bacchus , where men break their brains , as swine do their bellies with quaffing : it was said of bonosus , the drunk●n emperour , that he was born non ut vivat , sed ut bibat , not to live , but to drink : and being overcome by pr●bus , he hanged himself , upon whom it was j●sted , that a ●anke●d hung there , and not a man . darius king of persia commanded this inscription to be set over his sepulchre : i was able to hunt lustily , to drink wine soundly , to bear it out bravely . solomon saith , wine as raging , and paul fi●ly joyneth drunkards and railers together , 1 cor. 6 9. being both commonly found in one person . and are not the courts of tyrants commonly filled with such roaring boyes as these ? whose heads and hearts are overcharged with surfeiting and drunkenness , what governours are these like to make , who are so ungoverned ? these jolly companions are ( like locusts ) all belly , where they bury their wits , their reason , their understanding ; nay , their throats are open sepulchres , where their whole families are buried alive , digging their grave with their teeth ; hence it is , that so many courtiers of the late k●ng , having their hundreds and thousands by their places , and preferments , whose glittering garbs in former days rendered them like blazing stars in the streets , drawing all eyes after them , are now creeping up and down with thin cheeks , and ragged raiments , and their poor families pining in penury , being buried before they were born , ( i mean ) through their parents pro●useness , neglecting to make due provision for their posterity : much meat , much malady : a glutton shall not want wo , luxury is attended with beggery : the apostle joyns gluttony and drunkenness , chambering and wantonness , as birds of a feather in one nest , or person ; and where do these ravens build so much , as in kings palaces , est venus in vinis , whoredom is commonly ushered in with drunkenness , hence it is that the whore hath a cup●n her hand , revel. 17. 4. when lot was drunk , he quickly staggered , reeled , stumbled , and ●●ll into the whores di●ch ; where he so besoild himself , that his name will never be clean again . what provision ( or catering ) for the flesh , ( as the word is rom. 13. 13. ) to fulfill the lusts thereof , is to be found in the courts of tyrants ? i have heard of a great duke ●● the late kings days , whose mornings drink , de die in di●m , was so tempered , and conditioned , that a gentleman of london upon a certain morning v●siting the said dukes steward ( being of his acquaintaince ) the said steward passed by with a cup in his hand , his friend asked him what ●e had there in the cup : the steward replyed i have my lords mornings draft : the gentleman desi●ed he might taste it , which accordingly he did , taking a little sup of it , the operation whereof was so , that he profest he had much to do to ●orbear incivilities upon every woman that he met , being so strangely and unexpectedly overcome therewith , that he lockt himself up within d●ors all that day , fearing least he should be overcome with fol●y . a b●lly ●illed with wine , or int●xic●●ing drinks , soam●th ●ut fil●hiness , said a father : wine is the milk of venus , said another , by which a man being once overcome he is become a child , one without strength , a fool and no man , quia non ratione sed affectu rapitur , because he is not rul'd by reason , but affection , led about by the nose even of women : thou shalt be as one of the fools in israel , said tamar fitly to her libidinous brother amnon , 2 sam. 13. 13. what woful waste hath this sin made of the estates , persons , families , bodies and souls of many of our late courtiers ? corpus , opes , animam , famam , vim , lumina scortum debilitat , perdit , necat ; aufert , eripit orbat . take the meaning hereof from the mouth of solomon , prov. 6. 26. by means of a whorish woman a man is brought to a piece of bread , and the adulteress will hunt for the precious life . the prod●gal soon wasted his estate when he fell among harlots : the whorish woman , like the horseleech daughter , hath no other language but give , give : what pledg shall i give , said se●hem , gen. 31. 12. thy signet , thy bracelets , gen. 37. 18. ask what thou wilt , thou shalt have it , said herod to hit m●nion . this sin destroyeth kings , said solomon , prov. 31. 3. it layd waste the conscience even of david himself : the eyes of courtiers ( like davids ) how oft were they gazing after bathsheba's , looking to lust ? job would not look , that he might not think upon a maid : when the eyes are full of adultery they cannot cease to sin , saith peter , 2 pet. 2. 14. sampsons eyes first betrayd him to lust , and therefore they were first pul'd out , and he led away captive unto gaza for gazing upon his dalilah : by these loop-holes of lust and windows of wickedness ( i mean the eyes ) the devil getteth into the very heart . one wittily upbraided a certain wanton , that he had not pupils , but punks in his eyes . a philosopher observing one to have wanton eyes , said to him , that the difference was not much whether he committed wickedness with his upper or nether parts . were not our late mincing minions called ladies of the court ( i speak not of them all ) ordinarily attired on purpose to catch the eyes of their male companions , in so much as that it was hard to say , whether the greatest part of their bodies were clothed or naked ? as if they made shambles of their shoulders , and merchandise of their flesh . i have heard of a bishop invited to one of their houses to dinner , and observing the ladies naked back and brests , said to her to this purpose , madam , it is time to shut up your shop-windows ; upon which she presently cast a vail upon her neck and shoulders , and never was observed to appear so afterwards : lust not after her beauty , neither let her take thee with her eye-lids , prov. 6. 25. some render it , neque te capiat splendoribus suis , let not her glitterings gain thee , lest she ruines thee ; flagitium & flagellum sicut acus & filum : misery succeeds iniquity , as the thred the needle ; they are linked together with chains of adamant . we need not mention the licentiousness and lusts of the persons and courts of augustus , julius , tiberius , h●l●ogabalus , caligula , commodus , domician , proculus , and others of the roman emperors , who as they exceeded in pomp , state and greatness , so this sin of wantonness and lasciviousness did reign amongst them ; for almost all princes or courts of princes in christendom have been observed to indulge , if not even to court that wasting wickedness . i have heard of a kings court not far off , where it was said to be held a kind of a piece of gallantry , and a thing in fashion , for the noble men ( falsly so called ) to know no difference between their own and their fellow-courtiers ladies , and the ladies the like in respect of other men , and no great matter of offence to the husband or wife that it should be known , because it was then the fashion ; and that it too much favored of puritanism to be confind within the bounds of matrimony . may we not well remember the english court ladies paintings , their pa●chings , their crispings , their curlings , their caps and feathers , the cocking of their beavors , their stilletto's , their man-like apparel , their slasht sleeves , their jetting , their strutting , their leg making , with the rest of their antique apparel and postures ? o how many families bodies and souls have perished by them ? how did they rejoyce to do evil ? it was their meat , drink and sport , to be merry with the devil : those light asses are said by solomon to flatter with their lips ; their lips were nets , their hands bands , their words were coards to draw men as calves to the slaughter ; her house inclineth to death , prov. 2. 18. terence calleth harlots , cruces ; quia invenes macerant & affligant . it was said of pope paul the fourth as a by-word , eum per eandem partem animam profudisse , per quam acceperat . pope john the twelfth being taken with an adulteress , was stab'd to death by her husband . alexander the great , and otho the third , lost their lives by their lusts : her paths are unto the dead , viz. where those hell●sh sodomites are giving themselves over to fornication , and going after strange flesh , shall suffer the vengeance of eternal fire : the harlot is a deep ditch , a narrow pit , prov. 23. 27. and whoredom and wine and new wine taketh away the heart , hosea 4. 11. that is , bereave a man of his noble principles of wisdom , knowledg , understanding : hence adulterers are said to be voyd of understanding , prov. 6. 32. a wound and dishonor he gets ; he s●abs his name , his family , his conscience , his body , his soul ; that sin renders men past feeling , rom. 1. 28. of a dead and dedolent disposition , ephes. 4. 18. 19. yea impudent and impenitent : hence it is , that neither the strange woman , nor he that goeth unto her , return again , prov. 2. 19. that is very rarely , if ever . are not these the very characters of many of our late wanton courtiers , men and women of d●baucht consciences and conversations , impudent , impenitent , ●●aring , mocking and s●●ffing at all means of recovery , wasting their precious times in plays , pastimes , masks , and such fool●●ies , spending their wits and parts in complements and courtships , rising up in the morning wreaking from their beds of lusts , no sooner up but their lustful drinks are tempered for them , then to their powdering , trimming and tiring , then to their devotion to their bellies , i mean their gluttonous dinners ; then to black-fryers , or other places , to see plays , to offer up their evening sacrifices to the devil ; then to their junkets and jollities , and then again to their beds of lusts , and thus they wheel'd about their time de die in diem : these wretched female wantons , what were they but , as one wittily said of the italian women magpies at their doors , goats in their gardens , devils in their houses , angels in the streets , and syrens in their windows , where they sit in their whorish attire , as solomon hath it , with their subtil heart , or as some render it , trussed up about the brests with their upper parts naked , prov. 7. 10. erat nudo collo , & pectore , corde tenus , &c. with their bare necks and brests ; nudato pudendo ut ad concubitum homines accenderat , which i forbear to engglish ; by means whereof how many men have been be witched ? making them become voyd of understanding , even as brutes ; nos animas etiam incarnavimus ( said one , ) as if their very souls , reason and consciences were even turned into a lump of flesh ; though these seem pleasant a while , yet the end thereof is death : lust blears the understanding , making men beleeve there is sweet sence in sinning but is it any other then as a man fast asleep , and in a sweet and pleasant dream on the top of a steep rock or clift , who starting suddenly for joy falls down and dasheth himself in pieces by his unexpected fall ? these men and women will come at last ( as some of them doubtless have upon their death-beds ) to see and say , that not only this is vanity , but vexation of spirit : when this sin hath brought home its reward , a diseased body , a p●rplexed conscience , a distressed soul , then the guilty person cries out too late , filling the ayr with doleful cries : as one said , totum vitae meae tempus perdidi quia perdite vixi , how have i lost the chief of my time , the flower of mine age , the strength of my body , the marrow of my bones , the vigor of my spirits , the whole of my estate , and eternal life for a few sinful pleasures and sensual delights ? it is said of the mole , how true i know not , that he begins to see when he is about to dye , and not before ; oculos incipit ap●rire moriendo , quos clausos habuit vivendo : those mole-ey'd minions may see too late their miserable condition ; their pleasure will be gone , their pain lasteth . principium dulce est ; sed finis amoris amarus , laeta venire venus , trist is abire solet . the pleasures of sin are but for a moment , like the crackling of thorns under a pot , much noise , l●ttle fire , much light , little heat , a blaze soon blasted , before the pots can feel the thorns : they , and their p●easure are sna●cht away together ; their sun goes down at noon day . mettals in the fire are most glaring when nearest melting : the fishes swim merrily down the streams of jordan , but fall suddenly into the dead sea , where presently they dye , and know jordan no more . what 's become of those gallant grandees , roaring roisters , with their glittering gi●ls and mad mates , the wanton wag●ails of our english courts , who fleared when they should have feared , and laughed when they should have lamented ? how soon are they put out as the fire of thorns ? psal. 118. 12. did not our english courts swarm with these lustful locusts almost in all ages , and the chiefest therein commonly chief in these sins ? edward the fourth had his holy whore ( as he was used to call her ) that came out of a nunnery at his b●ck to satisfie his lust . may not large volumes be fil'd with the historical narrations , and that according to truth , of the pride , gluttony , drunkenness , wantonness , luxury , lasciviousness of the kings and courts of this nation in their constant succession one after another , until the hand of vengeance did put a full stop hereunto by that fatal blow at white-hall gate , 1648. they are extinct , dead , and buried ; and i wish such an immoveable stone may be layd upon the mouth of their sepulchres by our present and successive governors , that they may never rise again , that as their names , so their sin may rot and consume away ; and the eyes of this english nation may never behold such vanity at court any more , where lasciviousness and luxury were accounted meer peccadilloes , not worthy repentance or remorse . 12. he commonly wades through blood to his bloody throne , and having once scared his conscience by spilling the blood of a father or brother to attain the crown , he can eat the flesh , and drink the blood of millions of his people to satisfie his lusts without reluctance , and judgeth it his right to wrong whom he will . tyrants are men of blood , fierce , fiery , furious spirits , cross , curst and cruel dispositions ; the world is fill'd with volumes of their vi●lanies in this kind ; all ages and countries without exception have wofully felt the truth hereof ; in so much as if men had the use of their mental ears , as they have of their corporal , the cries of the thousands and ten thousands , millions and tens of millions of the slain and murthered by the hands of tyrants would be so great , that they would hardly hear the living for the d●●d . the turkish , spanish , roman , french , scottish , english histories , are they not stufft and cram'd with innumerable instances of the cruelty of tyrants , and their pleasure therein ? no sight pleased hannibal better then a ditch running over with mans blood . ch●rls the nineth of france , author of that bloody m●ss●cre in france , looking upon the dead carkass of the admiral that stank by long keeping unburied , uttered this wretched saying , quam suaviter olet cadaver inimici ? how sweet is the smell of an enemies carkass ? and the queen mother of scotland , beholding the dead bodies of her protestant subjects whom she had slain in battel , said , that she never saw a finer piece of tapistry in all her life . to spend time on this were to waste a candle before the sun : englands chronicles , the books of martyrs , the late bloody massacres and wars in ireland , england , scotland , are fresh and bleeding evidences of the bloodiness of tyrants . i shall not here speak of the death of prince henry , king james , the bloody massacres of the protestants in ireland , by whose commissions and commands how cruelly and deceitfully they have been carried on : god hath made inquisition for blood , he hath remembered and not forgotten the complaint of the poor ; he hath cut off saul and his bloody house according to his word , psal. 55. 23. bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days : they are cut off before their time ; their branches shall not be green , but shaken off as the unripe grape from the vine , and cast off as the flower of the olive , job 15. 32 , 33. 13. prerogative pleaders are his orthodox preachers , that make his mouth their oracle , his dictates their doctrines , all scriptural precepts of the subjects duties the only canonical , but the duty of princes apocryphal writings . tyrants have their chaplains according to their religions , who rather preach from their masters mouths then to their ears , and principle the people according to their humors to maintain their prerogative : hence we shall find in scripture , that wicked kings had their priests and prophets of their own tempers , who did always charm the people into base slavery by their base preachings : zeph. 3. 3. when the princes in jerusalem were rearing lions , and her judges evening wolves , her prophets were treacherous , betraying the poor people by their cheating charmings into a stupid , ●ordid and silly subjection . wicked kings , princes , priests and prophets are chain'd together , jer. 2. 26. they commonly keep one court and one councel ; and as they live together in sin , so perish together commonly in punishment , jer. 4 9. you may see how these wicked priests and prophets did cling together against jeremiah , who protested against their flatteries and ●alsities , jer. 26. 7 , 8 , 10 , 11. see again their cursed con●ederacy in doing evil in the sight of the lord , jer. 32. 32. ahab had a mind to make war against ramath gilead , for the enlargement of his territories ; he had no sooner signified his royal pleasure herein , but his whole kingdom of priests and prophets allarms the people to war , and promise them success in the name of the lord ; yea one of them , viz. z●dekiah the son of chenaanah , like an ape , did imitate the custom of the prophets of the lord , and makes himself iron horns , carries them unto the king , as if sent by a very special commission , and tells him , thus saith the lord , with these horns shalt thou push the syrians , until thou hast consum●d them ; but you know they all told lyes in the name of the lord : and one michaiah , that spake the truth , they buffeted and imprisoned : and was it not thus in englands courts during the rule of tyrants amongst us ? no sooner had the late king a resolution to war with the scots , his native countrymen , but all the pulpits from white-hall round the nation did allarm the people to rise up with him , promising them success in the name of the lord . were not those wicked kings , priests and prophets of the english nation link'd together as with chains of adamant , in so much that if the one be destroyed , the other must fall : hence grew that ominous proverb , no bishop no king , which fell out accordingly : how hath god destroyed those dens of lions , those magpyes nests , those black ravens that deceived the people with their rough garments ? i am no adversary to the lawful ministry ; and let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth , and my pen drop from my withered right hand , rather then i should willingly speak or write against the lords true messengers ; but meer pretenders of the lords message , when they utter only visions of their own hearts , are the abomination of my soul . 14. the greatness of his height causeth giddiness in his head , and at last his fall ; though his nests be among●●●e stars , the hand of justice will reach him ; and though he dwells in the clifts of the rocks , yet thence will it fetch him out . pride is unsatisfied with preferment : ambitious tyrants are still rising up above the top of their places , where they lose their footing , and perish by falling . pride maketh a man drunk with his own conceits , ushereth in his own destruction , his sails being greater then his ship , his heart then his head , his projects then his pate , he is frequently overset , and at last , himself his house , his fam●ly are overwhelm'd in misery : pharaoh , adonibezeck , agag , n●buchadnezzer , haman , herod , with several others , are experimental instances , and woful witnesses hereof . zerxes having covered the seas with his ships , was ( by a just hand of god for his prodigious pride ) forced to fly from grecia in a poor fisher-boat , where ( had not the persians that w●re with him cast themselves into the sea , to save the life of their king ) he had been devoured in the waves that regarded not his greatness . the same s●nators that accompanied proud sejanus to the senate , conducted him the same day to prison ; they that were ready to kneel down to him as their god , did ere long drag him with contempt to the goal . s●gismund king of hungary , beholding the greatness of his army , hearing of the turks advance , scornfully said to this purpose , we need not fear the turks , nor the falling of the heavens upon us , for we are able with our spears and halberts , to held them up , if they should fall ; who afterwards was shamefully beaten , and glad to fly away in a small boat to save his life . bajaret the terrour of the world , how powerful was his pride , how dreadful his downf●ll , when coapt in a cage , carried up and down therein a● a monster of men to be seen of men , dasht out his own brains against the grates thereof . pompe● and cesar strive for preheminence , and what ever was the pretended , yet the reall cause was , that the one could not endure a superiour , nor the other an equal . catholick monarchy is the white in the ●●●●t● , that tyrants aim at : non sufficit orbis , is the tyrants motto ; see their language , genesis 11. 4. let us build us a tower , whose top may reach to the heavens , and let us make us a name . see the pride and the plague , the majesty and the misery , the glory and grave of every tyrant , elegantly set out by the prophet isaiah , in his chap. 14. 11. thy pomp is brought down to the grave , and the noise of thy viols , the worm is spread under thee , and the worms cover thee ; how art thou fallen from heaven , o lucifer , son of the morning ? how art thou cut down to the ground which did weaken the nations ? for thou hast said in thy heart , i will ascend into heaven , i will exalt my throne above the stars of god , i will ascend above the heights of the clouds , i will be like the most high , yet thou shalt be brought down to hell , &c. their exaltation often proves ( like hamans ) the heightening of their gallows , or gibbet : as once a danish p●t●ntate in this nation , k. knute , caused the head of a false person to be struck off , and set upon the highest part of the tower of london , therein performing his promise to a traytor in advancing him above any lord in the land . what got most of the cesars by their tyranny ? pride , glory , and hasty preferment : nisi ut citius interficerentur , to be kill'd the sooner . what do they ordinarily but pursue their own destiny ? as the panther having a violent desire after the poysonful achonite , ( which men hang up above his reach ) who leaps and skips and mounts to catch it , but cannot come at it , and at last he wearies himself , breaks , and kills himself , and so is taken . aliena appetendo propria amisit , was the inscription written in a cup made of the duke of muscoviah's skul , taken by the tartarian in battel , all covet , all lose : the whole history of the late king is approbatum est , of this truth . 15. to bring him to punishment is gods will , and mans work ; with god is no respect of persons , and in executing of justice the prince and the peasant must fare alike . a tyrant betraying his trust , breaking his faith , destroying the end of his power , government , and greatness , regarding neither the law , nor common good , reigns only for himself , and his faction , and because his power is great , his will boundless , and exorbitant , committing wrongs , oppressions , murther , massacres , rap●s , adulteries , desolation and subversion of his good people , is to be seized upon , secured , and executed , as a common enimy of his countrey or people . it was the saying of an heathen poet , — victima haud ulla amplior potest magisque opima mactari jovi , quam rex iniquus — — there is no sacrifice so rich , so fat , so pleasing unto god , as tyrant slain . — to insist much upon this point , were but actum agere , so much having been lately written from able and learned pens upon occasion of the execution of the late king : beuchanon hath several histories and instances of the scottish proceedings against their wicked governours , in the year 1559. the scotch protestants claiming promise of their queen regent for liberty of conscience , she replyed like a tyrant , that promises were not to be claimed of princes beyond what was profitable ; whereupon they told her to her face in parliament , that then they did renounce their allegiance , and so betook themselves to arm● . the holy scriptures are clear for it , numb. 35. 32. no satisfaction shall be taken for the life of the murtherer , be he what he will be , high or low , rich or poor , king or begger , the scripture makes no distinction ; if a murtherer , he must die for it : he which is guilty of death , shall surely be put to death . if god maketh no difference , who is that man that pretends himself a minister of god , an embassadour of jesus christ that dares so much prevaricate from his message , as to say , that kings and princes must be dispensed withall , and not called to an account , though they should shed the blood of their innocent people , so directly contrary to the very letter of the scripture . nero was condemned to death by the roman senate , tarquinius superbus deposed by the people of rome , the lacedemonians did ordinarily put their princes to death for breaking their trusts , and offending the laws of the commonwealth : eugenius the eighth , being the 62 king of scotland , was put to death for his misgovernment : cum nec amicorum , nec sacerdotum admonitionibus quicquam moveretur , post tertium r●gni sui annum in coetu procerum omnibus in ejus exitium consentientibus periit , socii scelerum & flagitiorum in crucem acti , & ipsi gratum populo spectaculum prebuere . when no admonitions of friends , ministers , would serve turn for to reclaim him , they consulted and agreed together to cut him off by the hand of justice in a publick manner , and himself , and accomplices , were rendred acceptable spectacles of justice unto the people . when rehoboam shall tread in the steps of his fathers unjust exactions , and upon the complaint and petition of his people for their just rights and priviledges , he shall refuse to hear them , to ease them , but tells them , i will add to my fathers yoke , he chas●ised you with whips , but i will chastise you with scorpions : ten parts of 12. of his people cast him off , made war against him . what , said they , if this be the case , that we must be whipt and slasht by this proud tyrant , and at his will , and the will of his cursed courtiers , and his green-headed grandees ; away with him , what portion have we in this tyrant ? to your tents , o israel , arm , arm , let him now look to himself , 1 king. 12. from the first to the twenty one ver. his grave councellors told him plainly , vers . 7. if thou wilt be a servant unto this people , and serve them , and speak good words to them , treat them kindly ; they will be thy servants for ever . where you may see ( i. ) that the king was made so to be their servant , and not to lord it over them . and secondly , that when kings are servants to the people , the people are th●i● ready and free , and willing servants , yea vassels unto them ; love will compel them : but when they perceive that they have no portion in him , he shall have as little in them : by how much the greater the person is that off●nds , by so much the greater is his fault , by so much the greater his punishment ought to be . and i believe that that late exemplary piece of justice at whitehall . gate upon the late tyrant , was one of the ●attest , richest , and most acceptable sacrifice that hath been offered up unto the most righteous god that loveth righteousness in this nation before that day : and that the zeal of our judges in executing petty thieves , robbers , and murtherers at tyburn , was but as the tything of mint and cummin , in comparison of that great thing of the law then done . 16. his light shall be put out , his sparks shall not shine . terrors shall make him afraid on every side , & his own counsel shall cast him down , his roots shall be dried up beneatlh , and above shall his branches be cut off : his remembrance shall perish from the earth : and he shall have no name in the street . his triumph is but short , and his joy but for a moment , though his excellency mount up unto the heavens , and his head reaches unto the clouds , yet shall he perish for ever like his own dung , he shall flye away as a dream , and be chased as a vision of the night ; the eye which saw him shall see him no more , neither shall his place any more behold him . solomon saith , that a violent bloody ▪ tyrant shall flee to the pit , let no man slay him : prov. 28. 17. let no man mediate for him , lest he pay down as ahab did , life for life , people for people . 1 king. 20. 42. when tyrants perish , the righteous increase , prov. 28. 28. they swarm like b●es in a sun-shine day . when the wicked rise , good men skulk and hide their heads ; as moses fled from pharaoh , david from saul , eliah from ahab , obadiah's clients from jezabel , jeremiah from jehoiakim , joseph and the child jesus from herod , &c. but wherein they dealproudly , god is above them , he seeth their day is coming , he sits in heaven and scorneth these scorners . the most high cuts off the spirit of princes , he is terrible unto these tyrannical kings of the earth , those scourges of the world . god so subdued senacherib , as the egyptians in memory of it did set up his statue in the temple of vulcan , with this inscription : let all that behold me , learn to fear god . tyrants shall be sure sooner or later to meet with their match ; the blood-thirsty man shall not live out half his dayes . god will at last appear to their fearful destruction , to be glorious in holiness , fearful in praises , doing wonders of wrath and ruine upon bloody pharaohs , he will tear out those bowels that are fill'd and stuft with the blood of the poor , and make inquisition for their blood ; then will he remember , and not forget the complaint of the poor , h●e hath fulfill'd his threatnings against tyrants in our eyes , and ●●●ed our nation from those men of blood , that they may fall and fall in all the parts of the world and never rise up again , especially in our english nation . that god would melt all crowns , and s●epters of the potentates of the earth , into a crown & s●epter for the head , and hand of jesus christ , putting all pow●rs and authorities under his feet , making our government peace , and exactors righteousness , that violence be no more heard of in our land , nor desolation , nor destruction within ou● borders : let all the people cri in hope , amen . a protector , or homo homini deus . just government is gods ordinance for mans good ; the form thereof , mans appointment with gods approbation ; the end thereof , mans felicity and gods glory : and , a just governor is a protector of both . the institution of government is of god , the constitution of man , the governors themselves of both , viz. gods permission and mans election : jvst government is gods ordinance ; the powers that be are ordained of god , rom. 13. 1. mans sin was the cause of his subjection to all mortals , but gods mercy did institute the same to preserve him from ruine by his own wickedness ; had not man sinned , there had been a prior●ty , but not a soveraignty : there had been a reverence in the child to the father as the instrument of his production , but no subjection , because no justiciating power had been stablished , there being no need of it ; the eternal law written in every mans heart would have been every mans guide , had it not been for sin ; sin ushered in subjection as a curse at the heels of it ; gen. 3. 16. thy desire shall be to thy husband , he shall rule over thee ; her disobedience expos'd her to subjection by gods ordinance . soveraignty and subjection are gods appointment for mans good ; he is the minister of god to thee for good , rom. 134 , sociableness , or appetitus convivendi , is the impress of nature : and the reason thereof , mutual preservation and accommodation , which cannot be without government : sin hath brought sorrow upon the world ; sin entered into the world in the van of a black and bloody regiment , sorrows , pains , aches , hunger , thir●t , shame , &c. with death through sin in the rear ; conscience of guilt brings fear of death : hence one end of society is preservation ; and because men need security from misery and ruine by one another , therefore hath god appointed government and governors among themselves for the good of all , the form of which government is le●t by god to their own discretion , who hath only confin'd them within the limits of this general rule , his glory and their felicity : forms of government are no more perpetual then persons themselves ; necessity requires government , convenience forms : were it not for government , the line and pale of every mans property would quickly be trodden down ; mens boundless appetites would be their purveyors , and their wants would be measured by their wills : confusion makes men desire order , and convenience the forms thereof : no government is the worst government ; and where none rules , none will be ruled , but all quickly ruin'd : anarchy is the worst tyranny ; better it is to be under the dominions of the great turk then the rabble rout : the forms of government are mans ordinance , so called by the apostle peter , 1 pet. 2. 11 , 14. no form being divine or natural in its rise or root , we find in scripture several forms allowed by god , viz. governments by patriarchs , generals , judges , high priests , and kings : in other histories we read of governments by popes , monarchs absolute and conditionate , by dukes , senators , consuls , dictators , &c. which argues no one form above another to be jure divino , but that every or any form lawful , if conducing to the peoples felicity and gods glory : the power of government wheresoever setled is fiduciary , and not inconditionate ; and whilest their trustees draw all their lines into this center , gods glory in the peoples welfare , they may walk securely upon the highest battlements of honour and dignity : but if their projects and practise be sole soveraignty , puff● up with a vain opinion of puissance and grandure , though for a time they proceed and prosper , and say within themselves , they shall see no sorrow , yet they shall find at last their buildings to totter , and the consequence tragical to themselves and scepters : for when the peoples pilot proves a pirate , not ruling , but ruining them , the hands and hearts of god and men will be swift avengers of such perfidiousness : the peoples protection is the end of government ; and therefore a just governor is the peoples protector ; and what is he ? what doth he ? he really esteemeth the publique safety the chief soveraignty ; that he is more the peoples , then the people his ; that he was made for them , not they for him ; that the state at large is the absolute chief , and the chief , so called , the states servant , which he judgeth his crown , and not his cross ; his glory , and not his shame ; carnal policy is not his study , but his peoples peace , his care and prayer . his head is full of publique principles , and his heart full of conscience thereof ; he studies the peoples right , and his own duty ; he projects their protection , peace , and plenty , as the great ends of his office ; his design is not to multiply gold and silver , he desires not the peoples coyn with their curses ; he well considers that though moneys be the sinews of war , yet the peoples aff●ctions are the joynts of peace : he renders himself unto the people matter of praise unto god for him , not of prayers unto god against him ; he strives to be the peoples pleasure , not their plague : all cannot chuse but do well when thou ●ulest well , said the senate to severus the emperor . carnal policy , which some call king-craft , is not his study ; that subtle trade , which commonly kings and great persons drive in the world : jeroboams calves were set up by this artifice , 1 king. 12. when he had gotten the crown ( from rehoboam ) over the ten tribes , he consulted with himself how and which way he might fasten it upon his head , and he had his polititians very nimble about h●m 〈…〉 dvise him herein ; and forgetting how he got the c 〈…〉 ver consulting with god for his establishment , 〈…〉 way to ease the people from their ●edious trav 〈…〉 to their annual sacrifices , and sets up two golden calves , and so keeps the people at home to serve god in their devised ( called doubtless ) divine service . and the text notes , that the thing that steard him in his project , was not his defection in judgement touching the true worship of god at jerusal●m : but verse 26 , 27. his heart did misgive him , that if the people should go up to jerusalem , ( within rehoboam's territories ) to offer sacrifice , they would turn again to their old king , the power , the polices , the pulpits of jerusalem , would reduce them to the old house and family of rehoboam again , but this policy of his was his ruine at last , as appears in the story . a good prince takes heed of his own heart , and councellers , and any undue way● , to establish his greatness . a christian prince well considers true piety hath the promise of exaltation , so his declining it , will be his ejection , and therefore takes heed of warping against his judgement and conscience , of offering violence to his honest and p●ons principles , through the advice of polititians to ingratiate himself with the people ; he knows that the heart of man is deceitful above all things , and therefore it concerns him to look unto it : when saul was first called to be king , he did real●y withstand it , * the burd●n of government , the meanness of his birth , parentage , and breeding came upon his heart , his personal unmeetness and unfitness for so great dignities and honours refl●cted upon his mind : but after he had once king'd it , and enjoyed the honours , man●ors , glory , retinne , and revenues of the crown , he could not bear it , to think that the crown should now be alienated from his own fam●ly ; he forgot his parentage , his pedegree , nothing but greatness and grandeur now in his eyes , and the counsels god touching the translation of the kingdom unto another family , he could not brook i● ▪ he was little in his own eyes at first , but big enough at last , 1 sam. 9. 21. compared with chap. 15. ver. 17. as also 1 sam. 18. 29. compared with 1 sam. 20. 30 , 31. simplicity will preserve , carnal policy pollutes , and destroys . solomon gives excellent counsel in this case , prov. 15. 24. the way of life is above to the wise , that he may depart from hell beneath . true wisdom is from above , and it leads to life , a crown in the next world is a crown indeed : this is but a cross to it . christian policy makes a christian prince to esteem that low counsel only worth regarding that will make a man wise in the latter end , prov. 19. 20. he thinks not here of an establishment , he minds his mortality , and 't is his wisdom to be frequently ( in meditation ) at his own suneral , making every tombe his teacher , every monument , a monitor , his bed , his grave , his sheets , his winding-sheets , vt somnus mortis , sic lectus imago sepulchri . he considers his time fl●es , his glass runs . joseph of arimathea had his s●pulcher in his garden to season his delight : true wisdom provides for suturity : this will make the evening of a man's days , as the day-breaking to everlasting glory . it provides for him malorum ademption●m bonorum adeption●m . freedom from evil , fruition of good . i have read of the custom of some countrys , that in the coronation of their kings , amongst other ceremonies , two grave stones were brought him by a mason , who did use these words to him , elige ab his saxis ex quo invictissime caesar ipse tibi tumulum me fabricare vel● . chuse , mighty sir , under which of these stones , your purpose is ere long to lay your bones . he remembers that this is not his rest , but a rest remaineth to the people of god . he that is wise will be wise for himself , that is , for his eternal interest , and takes h●ed of carnal cras●in●ss in carnal designes ; his zeal for god , his w●ys , his people , his countrey , th●se will advance good rulers , and these will preserve him & therefore he knows no councel , no cunning , no craft , that is c●o●s to these . it was a most prophane saying of a wretched cardinal , viz. that he would not part with his part in paris , for paradise : he mak●s much of wise councellers , but takes heed of cunning ones , he takes heed , lest any about him spoil you by policy , as the apostle cautioned the colossians against spoyling through philosophy , lest he being led away by their errour , ●all from their sted●astness , simplicity , and integrity : carnal counc●l ●s are not of gods counc●l , they cannot understand his mind : try the spirits , they will be soon found out . he takes he●d upon whom he confers honours , relations , family , consanguinity , meer policy , or outward respects , ●teer him not , in preferring men to honour and trust ; he honours those whom god honours : gods command to moses in this case is to this purpose , exod. 18. 21 , 22. thou shalt provide out of all the people able men , such as fear god , men of truth , hating covetousness , and place such over them to be rulers of thousands , rulers of hundreds , rulers of fifties , rulers of tens , &c. men that are fit for places of government should be drain'd from the dregs , sifted from the bran of the ordinary sort of people : this was davids and solomons practise ; such judges jehosophat promoted , 2 chron. 19. 6 , 7. it was observed of the late lord ireton , both in england and in ireland , ( the very mention of whom melts the spirits of those that well knew him , ) that he took notice of good men , and of those especially that were least solicitous after preferment , and ye● most fit for it , and them he advanced and preferred before they ever knew of it . he dares not rule in the peoples ruine , nor advance himself in their downfall ; his pattern in the mount is the king of righteousness , who though lord of all , was servant unto all , and sacrificed himself for them , not them for him . his heart is set upon the peoples health , his thoughts upon their thriving ; he rejoyceth , lamenteth , is pleas'd or pain'd , he lives and dyes with them . when joseph was exalted , he was in the place of god unto the people . to preserve life , gen. 50. 19. compared with chap. 45. 5. he doth not burthen the people , but bears their burthens , as moses and the seventy elders , numb. 11. 16. when the israelites sell before their enemies , ioshua their prince , their saviour . was as sensible as if his blood did run out of their veins , iosh. 7. 6 , 7. he took not away his peoples inheritance , but did cause them to inherit , deut. 31. 7. he spoils not his people , but saves them out of the hands of them that spoileth them , iudg. 2. 16. as those judges did : he is their deliverer from oppressors , as othniel was , iudg. 3. 9. and ehud , vers. 15. and gideon , iudg. 6. 14. he is gods love-token to the people , as moses , and ioshua , and chaleb , and gideon , and david , and solomon , &c. whereas tyrants are given in wrath , lev. 26. 17. he knows he is set upon a hill , yea upon a mountain , and cannot be hid . heavenly bodies enlighten not their own orb● only , but send forth their rays to them that are under them . moses being in the mount , convers'd with god , and his face did shine among the common people : his life i● a● one saith , coelum quoddam lucidissimis virtutum st●ll●● exornatum , a very heaven , sparkling with variety of virtues as with so many bright stars : the peoples eyes are upon him , and his example will be their patte●n : mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus ; like prince like people : common people are like a flock of cranes , as the first fly all follow ▪ princes are the peoples looking-glass ; the court and the city and the country will dress themselves according to them : men are more apt to be led by their eyes then their ears by pattern then precept : he considers gods eyes are upon him , and so are the devils ; good men look upon him with joy , wicked men look upon him with fear ; if he be a pious prince , his tripping would be their tickling , his fall their feast : he considers his burthens are great , his cares are many , his business much , his agitations various , the solemn oath of god is upon him ; all these do argue that the requisites for government are not ordinary nor few . he waits upon god , and looks up unto him for wisdom and strength . the mariners eye is upon the star , when his hand is on the stern ; so is his : if he misteers , the whole is in danger . sauls slaughter of the gibeoni●●● , 2 sam. 21. 1. davids lust , 2 sam. 12. 10. his pride , 2 sam. 24. 1● . solomons idolatry , 1 king. 1● . 30 , 31 , 32. iorams wickedness , 2 chron. 21. 12 13. achaz sins , 2 chron. 28. 19. a●●●● rebellion , 1 king. 20. 42. brought misery to their people ; these pilots by their ill st●erage did split their vessels , and many of their people perished thereby . he judgeth his honors relative , and therefore obligatory ; having once accepted the dignity of government , he cheerfully submits to the burthens thereof . he considers , that what he hath , ( as ruler ) he hath it not from himself , and therefore not for himself ; his honours are the fruit of his painful atchievements : which do not lessen , but lengthen , not ease , but increase his burdens , fructus honos on●ris , fructus honoris onus . labours bring honours , honours labours bring . it was the saying of luther , that politici & ecclesiastici labores maximi sunt , magistrates and ministers have the greatest burdens . had we not businesses and cares , and ●ears above any private person , we should be equal to the gods , said augustus . good rulers bear the peoples incumbrances , burthens , and strifes , crowns have their car●s with good princes , their crosses , their scratches ; the sense whereof they feel more at their hearts , then their crowns on their heads . he rules by rule , and not by roat ; the word of god , the laws of men consonant therewith , are his rules of ruling , and not his own lust , esteeming it his greater glory so to be ruled , that he might serve the whole , then otherwise to rule to serve himself ; prerogative , assertors , and base flatterers , he hates in his heart . he esteems himself more obliged to god , then the people , because he hath received more from god then they ; he knows himself to be under the strickest laws , not over the meanest rulers , under the law were commanded by god to write the copie of the law of god in a book , and the jews say , that though the kings father left him a book of the law , yet was he to write a book thereof with his own hands , which he was to carry with him whithersoever he went , from deut. 17 , 18 , 19. and according to this is gods saying to joshuah , this book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth , but thou shalt meditate therein day and night , iosh. 1. 8. a good ruler serves the lord with reverence , psal. 2. 11. he casts himself before him to do him reverence , psal. 29. 1. and as for the laws of men in their respective territories , it was platoes saying , that the prince is not above law , but the law is above the prince ; the magistrate should be a speaking law , a living law , as exemplary in obedience to the law , as he is eminent in rule over all the people under the law . it is most true , that the chief magistrate may do only that which is just , and most false , that all is just that he doth ▪ saul was as much bound not to hurt david , as david not to touch the lords anointed . to rule over the people by meer coactive power is beastly , not manly . a manly prince would rule over the wills of men by their consent : a lion , a bear , a wolf , rules over the weaker by meer power . a good ruler desires power directive , not coercive , voluntary , not violent , by counsel , not command , by consent , not compulsion : he takes no pleasure to rule in his commonwealth , as the lion in the forrest . a protector truly so called , cannot think himself wiser then all , nor above all , but to the making and executing of laws , to the government of himself and people , he will have the consultation and determination of the wise amongst them : it is gods charactar of a tyrant , 1 sam. 8. 9 , 10. to rule by meer power , to take the people under him , and make them his horses , his asses , his slaves , and vassals , minding altogether his own might , not the peoples right : but god's charactar of a protector is of another nature , deut. 17 , 20. viz. he is such an one whose heart is not lifted up above his brethren : he is a fellow-subject to the laws , though the chief executioner thereof ; he takes no advantage from the letter of the law to gratifie himself , and grieve his people , ( as the late tyrant ) and his predecessors ; he well considers that common justice , peace , and safety are the great ends of rule and rulers , that laws themselves are no longer binding , but as relative to those great ends , that religion , reason , nature ▪ grace , all do promote the publick good : that the intent of law is nothing less then the princes roially in the peoples ruine , that the soul of the law is preferrable above the shel , the life above the letter . id●m facit ac is qui legem transgreditur qui saeva verborum praerogativa fraudulenter conira juris sententiam abutitur . he doth as bad as transgress the law who fraudulently abuseth the rigid prerogative of words , contrary to the true intentional sentence of the law . he hath a piercing eye over pretended friends and flatterers , he knows his house will be haunted with these , do what he can . many will seek the rulers favour , more then the favour of god , for there they hope to find themselves , he takes heed whom he trusts , and bless himself from his pretended friends , and prays with david to be delivered from lying lips , and a deceitful tongue , who will speak fair , congratulate his victories and happinesse , it may be present him with offerings and gifts : but as one said , timeo danaos & dona ferentes . and saith another , munera magna quidem misit , sed misit in hamo ; et piscatorem piscis amare potest ? when their words are as smooth as oyl , there is war in their hearts : it is something under his fifth rib which they aim at in their courtships and complements ; though they bring milk and honey in their lordly d●sh , yet he takes heed of security and sleep at such a time ; for they watch their opportunity to make use of their nail and hammer ; they are like cur-dogs that would suck out blood by licking , and in the end destroy without biting . a squire being sent out of spain to poyson queen elizabeth , anoynted the pummel of her saddel with poyson in a secret manner , as if he had been doing somewhat else , crying out with a loud voice , god save the queen . when gifford , hodgson , and others , had set savage on work to kill the said queen ; they first set ou● a book to perswade the english catholicks to attempt nothing against her , caveatur osculum iscarioticum : the kisses of judas are dangerous , he takes heed of poyson in a golden cup : jesuits at this day kisse and kill together familiarly officiosè occidunt , as one said of false physicians , esocietate iesu fuit qui iesum tradidit : his familiar that a●e bread with him at his table : when the kisse was nigh , the swords and staves were not far off : he knows that men that are most glosing are frequently closing with him for mischief , joab , iudas , absolom , ahitophel , are most dangerous in their kisses : there are kissing cut-throats , who can be affable to their enemies , and disguise their hatred in commendations , while they privily lay their snares , men italienated that can salute with mortal imbracements , and clapse in those arms which they hope to embrew in their dearest blood , like unto hacket hanged in queen elizabeths time , who imbracing his honest schoolmaster , bit off his nose , and did eat it down before his face : of all persons he makes not flatterers of his councel . augustus complained when varus was dead , that now he had none left that would deal faithfully and plainly with him : he bewares of confidence in unfaithful men , who will prove like the brooks of temah , job 6. 17. which swell'd in rain , and fail'd in droughts ; they will be like egypt to israel , broken reeds , whereon if he leans , they will not only fail him , but pierce and destroy him : iulius caesar was killed in the very councel-chamber by such flattering councellers , a pluribus amicis quam inimicis , by most of his pretended friends : the french proverb , when the spaniard comes to parl of a peace , then double bolt the door ; and the hollanders in former dayes would make no conditions with them , because they well knew their machiavilian heresie : fides tamdiu servanda est quamdiu expediat . i shall say no more to this , but to pray that god would preserve our faithful rulers from unfaithful men . a christian prince studies princely principles , not machivilian policies , and well remembers that he is gods servant , though his servants lord , and that he is bound to keep them free . he well knows that goodnesse is the way to greatnesse , and grace to glory , that righteousness and peace through gods ordinance are linked together with chains of adamant , that when his ways please the lord , he need not fear his friends or foes , that the throne is established by righteousnesse , ruined by wrongs , that though wickedness may build his house for a time , yet a wo from god will destroy the foundation , ier. 22. 13. that heavens friendship is his greatest security , that true piety is the best policy , to attain and maintain his power and dignity : the saints just liberty is his study , and men of persecuting principles he cannot bear . men that judg themselves bound in conscience to punish others that are not of their judgment and conscience ; men that are not very ambitious that others should know as much as themselves , and yet very zealous to have them punished , because they know not as much as themselves : iron-hearted men ; like that tyrant that would cast the men of his displeasure upon an iron bed , and if any were longer then the bed , he would have them cut off by so much the shorter , and if any were shorter , he should be stretcht out unto that length : these persons had rather that people should dissemble their opinions , then own their own . the men of my meaning are very discernable ; they are such as pretend themselves embassadors for christ , and that with great majesty and authority imposing upon all men in the name of the lord , and yet in the face of all men neglecting , nay despising his great commandment of loving the brethren . it is known to god , and my conscience , and all men that know me , know , that i am no adversary to the publique ministry , but a cordial assertor of their sacred office according to the utmost of my poor abilities against opposers ; well considering that though they may differ amongst themselves in the explication of some of the terms of their embassy ; as also , that though they work not miracles as the apostles did to confirm their doctrine , which two particulars are the greatest pretended arguments impleading their function , yet they agree in the grand import of their masters message , viz. the grace of god bringing salvation by jesus christ , and teaching men to deny all ungodliness and worldly lusts , and to live godly , righteously and soberly in this present evil world ; which is the sum of the gospel ; and that this having been already confirmed by miracles from heaven in the first establishment thereof in the world , needs no more miracles for its confirmation ▪ ( those doctrines only wanting miracles for their credit that are extra-scriptural , pretended revelations , strong perswasions and impressions upon mens hearts , having no greater authority then their own fancies , visions born in their own brain , carryed on with fury , violence , pride and passion , and most importunely prest upon the consciences of men in the name of the lord without any scripture . ) i say , these considered with the like , i am no enemy to the publ●que ministry , and do heartily congratulate good magistrates favour towards godly ministers , and the present course and hopeful endeavors of our present rulers in seeking ou● able and fit men to preach the gospel in the commonwealth ; i wish them prosperity in the name of the lord : but the men of my meaning in my humble caution , are easily known by some or all of these characters . first , men that will be of the kings religion , be he of what religion he will , and are clamorous against all that cannot weather-cock it like themselves ; men that are not okes , but o●●●rs , warping and winding this way or that way as the hand of their bountiful patrons and benefactors will wreath them ; as of old , like prince like priest , ezek. 22. 27. men may easily discern their dawbing with untempered morter . the court in former days never wanted these black parasites ; they are known by their flattering titles they give , trying if they can trade by exchanging flatteries for favours . 2. they mind earthly things ; watch them , you will see the center of their circumference ( be the circle never so great ) will be themselves and families , places , profits , preferments , gratuities , these are sweet venison after hunting ; pluralities , non-residence , neglecting gods flock by other persons , are little better then the unpardonable sins , but plusquam pluralities can down with themselves without straining , and the silver bell that hath the greatest sound is the fairest call for their so doing , and the still voyce of god speaking to their consciences is not heard through the noise thereof : their happiness is not so much to be envyed as their unhappiness to be pitied ; neither is the seasonable attendance of good men of this tribe about our present rulers and families in the least impleaded in these lines , nor their bounty or favour towards them , provided their attendance be not with the great neglect of those grand duties incumbent upon them by the word of god , by covenant and conscience , and that they improve their interest , opportunities and advantages with them for the common peace of all their brethren in the faith , however differing in opinion from themselves . thirdly , the men ( of my meaning ) of persecuting of principles for conscience sake , are always found defaming , vilifying and reproaching their dissenting brethren unto the rulers , by cloathing their opinions with ugly names , as dangerous , dismal , and dreadful things ( taking advantage from their impossibility through their much business to examine the truth , and to make their own eyes their judges in the case , to save them a labour by telling them in their own manner , what men hold , and how dangerous those things be , never informing ( either through their own ignorance or malice ) in what sence , with what cautions , limitations , and restrictions , they maintain , or deny , and upon what grounds and arguments , they assert their judgements , it is no hard thought to suppose ; ( for there is reason enough ) that there are men of worth , learning , excellency , and holiness , whose names and reputations suffer shipwrack by the men of this charact●r , when any knotty , painful , and laborious business , ( pertinent to their function ) in times of straits , appear necessary to be done ; the men of their quarrel are then in esteem , but when the cloud is over , and the work is done , and the sun shines again , they have then done with them , they are shut up again in darkness under their black reproaches and scandals , and if they have but the liberty of their private confines , societies , and companies , it is reward sufficient , if not too much for all their labours ; like the subtle ape that took the spaniels foot to reach the chesnut out of the fi●e , and then eats the kernel , and g●ts him gone , leaving the burnt spaniel to seek out a plaister : well , the other world will make up all . a wise prince cannot but judge such disingenuity much unworthy their function , and h●s favour . fourthly , men of persecuting principles for conscience sake , are frequently known by this charactar , viz. they bring their opinions to the scriptures , and fetch them not thence , and prefer their id est , before the scriptum est , their interpretation before the text . men that caedem scripturarum faciuut , as one saith , that murther the scriptures , yea that torture and torment them , like amboyna tyrants , to make them confess , and own such things , as were never in their meaning . the scribes and pharisees preferred their traditional interpretations before the text , and could not bear any exposition , though never so sound against their false glosses , though never so rotten , and that upon this ground , it is the general received opinion , and orthodox doctrine of all the rabbies , doctors and fathers : non tam ovum ●vo simile , one egge is not so like another as those then ; and these in our dayes . did they prefer their false gl●sses before the true text ? so do these . were they more zealous of their traditional doctrines , then of the letter of the scriptures ? so are these . were they fiery adversaries to men differing from them , though more learned , more holy , more serviceable to god and the world , then themselves ? so are these . did they stir up the people against d●ssenters from them ? so do these . did they bring forth their raylings instead of reasons ? so do these . did they strive to insnare , and catch at words and expressions without respect to the sence and meaning of good men , to make them obnoxious to men in authority ? so do these . did they falsely misrepresent them to men in place and rule ? so do these . a wise prince will beware of these men that dig for evil against their brethren , to defame them , that the ruler may disfavour them . it is solomons character of an ungodly man , to dig up evil , and whose lip● are as burning fire , who sow strife , separate chief friends , men that will pick up , dig out all that may be , and more then truth to injurie the men of their controversie . when the manichees could not answer austins arguments , they hit him in the teeth with his youthful follies , whereunto his reply was only this , quae vos reprehenditis ego damnavi , what you discommend in me , i have long since condemned : and the malicious papists did the like to beza , reprinting his wit-wanton poems on purpose to disp●●e him , and objecting his former miscarriages whereof he had repented , he replied to one that did twit him in the teeth with it , hic homo invidet mihi gratiam christi , this man en●ies me the grace of jesus christ : and thus miriam and aaron , num. 12. 1. being ●retted that god should declare his counsels to moses only , and that he should have the reputation of it , and not they , had nothing to object against him , but an old matter of several years date , viz. his marrying with an aethiopian : i shall say no more about these men , but wish all good rulers may never be troubled with such as these : white-hall formerly was very rarely without them ; their aphorisms and maxims , are dangerous . it was of old , no bishop , no king : which was more ominous then necessary , and the end of it was to engage the king to assert the bishops , and to assist them in their tyranny and executing their cruel censures by his civil sword . we have other saying● of the same sence , and for the same end , though in other expressions : viz. that the sword of the magistracy and the sword of the ministry must go together : which is a truth in a singular , but not vulgar sence ; or ( if you please ) in an english , not scottish sence , that is , to protect , ( not punish ) the people of god for keeping a good conscience . that magistratus est custos , & conservator utriusque tabulae , a true saying in a qualified sence , though many times very ill applied : the papists made lutherans , and calvenists , the bishops ; brownists , and separatists , the presbyterians ; sectaries , and hereticks ; there are still that succeed them in their ill trade , and are about an evil work , viz. making wicked anabaptists , blasphemers , arminians , socinians , pelagians , and i know not what of those whom the spirit of god through grace by the belief of the gospel hath made the blessed servants of the most high god , kings , and princes , and parliaments have been dasht in pieces at this stone by too much complyance with the men of this character . and the christian care of our late rulers , and present protector , and caution of them hitherto hath opened the mouths of many saints of different apprehensions , agreeing together as one man , with one heart and lip , in prayers and prayses to god for them and him : and i wish with all my soul , and that for the peace and happiness of my country , that that spirit , judgment , and conscience of theirs , and of him , in this respect may be redoubled upon his successours . his loftiness in place provokes loveliness in practise , the more high the more humble , and like the sun above he comforts and cherisheth those that are under him . his greatness doth better him , and not betray him into pride , and vanity , his highness is his peoples happiness , he is like an angel of god amongst them to protect and defend them , not as a lion among beasts to terrifie and torment them , he is their glory , and not their grie● , their songs and not their sighs ; when the righteous are in authority the people rejoyce , prov. 29. 2. because he is a mercy , and not a mischief unto them . his great project is rather to be beloved then feared of the people , and by doing every man right , and no man wrong , he sets up his throne in every mans heart . it is noted by the indians in america , that the christians god is a good god , who doth good , but their god ( who is the devil ) they count good when he doth them no hurt , and therefore they serve him not in love , but in fear : the lord reigns making the earth to rejoyce thereby ; and so should princes be the triumph , and not the terrour of their territories . his greatness provokes his goodness to commensure herewith in the middest of his glory ; he remembers his shame , and the deep sense of his own demerits keeps him humble under popular applause , knowing that his receipts are great , his talents many , his accounts proportionable , he is always reckoning of his reckoning day : pride , passsion , and wilfulness , incident to greatness , are his constant caution . his heighth humbles him , and his humility exalts him , his sense of his emptiness draws his heart after god for fulness . pride brings a tyrant low , but honour upholds the humble in spirit , sequitur superbos ultor , à tergo deus , vengeance follows the proud man at the heels ; the judgment of god upon pharaoh , adonibez●ck , agag , haman , h●rod , &c. are much in his heart , his religion teaches him to be pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated , he ( like christ ) seeks not his own glory , and therefore god seeks it , and keeps it for him , john 18. 30. he contends not for himself , and therefore is god for him ; under personal injuries he sits down with content , but publick wrongs rouze him up to contend ; his heart is hunted out of his earthly holds , he sees the uncertainty of earthly glory , the vanity , the non-entity of outward pomp , their impotency to help in the evil day , their impossibility to stretch to eternity : that outward greatness is but a conceited wall , prov. 18. 11. he well considers that god humbles the haughty , lifts up the lowly , as the lower the ebbe , the higher the tide ; so his humiliation shall not exceed his exaltation , he looks not so much upon his fine feathers , as his foul feet , which is ballace to his bottom , and prevents the danger of his broad-sails , in the swelling and surging seas of outward pomp and greatness , he blusheth ( not blesseth himself ) under popular applauses ; prayse● do more press him , th●n please him , and g●ate upon him then gratifie him ; the higher his head is before men , the lower his heart before god , he does worthily in euphrata , and therefore is he famous in bethleh●m : his same attends his vertue , as the shadow the body , he hath no tongue to praise himself : haec ego f●ci proves men no better then faeces , ( saith luther . ) self-brags shews mens dr●gs and dross , not their valour and ve●tue . laus proprio sordescit in ore , he that comm●nds himself , vomits out of his own mouth his own shame , nauciating the st●●acks of standers by : moses glory was not known to himself , but to those that beheld him , his face did shine , but he knew it not , his ears ( are not tickled but ) tingle , when he hears men speak of his worth and worthiness . when an elegant speech was made in the commendation of charls the fifth , by a great person , rehersing his noble and famous acts : the emperour modestly replyes ; that he accepted of the oration , because it did admonish him not so much what he had been , as what he ought to be . he remembers what he was when he sees what he is . it is sto●ied of agath●cles , who of a potters son , became king in scicily ; that he would ever be served in earthen vessels ; and of one willigis , bishop of mentz , being a wheel-wrights ▪ son , that he caused wheels to be hanged up a●d down the walls from his palace with these words over them in capital letters , willigis , willigis recole unde venris , mind thy beginning . it was good counsel given by placilla the empress to her husband theodosius : remember sir , what you were la●ely , and what you are now , this will make you mindful of your duty , and give god the glory : a man as good , as great , considers what he must be , as well as what he was , and is , he makes account of his accounts , and is frequently reckoning his reckonings ; his masters redde ration●m is much in his mind , his receipts are in his eyes , and his account current in his heart , and his quietus est , is the first-born of his desires , his even reckonings make long friendship between god and him , he is often casting up his books , lest his books should cast him up at last , which makes him diligen● , watchful , humble and low in his own thoughts , the noise of the feet of them that buried his predecessours , is much in his ears , he h●a●s the sound of his own passing bell , and in his thoughts goes to his own funeral ; he considers that as he hath had a time to be born , so he will have a time to die , and that he is every day drawing on , towards his drawing on : that his last day stands , but all the rest runs , that the mortal sythe is master of the royal scepter , and that it mows down as well the lilies of the crown , as the crown of the lilies ; he remembers that though his palace be built of hewen stone , yet his life is immured within mud-walls in a clay cottage , and earthly tabernacle , that his foundation is the dust ready to be shattered and scattered with every blast , that he is but terra friabilis , crumbling , loose earth : pride , passion , and self-will , are his constant caution . first , pride , he that saith he hath no pride , cannot want it , this made a devil of an angel , and threw him down from his throne with a vengeance . god resisteth a proud person , ( as in battail-array , ) it is god's resolu●ion ( not ) to ●ta●n ( all glory but ) the pride of all glory , and bring into contempt all the proud , ( though ) honorable of the earth , isai. 23. 8. he hath his day for the proud and lofty ; for every one that is lifted up , he shall be brought low , his lo●ty looks shall be humbled , and the lord alone shall be ex●l●ed , he pulleth down the proud , and lifteth up the lowly : he doth carefully cautelously , yea very curiously look to himself , le●t his valour , his victories , his greatness , his highner , his armies , his navies , the crowchings of his enemies , the applications of the great princes of other nations , his great houses , his revenues , his a●tendance do steal in upon him , b●leagure his heart , seize it and take it before he is aware , and carry him into captivi●y under pride and vanity , and bring him to ruine without remedy ; he well remembers that by humility , and the fear of the lord ▪ are riches , and honour , and life , prov. 22. 4. when pride cometh in , shame cometh on , but while he is humble , god is at his right hand , so that he shall not fall , if he grows proud , he will know him at a distance , yea afar off . and therfore he studies god , who pulleth down and setteth up whom he pleaseth , whose are all kingdoms , power , and glory ; and he studies himself , his dust and ashes , his heart , his lip , his life infirmities , he watcheth and prayeth against pride and vanity , which will make him humble and happy . secondly , his own passion is his own pain and sorrow : commonly princes think they may be passionate by priviledg and peevish by prerogative . moses was an excellent general , an eminent governor , and his meekness did add much to his merit : anger is little better then a short devil , and he that gives way to it , gives place to him . he that is big with wrath , breeds contention , and brings forth transgression in abundance : a furious man is a man master'd by furies , and ( as the persian kings to their concubines ) is a slave to a slave . anger may rush into the heart of wise men , but it resteth and roosteth only in the bosom of fools : the hasty man never wants woe . one counselled augustus to determine nothing rashly when he was angry , but that he should first repeat the greek alphabet : ambrose taught theodosius in that case to repeat the lords prayer . he that is slow to anger is of great understanding , but he that is hasty of spirit exalteth folly . 't is true , it 's good to be angry , and not to sin , but then a man must be angry at nothing but sin , and not as it is an offence to man , but to god , nor yet so angry as to be unfit for prayer : moses was angry at the israelites golden calf , but could pray for them ; christ at the unbelief of the pharisees , but was grieved for the hardness of their hearts . right anger is a very tender vertue , and such as by reason of mans unskilfulness may be easily corrupted , and made dangerous . the spirit of prayer , meditation , communion with god , and the spirit of frowardness , will never mingle : the spirit of prophecy came not upon elisha until his heat was over ; and his anger was charmed by the musick of a minstrel , 2 king. 3. 15. a froward heart shall depart from god , a meek and quiet spirit is of great price with him . god deals above the thundering , tempestuous , and blustering clouds , and meets with men in the cool of the day , speaking and appearing in the still voice . he that is slow to anger is better then the mighty . u●ruly passions ( saith one ) are those turks with whom we must ever make war : those spaniards , with whom who ever made peace , gained nothing but repentance ; a deadly fewd must be between good princes and their lusts , which war in their members , fighting against their souls . a passionate person , though he be not drunk , yet is he not his own man : it 's a shame for a prince to have his lusts his lords , and his vices his vanquishers ; he that ruleth his spirit , is better then he that taketh a city , vince animos iramque tuam qui caetera vincis , victory over himself yeilds him greater glory , richer spoyls , then all other victories : here to overcome will is his glory , to be overcome his shame . thirdly , self-will is not his will , knowing that sic volo , sic jubeo , &c. is the tyrants charactar , and very incident to men in power , and their will is frequently their wo . king charls was a probatum est of this . josiah one of the most famous kings recorded in the book of god , for piety and goodness , yet he never consulting the prophets , resolutely would go to war contrary to counsel , which cost him his life , 2 chron. 35. 22. to the great loss and lamentation of all his good people : consilii satis est in me mihi , is the saying of solomons fool , in whose eyes his own ways is right , prov. 12. 15. but he that hearkneth to counsel is wise . a person suspecting his own judgement , and taking advise of wiser then himself , seldom miscarries . a wo is pronounced to that land whose king is a child , that is , weak , wilful , and uncounselable ; as rehoboam , who was a child at forty years old , whose father was a man at twelve ; for age is no just measure of wisdom : solomon the wise chose him an excellent councel of state , whom rehoboam refused to hear , being as wilful as his father wise , being heady , high-minded , he lost ten tribes by his wilful and churlish breath . it was said of old , romani sedendo vincunt , wisdom is better then strength , prudence excelleth puissance , and counsel courage , which made agamemnon set such a price upon vlysses : where no counsel is the people fall , but in the multitude of counsellers , ( truly so called ) there is safety ; it is not titles , but truths ; not the name of counsels , and counsellers , but the proper natures of them , that will bless him , and the people under him . it is reported of xerxes , that in his expedition against greece , he called his princes together , but gave them neither freedom of speech , or councel , lest i should seem ( said he ) to follow mine own counsel i have assembled you , but do you remember , that it becomes you rather to obey , then to advise . to have a wise councel that must not advise , or a weak councel that cannot advise , is much the same in the sigh● of god , and wise men : for a prince to resolve to follow the advice of his councel , and yet to command them to give no counsel but what he tells them , he will follow , i● , as if one should promise to maintain me so long as i live , provided i live no longer then he will maintain me . he hath weighty affairs in his head , in his heart , on his hand● ; therefore all his purposes are established by wise counsel , which makes his proceedings neither unconstant , nor uncomfortable : deliberandum est diu quod statuendum est semel . he considers long ●re he resolves upon any weighty enterprise , a christian prince first of all , and above all adviseth with god , wo be to the rebellious children , that take counsel but not of me , isai. 30. 1. david had able counselle●s about him , but his chiefest were gods testimonies . psal. 119. 24. thy testimonies are my delight and my counsellers . princes have had their remembrancers , moniters , councellers , as themistocl●s , his anaxagores , alexander his aristotle , scipio his panaetius and polybbius ; but it is reported of scipio africanus that it was his custome before day to go in cellam jovis , and there to stay quasi consultans de republica jove , advising with god about his commonwealth : david in all his straits asked counsel of the lord : with good advice make war , said solomon . great matters require great advice : the souldiers rule is , non sequi non sugere bellum : neither to follow after war , nor to fly from it : and it is the christians motto : n●c temere n●c timidè . he well understands his slippery standing , that he is a man in nature , though a god in name ; that the end of all is alike to all , though no mans danger like to his : that heighth of place endangers downfall , that the pinacle of preferment is a dreadfull poynt , which causeth his caution in all his steerage . he considers that his honours are attended with dangers , his crown with cares , he knows that to keep and maintain the love of god , and the peoples good will cost him study , for it , requires skill , that the rulers duty is not soon learnt , that his work is great , his strength is small , his dangers many , his business curious , his head , his heart , his hand , with much diligence are all imployed . he is the poor means patron , the widows husband , the orphans father , the good mans pleasure , the bad mans terrour , affable in speech , facile in access , amiable in countenance , respecting no mans person , but every mans cause , thereby he becomes the desire of all . the work of the ruler is to judge the poor , that 's his duty , and his establishment . james the fourth of scotland , was for this called the poor mans king . help , o king , said the poor woman to jehoram . if thou wilt not hear and right me , why doest thou take upon thee to be king ? said the poor woman to philip king of macedony : it is a mercy to have judges . modo audeant quae sentiunt . so that they have courage to do what they judge fit to be done . a just ruler is ( as one saith of a just law ) a heart without affection , an eye without last , a mind without passion , a treasury which keepeth for every one what he hath , and distributeth to every one what he should have . such a prince shall sit firm on his throne , the hearts of his people wi●l be his life-guard , and god his protection , such an one is like god , the poor mans refuge in the time of trouble , in him the fatherless find mercy , and he will cause the widows heart to sing for joy , if her cause be just , his conscience pleads it with him , he regards not the greatness of her adversari●s , but the goodness of her cause ; he is no secret accepter of persons , job 13. 10. he hears causes without prejudicial impiety , and judiciously examines them without sinister obliquity : and sincerely determins them without sinful partiality . it was said of cato , that he was one a quo nemo unquam rem injustam petere audebat , so just as no man durst make any unjust request unto him . he esteemeth royalty without righteousness , as eminent dishonour , guilded putrifaction , glorious baseness , riches , retinue , splendor , and greatness , no better then meer pageantry , shews and shadows of nobleness , which causeth his vigilancy over his own heart , and his own family . righteousness is the way to ric●es , goodness makes men glorious . it was said by one of constantine the great , bonus deus constantinum magnum tantis t●rrenis implevit muneribus quanta optare nullus auderet , the good lord heaped so much outward happiness upon ( his faithful servant ) constantine the great , as no man ever durst to have wished more ; his glory ( like sarah's beauty ) consisteth in the hidden man , 1 pet. 3. 4. he knows that dignitas in indigno est ornamentum in luto , that a jewel of gold in a swines ●nout , is as comely as gay clothes upon vile persons , painted sepulchres . solomons wisdom rendred him more honourable then all his glittering and golden glory : the justice , wisdom , righteousness of a pious prince , these are ornaments of grace , and crowns of glory , prov. 4. 8 , 9. riches , honours , delights , pleasures , life , length of days , seed , and posterity , are all entailed upon piety and holiness ; outward pomp , greatness and glory suck out the goodness of the heart , ( as the ivy from the oak ) except there be curious caution ; what are they but insufficient and unsatisfactory , often provocations to vice , and hinderanc●s of vertue ? the order of nature is inverted , when vile men are exalted , psal. 12. 8. it is a foul incongruity , and of very evil consequence , vile persons are loathsom , though veild with velvets , and the children of satan though in sattin . he hath great vigilancy over his own family ; he sees who they are , and what they are : every officer , every servant he keeps , is of his own choyce or approbation : he cannot rule well in the church , much less in the nation , that ruleth not his own house well : he bewares of an achitophel , a doeg , an haman . it was said of a prince of germany , that esset al●u● si esset apud alios , he would be another man , were he with other men . he takes heed who gets the royalty o● his ear , lest he doth with him what he list . david would not know , i. e. own a wicked person , psal. 101. 4. and vers. 7. he that worketh deceit shall not dwell within my house , he that telleth lyes shall not tarry in my sight ; an hypocrite , an ismaelite shall not dwell wi●h him : he takes heed of proud servants ; knowing that men will be apt to mistake him in them , and think they read him in them . a wicked person in his family is as an achan in the army , a jonas in the ship . 't is his honour and wisdom to be loved and feared of his family ; which he will never be , except they be wise and honest : he that delicately bringeth up his servant , shall have him become son at the length , prov. 29. 21. solomon himself ( that sometimes knew better how to give good counsel then to take it ) entertains jeroboam , gave him great power in his house , admitted him into so much familiarity , that he let loose the bridle of domestical discipline unto him , in so much that he took state upon him as a young master in the house , and soon after turn'd traytor : see the like in abner , ishbosheths servant , who grew so haughty , that he must not be spoken to ; and so zimri , whom his lord and master elah , 1 king. 16. 11. advanced captain over half of his charets , being thus like a begger set on horseb●ck , ●ides without reins to the ruine of his master and whole house : asperius nihil est humili dum surgit in altum . it is with a ruler in respect of evil servants , as with a creature called millipeda , the more feet it hath the flower it goeth : corrupt servants hinder the course of justice ; this reflects upon their lords . his frowns are upon evil , and his favors upon wise servants , which is solomons counsel , prov. 14. 3● . as was pharaohs towards joseph , darius towards daniel , henry the e●ght towards cromwell , who for his wisdom and faithfulness he raised from a mean person ( son to a blacksmith ) to be master of his jewel-house , baron of okeham in rutland-shire , then knight of the garter , earl of essex , lord great chamberlain , and at last his vicar general . a wise servant may have rule over a son without dishonor to the father , and discredit to the son . amongst his servants some may be wiser , some better , some more in gods favour then others : he lets such have rule over his houshold by his commission , and suffers not the b●ambles to domineer over the ceda●s . the le●ity , luxury , idleness , wantonness of the quondam court at white-hall , together with their concomitants , were none of the l●ast on●●ns of their destruction . it is observed by one , that among all the servants , pleasures and delights which solomon had , he got him no fool or jester , which formerly princes could not be without in this nation , no not when they should be most serious . it is recorded of henry the third king of france , that in a solemn p●●cession at paris he could not be without his jest●r , who walking between the king and the cardinal , made mirth to them both : was not here sweet devotion ? the truth is , ●●eir religious actions were all in jest , their wicked in earnest : i hope no such vile and vicious persons will be ever found more in our english courts . he is the joy of the just , the delight of their souls , the breath of their nostrils : he lives beloved , he dyes desired , is buried with lamentations , his generation is blessed , and his name is had in everlasting remembrance . the death of josiah struck the heart of israel and judah , making their eyes as fountains of tears , and their mourning so gr●at , that it grew to a proverb , the mourning of hadadrimon in the valley of megiddon , zach. 12. 11. his memory shall be blessed , his name shall be heir to his life , and h●s posterity shall enjoy the fruit of his vertue , his children are blessed after him , prov. 20. 7. his righteousness is inherited by his posterity , and laid up in everlasting remembrance , and his translation shall be unto an incorruptible crown of glory , which is undefiled and fadeth not away , with the whole family of god , and the spirits of just men made perfect , where he shall receive a prepared kingdom , and dwell among those mansions , shining as the sun in the firmament , for ever , and ever . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a90972e-580 * kings and bishops . notes for div a90972e-4750 * veraciter se excusavit de honore regni . de jure regni apud scotos, or, a dialogue, concerning the due priviledge of government in the kingdom of scotland, betwixt george buchanan and thomas maitland by the said george buchanan ; and translated out of the original latine into english by philalethes. de jure regni apud scotos. english buchanan, george, 1506-1582. 1680 approx. 229 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 74 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29958 wing b5275 estc r19572 12399655 ocm 12399655 61242 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29958) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61242) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 271:12) de jure regni apud scotos, or, a dialogue, concerning the due priviledge of government in the kingdom of scotland, betwixt george buchanan and thomas maitland by the said george buchanan ; and translated out of the original latine into english by philalethes. de jure regni apud scotos. english buchanan, george, 1506-1582. maitland, thomas. philalethes. 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first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng kings and rulers -duties -early works to 1800. monarchy -early works to 1800. scotland -constitutional law. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-05 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion de jure regni apud scotos . or a dialogue , concerning the due priviledge of government in the kingdom of scotland , betwixt george buchanan and thomas maitland , by the said george buchanan . and translated out of the original latine into english. by philalethes . printed in the year 1680. the translator to the reader . candide reader , i have presumed to trouble your attention with the ceremony of a preface , the end and designe of which is not to usher in my translation to the world with curious embellishments of oratory ( that serving only to gratify , or enchaunt a luxuriant fancy ) but allennatly to apologize for it , in case a zoilus , or a momus , shall happen to peruse the same . briefly , then i reduce all that either of these will ( as i humbly perceive ) object against this my work ▪ to these two generals , prevarication and ignorance . first , they will call me a prevaricator or prevaricating interpreter , and that upon two accounts . 1. because i have ( say they ) sophisticated the genuine sense and meaning of the learned author , by interpreting and foisting in spurious words of mine own . secondly , that i have quite alienated the literal sense in other places by a too paraphrastical exposition . to the first i answer , that none are ignorant , that the original of this piece is a lofty laconick stile of latine : now i once having undertaken provinciam interpretis , behoved to render my interpretation somewhat plain , and obvious , which i could never do in some places , without adding some words ( claritatis gratiâ ) but alwayes i sought out the scope ( as far as my shallow capacity could reach ) and suited them thereunto . wherein i am hopfull , that no ingenuous impartial reader not prepossessed wiih prejudice against the matter contained in the original , and consequently against the translation thereof , will find much matter of quarrell upon that account , if he will but take an overly view of the original , and so compare the translation therewith . for i have been very sparing in adding ought of my own . to the second branch of the first challenge i answer briefly ; there are none who have the least smattering of common sense , but know wel enough , that it is morally impossible for an interpreter to make good language of any latine piece , if he shall alwayes verbum verbo redere ; i mean , if he adhere so close to the very rigour of the original , as to think it illicite to use any paraphrase , although the succinctness and summary comprehensiveness of the original stile even cry aloud for it , as it were ; but to silence in a word these critical snarlers , where ever i have used any paraphrase , i likewise have set down the exposition ad verbum ( to the best of my knowledge ) as near as i could . the second challenge is of ignorance , & that because i have passed by some latine verses of seneca , which are at the end of this dialogue , containing the stoicks description of a king , without translating them into english. now , true it is i have done so , not because i knew not how to interpret them ( for i hope , candide readers at least will not so judge of me ) but because i thought it not requisite to meddle with them , unless i could have put as specious a lustre upon them , as my pen would have pulled off them ( for otherwise i would have greatly injured them ) which could never be done without a sublime veine of poesy , wherein i ingenuously profess ignorance : so that if the last challenge be thus understood , transeat , because nec fonte labra prolui cabalino , nec in bicipiti somniasse parnasso , memini ut repente sic poeta prodirem . and hence it is , that all the latine verses , which occurre in this dialogue , are by me translated into prose , as the rest : but i fear i have wearied your patience too long already , and therefore i will go no further , i wish you satisfaction in the book , and so vive & vale. a dialogue treating of the jus , or right , which the kings of scotland have for exercising their royal power . george buchanan , author . george buchanan to king james , the sixth of that name king of scots , wisheth all health and happiness . i wrote several years ago , when amongst us affaires were very turbulent , a dialogue of the right of the scots kings , wherein i endeavoured to explain from the very beginning ( if i may so say ) what right , or what authority both kings and people have one with another . which book , when for that time it seemed somewhat profitable , as shutting the mouths of some , who more by importunat clamours at that time , than what was right , inveighed against the course of affaires , requiring they might be levelled according to the rule of right reason ; but matters being somewhat more peaceable , i also having laid down my armes , very willingly devoted my self to publick concord . now having lately fallen upon that disputation , which i found amongst my papers , and perceiving therein many things which might be necessary for your age ( especially you being placed in that part of humane affaires ) i though good to publish it , that it might be a standing witness of mine affection towards you , and admonish you of your duty towards your subjects . now many things perswaded me that this my endeavour should not be in vain : especially your age not yet corrupted by prave opinions , and inclination far above your years for undertaking all heroicall and noble attempts , spontaneously making haste thereunto , and not only your promptitude in obeying your instructors and governours , but all such as give you sound admonition , and your judgment and diligence in examining affaires , so that no mans authority can have much weight with you , unless it be confirmed by probable reason . i do perceive also , that you by a certain natural instinct do so much abhorre flattery , which is the nurse of tyranny , and a most grievous plague of a kingdome , so as you do hate the court solaecismes & barbarismes no less , than those that seeme to censure all elegancy , do love and affect such things , & every where in discouse spread abroad , as the sawce thereof , these titles of majesty , highness , and many other unsavoury compellations . now albeit your good natural disposition , & sound instructions , wherein you have been principled , may at present draw you away from falling into this errour , yet i am forced to be some what jealous of you , lest bad company , the fawning foster-mother of all vices , draw aside your soft and tender mind into the worst part ; especially seeing i am not ignorant , how easily our other senses yeeld to seduction . this book therefore i have sent unto you to be not only your monitor , but also an importunat and bold exactor , which in this your tender and flexible years may conduct you in safety from the rocks of flattery , and not only may admonish you , but also keep you in the way you are once entred into : and if at any time you deviat , it may reprehend and draw you back , the which if you obey , you shall for your self and for all your subjects acquire tranquillity and peace in this life , and eternal glory in the life to come . farewell , from stirveling , the tenth day of january in the year of mans salvation one thousand five hundred seventy nine . a dialogue concerning that jus , or right of government amongst the scots . persons , george bvchanan , and thomas maitland . thomas maitland beeing of late returned home from france , and i seriously enquiring of him the state of affaires there , began ( for the love i bear to him ) to exhort him to continue in that course he had taken to honour , and to entertain that excellent hope in the progress of his studies . for if i , being but of an ordinary spirit , and almost of no fortune , in an illiterat age , have so wrestled with the iniquity of the times , as that i seeme to have done somewhat : then certainly they who are born in a more happy age , & who have maturity of years , wealth and pregnancy of spirit , ought not to be deterred by paines from noble designes , nor can such despair beeing assisted by so many helps . they should therefore go on with vigour to illustrat learning , and to commend themselves and those of their nation to the memory of after ages , & posterity , yea if they would but bestirre themselves herein somewhat actively , it might come to pass , that they would eradicat out of mens minds that opinion , that men in the cold regions of the world , are at as great distance from learning , humanity , & all endowments of the mind , as they are distant from the sun. for as nature hath granted to the affricans , egyptians , and many other nations more subtile motions of the mind , and a greater sharpness of wit , yet she hath not altogether so far cast off any nation , as to shut up from it an entry to vertue and honour . hereupon , whilst he did speak meanly of himself ( which is his modesty ) but of me more affectionatly than truely : at last the tract of discourse drew us on so far , that when he had asked me concerning the troubled state of our countrey , and i had answered him as far as i judged convenient for that time ; i began by course to ask him , what was the opinion of the frenches or other nations with whom he had conversed in france , concerning our affaires ? for i did not question , but that the novelty of affaires ( as is usual ) would give occasion and matter of discourse thereof to all ▪ why ( saith he ) do you desire that of me ? for seeing you are wel acquaint with the course of affaires , and is not ignorant what the most part of men do speak , and what they think , you may easily guess in your own conscience , what is , or at least should be the opinion of all . b : but , the further that forrain nations are at a distance , they have the less causes of wrath , hatred , love and other perturbations , which may divert the mind from truth , and for the most part they so much the more judge of things sincerely , and freely speak out what they think : that very freedome of speaking and conferring the thoughts of the heart doth draw forth many obscure things , discovers intricacies , confirme doubts and may stop the mouth of wicked men , and teach such as are weak . m : shall i be ingenuous with you ? b : why not ? m : although i had a great desire after so long a time , to visite my native country , parents , relations , and friends , yet nothing did so much inflame my desire , as the clamour of a rude multitude : for albeit i thought my selfe well enough fortified either by my own constant practice , or the morall precepts of the most learned , yet when i came to fall upon the present case , i know not how i could conceale my pusillanimity . for when that horrid villany not long since here perpetrat , all with one voice did abominat it , the author hereof not being known ; the multitude , which is more acted by precipitancy , than ruled by deliberation , did charge the fault of some few upon all ; and the common hatred of a particular crime did redound to the whole nation , so that even such as were most remote from any suspicion were inflamed with the infamy of other mens crime . when therefore this storme of calumny was calmed , i betook my self very willingly into this port , wherein notwithstanding i am afraid , i may dash upon a rock . b. why , i pray you ? m. because the atrociousness of that late crime doth seeme so much to inflame the minds of all already exasperat , that now no place of apology is left . for , how shall i be able to sustain the impetuous assaults , not only of the weaker sort , but also of those who seeme to be more sagacious , who will exclaime against us , that we were content with the slaughter of an harmeless youth , an unheard of cruelty , unless we should shew another new example of atrocious cruelty against women , which sexe very enemies do spare when cities are taken in by force . now from what villany will any dignity or majesty deterre those , who thus rage against kings ? or what place for mercy will they leave , whom neither the weakness of sexe , nor innocency of age will restrain ? equity , custome , lawes , the respect to soveraignty , reverence of lawful magistracy , which hence forth they will either retain for shame , or coërce for fear , when the power of supreame authority is exposed to the ludibry of the basest of the people , the difference of equity and iniquity , of honesty and dishonesty being once taken away , almost by a publick consent , there is a degeneracy into cruel barbarity . i know i shall hear these , and more atrocious than these spoken how soon i shall returne into france again ; all mens ears in the mean time being shut from admitting any apology or satisfaction . b. but i shall easily liberat you of this fear , and our nation from that false crime . for , if they do so much detest the atrociousness of the first crime , how can they rationally reprehend severity in revenging it ? or if they take it ill , that the queen is taken order with , they must needs approve the first deed ; choose you then , which of the two would you have to seeme cruel . for neither they nor you can praise or reproach both , provided you understand your selves . m. i do indeed abhorre and detest the kings murther , and am glad that the nation is free of that guilt , and that it is charged upon the wickedness of some few . but this last fact i can neither allow nor disallow , for it seemes to me a famous and memorable deed , that by counsel and diligence they have searched out that villany , which since the memory of man is the most hainous , and do pursue the perpetrators in a hostile manner . but in that they have taken order with the chief magistrat , and put contempt upon soveraignty , which amongst all nations hath been alwayes accounted great and sacred . i know not how all the nations of europe will relish it , especially such as live under kingly government ; surely the greatness and novelty of the fact doth put me to a demurre , albeit i am not ignorant what may be pretended on the contrary , and so much the rather , because some of the actors are of my intimate acquaintance . b. now i almost perceive , that it doth perhaps not trouble you so much , as those of forrain nations , who would be judges of the vertues of others to whom you think satisfaction must be given . of these i shall set down three sorts especially , who will vehemently enveigh against that deed . the first kind is most pernicious , wherein those are , who have mancipated themselves to the lusts of tyrants , and think every thing just and lawfull for them to do , wherein they may gratify kings , and measure every thing not as it is in it self , but by the lust of their masters . such have so devoted themselves to the lusts of others , that they have left to themselves no liberty either to speak o● do . out of this crew have proceeded those , who have most cruelly murthered that innocent youth , without any cause of enmity , but through hope of gain , honour , and power at court to satisfy the lust of others . now whilst such feign to be sorry for the queens case , they are not grieved for her misfortunes , but look for their own security , and take very ill to have the reward of their most hainous crime , ( which by hope they swallowed down ) to be pulled out of their throat . i judge therefore that this kind of men should not be satisfied so much by reasoning , as chastised by the severity of lawes , and force of armes . others again are all for themselves ; these men , though otherwise not malicious , are not grieved for the publick calamity ( as they would seeme to be ) but for their own domestick damages , and therefore they seeme to stand in need rather of some comfort , than of the remedies of perswasive reasoning and lawes . the rest is the rude multitude , which doth admire at all novelties , reprehend many things , and think nothing is right , but what they themselvs do or see done : for how much any thing done doth decline from an ancient custome , so farr they think it is fallen from justice and equity . and because these be not led by malice and envy , nor yet by self-interest , the most part will admitt information , and to be weaned from their errour , so that being convinced by the strength of reason , they yeeld : which in the matter of religion , we find by experience very often in these dayes , and have also found it in preceeding ages . there is almost no man so wilde , that can not be tamed , if he will but patiently hearken to instruction . m. surely we have found oftentimes that very true . b. when you therefore deale with this kind of people so clamorous and very importunat , ask some of them , what they think concerning the punishment of caligula , nero or domitian , i think there will be none of them so addicted to the name king , that will not confess , they were justly punished . m. perhaps you say right , but these very same men will forthwith cry-out , that they complain not of the punishment of tyrants , but are grieved at the sad calamities of lawfull kings . b. do you not then perceive how easily the people may be pacified ? m. not indeed , unless you say some other thing . b. but i shall cause you understand it in few words , the people ( you say ) approve the murther of tyrants , but compassionat the misfortune of kings , would they not then change their opinion , if they clearly understood what the difference is betwixt a tyrant and a king ? do you not think that this might come to pass , as in many other cases ? m. if all would confess that tyrants are justly killed , we might have a large entry made open to us for the rest , but i find some men , and these not of small authority , who while they make kings liable to the penalties of the lawes , yet they will maintain tyrants to be sacred persons ; but certainly by a preposterous judgment , if i be not mistaken , yet they are ready to maintain their government , albeit immoderat and intolerable , as if they were to fight for things both sacred & civil . b. i have also met with several persons oftentimes , who maintain the same very pertinaciously ; but whether that opinion be right or not , we shall further discuss it hereafter at better conveniency . in the mean time , if you please , let us conclude upon this , upon condition , that unless hereafter it be not sufficiently confirmed unto you , you may have liberty to retract the same . m. on these termes indeed i will not refuse it . b. let us then conclude these two to be contraries a king and a tyrant . m. be it so . b. he therefore that shall explain the original and cause of creating kings , and what the duties of kings are towards their people , and of people towards their kings , will he not seeme to have almost explained on the other hand , what doth pertain to the nature of a tyrant . m. i think so . b. the representation then of both being laid out , do you not think that the people will understand also , what their duty is towards both ? m. it is very like they will. b. now contrary wise , in things that are very unlike to one another , which yet are contained under the same genus , there may be some similitudes , which may easily induce imprudent persons into an errour . m. doubtless , there may be such , and especially in the same kind , where that which is the worst of the two doth easily personat the best of both , and studies nothing more , than to impose the same upon such as are ignorant . buc. have you not some representation of a king and of a tyrant impressed in your mind ? for if you have it , you will save me much pains . m. indeed i could easily express what idea i have of both in my mind , but i fear , it may be rude and without forme , therefore , i rather desire to hear what your opinion is , lest whilst you are a refuting me , our discourse become more prolixe , you being both in age and experience above me ; and are well acquaint not only with the opinions of others , but also have seen the customes of many , and their cities . b. i shall then do it , and that very willingly , yet will i not unfold my own opinion so much , as that of the ancients , that thereby a greater authority may be given to my discourse , as not being such as is made up with respect to this time , but taken out of the opinions of those , who not being concerned in the present controversy , have no less eloquently than briefly given their judgment , without hatred , favour , or envy , whose case was far from these things ; and their opinions i shall especially make use of , who have not frivolously trifled away their time , but by vertue and counsel have flourished both at home and abroad in well governed common wealths . but before i produce these witnesses , i would ask you some few things , that seeing we are at accord in some things of no smal importance , there may be no necessity to digress from the purpose in hand , nor to stay in explaining or confirming things that are perspicuous and well known . m. i think we should do so , & if you please , ask me . b. do you not think that the time hath been , when men did dwell in cottages , yea and in caves , and as strangers did wander to and fro without lawes , or certain dwelling places , and did assemble together as their fond humours did lead them , or as some comodity , and comon utility did allure them ? m. for sooth i beleeve that : seeing it is consonant to the course and order of nature , and is testified by all the histories of all nations almost , for homer doth describe the representation of such a wilde and barbarous kind of life in sicily , even in the time of the trojans . their courts ( saith he ) do neither abound with counciles nor judges , they dwell only in darksome caves , and every one of them in high mountains ruleth his own house , wife and children , nor is any of them at leisure to communicat his domestick affaires to any other . about the same time also italy is said to be no better civilized , as we may easily conjecture from the most fertile regions almost of the whole world , how great the solitude and wastness there was in places on this side of italy . b. but whether do you think the vagrant and solitary life , or the associations of men civilly incorporat , most agreable to nature ? m. the last without all peradventure , which utility the mother almost of justice and equity did first convocat , and commanded to give signes or warnings by sound of trumpet and to defend themselves within walls , and to shut the gates with one key . b. but , do you think that utility was the first and main cause of the association of men ? m. why not , seeing i have heard from the learned , that men are born for men . b. uitility indeed to some seems to be very efficacious , both in begetting and conserving the publick society of mankind ; but if i mistake not , there is a far more venerable , or ancient cause of mens associating , and a more antecedaneous & sacred bond of their civil community , otherwise , if every one would have a regard to this own private advantage , then surely that very utility would rather dissolve than unite humane society together . m. perhaps that may be true , therefore i desire to know what other cause you will assigne . b. a certain instinct of nature , not only in man , but also in the more tamed sort of beasts , that although these allurements of utility be not in them , yet do they of their own accord flock together with other beasts of their own kind , but of these others we have no ground of debate : surely we see this instinct by nature so deeply rooted in man , that if any one had the affluence of all things , which contribute either for maintaining health , or pleasure and delight of the mind , yet he will think his life unpleasant without humane converse . yea , they who out of a desire of knowledge , and an endeavour of investigating the truth , have with drawn themselves from the multitude , and retired to secret corners , could not long endure a perpetual vexation of mind , nor , if at any time they should remit the same , could they live in solitude , but very willingly did bring forth to light their very secret studies , and as they had laboured for the publick good , they did communicat to all the fruit of their ●abour . but if there be any man who doth wholly take delight in solitude , and flee from converse with men , and shun it . i judge it doth rather proceed from a distemper of the mind , than from any instinct of nature , such as we have heard of tim●n the athenian , and bellerophon the corinthian , who ( as the poet saith ) was a wandering wretch on the elean coast , eating his own heart , and fleeing the very footsteps of men . m. i do not in this much dissent from you , but there is one word nature here set down by you , which i do often use rather out of custom , than that i understand it , and is by others so variously taken , and accommodat to so many things , that for the most part i am at a stand to what i may mainly apply it . b. forsooth at present i would have no other thing to be understood thereby , than that light infused by god into our minds , for when god formed that creature more sacred , and capable of a celestial mind , and which might have dominion over the other creatures , he gave not only eyes to his body , whereby he might evite things contrary to his condition , and follow after such as might be usefull , but also he produced in his mind a certain light , whereby he might discerne things filthy from honest ; this light some call nature , others the law of nature , for my own part , truly i think it is of a heavenly stamp , and i am fully perswaded ▪ that nature doth never say one thing , and wisdom another . moreover , god h●th given us a● abridgment of that law , which might contain the whole in few words , viz. that we should love him with all our soul , and our neighbours as our selves , all the books of holy scriptur which treat of ordering our conversation , do contain nothing else but an explication of this law. m. you think then that no orator or lawyer , who might congregat dispersed men ▪ hath been the author of humane society , but god only ? b. it is so indeed , and with cicero , i think there is nothing done on earth more acceptable to the great god , who rules the world , than the associations of men legally united , which are called civil incorporations , whose several parts must be as compactly joyned together , as the several members of our body , & every one must have their proper function , to the end there may be a mutual cooperating for the good of the whole , & a mutual propelling of injuries , and a foreseeing of advantages , and these to be communicat for engaging the benevolence of all amongst themselves ▪ m. you do not then make utility , but that divine law rooted in us from the beginning , to be the cause ( indeed the far more worthy and divine of the two ) of mens incorporating in political societies . b. i mean not indeed that to be the mother of equity and justice , as some would have it , but rather the handmaid , and to be one of the guards in cities wel constitute . m. herein i also agree with you . b. now as in our bodies consisting of contrary elements , there are diseases , that is , perturbations , and some intestine tumults , even so there must be of necessity in these greater bodies , that is in cities , which also consist of various , ( yea and for the most part ) contrary humours , or sorts of men , and these of different ranks , conditions and natures , and which is more , of such as can not remain one hour together approving the same things : and surely such must needs soon dissolve and come to nought ; if one be not adhibited , who as a physician may quiet such disturbances , and by a moderat and wholesome temperament confirme the infirme parts and compesce redundant humours , and so take care of all the members , that the weaker may not languish for want of nutrition , nor the stronger become luxuriant too much . m. truely , it must needs be so . b. how then shall we call him who performeth these things in a civil body ? m. i am not very anxious about his name , for by what name soever he be called , i think he must be a very excellent and divine person , wherein the wisdom of our ancestors seemeth to have much foreseen , who have adorned the thing in it self most illustrious with an illustrious name . i suppose you mean king , of which word there is such an emphasis , that it holds forth before us clearly a function in it self very great and excellent . b. you are very right , for we designe god by that name . for we have no other more glorious name , whereby we may declare the excellency of his glorious nature , nor more suteable , whereby to signify his paternal care and providence towards us . what other names shall i collect , which we translate to denote the function of a king ? such as father aeneas , agamemnon , pastor of the people , also a leader , prince , governour . by all which names such a signification is implyed , as may shew that kings are not ordained for themselves , but for the people . now as for the name we agree wel enough : if you please , let us conferre concerning the function , insisting in the same footsteps we began upon . m. which , i pray ? b. do you remember what hath been lately spoken , that an incorporation seemeth to be very like our body , civil commotions like to diseases , and a king to a physician ? if therefore we shall understand what the duty of a physician is , i am of the opinion , we shall not much mistake the duty of a king. m. it may be so , for the rest you have reckoned are very like , and seem to me very near in kin . b. do not expect that i will here describe every petty thing , for the time will not permit it , neither doth the matter in hand call for it : but if briefly these agree together , you shall easily comprehend the rest . m. go on then , as you are doing . b. the scope seemeth to be the same to us both . m. which ? b. the health of the body , for curing of which they are adhibited . m. i understand you , for the one ought to keep safe the humane body in its state , and the other the civil body in its state , as far as the nature of each can bear , and to reduce into perfect health the body diseased . b. you understand very wel , for there is a twofold duty incumbent to both , the one is to preserve health , the other is to restore it , if it become weak by sickness . m. i assent to you . b. for the diseases of both are alike . m. it seemeth so . b. for the redundance of things hurtfull , and want or scarcity of things necessary are alike noxious to both , and both the one and other body is cured almost in the same manner , namely either by nourishing that which is extenuat and tenderly cherishing it , or by asswaging that which is full and redundant by casting out superfluities , and exercising the body with moderat labours . m. it is so , but here seems to be the difference , that the humours in the one , and manners in the other are to be reduced into a right temperament . b. you understand it wel , for the body politik as wel as the natural hath its own proper temperament , which i think very rightly we may call justice . for it is that which doth regard every member , and cureth it so as to be kept in its function . this sometimes is done by letting of blood , sometimes by the expelling of hurtfull things , as by egestion ; and sometimes exciting cast-down and timorous minds , and comforting the weak , and so reduceth the whole body into that temperament i spoke of : and being reduced , exerciseth it with convenient exercises , and by a certain prescribed temperature of labour and rest , doth preserve the restored health as much as can be . m. all the rest i easily assent to , except that you place the temperament of the body politik in justice : seing temperance even by its very name and profession doth justly seem to claime these parts . b. i think it is no great matter on which of them you conferre this honour . for seing all vertues , whereof the strength is best perceived in action , are placed in a certain mediocrity and equability , so are they in some measure connected amongst themselves , and cohere , so as it seems to be but one office in all , that is , the moderation of lusts . now in whatsoever kind this moderation is , it is no great matter how it be denominat : albeit that moderation , which is placed in publick matters , and mens mutual commerces , doth seem most fitly to be understood by the name of justice . m. herein i very willingly assent to you . b. in the creation of a king , i think the ancients have followed this way , that if any among the citizens were of any singular excellency , and seemed to exceed all others in equity and prudence , as is reported to be done in bee-hives , they willingly conferred the government or kingdom on him . m. it is credible to have been so . b. but what if none such as we have spoken of , should be found in the city ? m. by that law of nature , whereof we formerly made mention , equals neither can ; nor ought to usurpe dominion : for by nature i think it just , that amongst these that are equal in all other things , their course of ruling and obeying should be alike . b. what if a people , wearied with yearly ambition be willing to elect some certain person not altogether endowed with all royal vertues , but either famous by his noble descent , or warlike valour ? will you not think that he is a lawfull king ? m. most lawfull , for the people have power to conferre the government on whom they please . b. what if we shall admitt some acute man , yet not endowed with notable skill , for curing diseases ? shall we presently account him a physician , as soon as he is chosen by all ? m. not at all ▪ for by learning and the experience of many arts , and not by suffrages is a man made a physician . b. what maketh artists in other arts ? m. i think there is one reason of all . b. do you think there is any art of reigning or not ? m. why not . b. can you give me a reason why you think so ? m. i think i can , namely that same which is usually given in other arts. b. what is that ? m. because the beginnings of all arts proceed from experience . for whilst many did rashly and without any reason undertake to treat of many things , and others again through exercitation and consuetude did the same more sagaciously , noticing the events on both hands , and perpending the causes thereof , some acute men have digested a certain order of precepts , and called that description an art. b. then by the like animadversion may not some art of reigning be described , as wel as the art of physick ? m. i think there may . b. of what precepts shall it consist ? m. i do not know at present . b. what if we shall find it out by comparing it with other arts ? m. what way ? b. this way : there be some precepts of grammar , of physick , and husbandry . m. i understand . b. shall we not call these precepts of grammarians and physicians arts and lawes also , and so of others ? m. it seems indeed so . b. do not the civil lawes seem to be certain precepts of royal art ? m. they seem so . b. he must therefore be acquaint therewith , who would be accounted a king. m. it seemes so . b. what if he have no skill therein ? albeit the people shall command him to reigne , think you that he should be called a king ? m. you cause me here hesitate : for if i would consent with the former discourse , the suffrages of the people can no more make him a king , than any other artist . b. what think you shall then be done ? for unless we have a king chosen by suffrages , i am afraid we shall have no lawfull king at all . m. and i fear also the same . b. will you then be content that we more accuratly examine what we have last set down in comparing arts one with another ? m. be it so , if it so please you . b. have we not called the precepts of artists in their several arts , lawes ? m. we have done so . b. but i fear we have not done it circumspectly enough . m. why ? b. because he would seem absurd who had skill in any art , and yet not to be an artist . m. it were so : b. but he that doth performe what belongs to an art , we will account him an artist , whether he do it naturally , or by some perpetual and constant tenour and faculty . m. i think so . b. we shall then call him an artist , who knowes wel this rational and prudent way of doing any thing wel , providing he hath acquired that faculty by constant practice . m. much better than him who hath the bare precepts without use and exercitation . b. shall we not then account these precepts to be art ? m. not at all , but a certain similitude thereof , or rather a shaddow of art. b. what is then that governing faculty of cities , which we shall call civil art or science ? m. it seemes you would call it prudence : out of which , as from a fountain or spring , all lawes , provided they be usefull for the preservation of humane society , must proceed and be derived . b. you have hit the nail on the head , if this then were compleat and perfect in any person , we might say he were a king by nature , and not by suffrages , and might resigne over to him a free power over all things : but if we find not such a man , we shall also call him a king , who doth come nearest to that eminent excellency of nature , embracing in him a certain similitude of a true king. m. let us call him so , if you please . b. and because we fear he be not firme enough against inordinat affections , which may , and for the most part use to decline men from truth , we shall adjoyn to him the law , as it were a colleague , or rather a bridler of his lusts . m. you do not then think that a king should have an arbitrary power over all things . b. not at all : for i remember , that he is not only a king , but also a man , erring in many things by ignorance , often failing willingly , doing many things by constraint : yea a creature easily changeable at the blast of every favour or frown , which natural vice a magistrat useth also to increase : so that here i chiefly find that of the comedy made true , all by licence become worse . wherefore the most prudent have thought it expedient to adjoyne to him a law , which may either shew him the way , if he be ignorant , or bring him back again into the way , if he wander out of it : by these , i suppose , you understand , as in a representation , what i judge to be the duty of a true king. m. of the cause of creating kings , of their name and duty you have fully satisfied me . yet i shall not repine , if you please to add ought thereto : albeit my mind doth hasten to hear what yet seemes to remain , yet there is one thing which in all your discourse did not a little offend me , which i think should not be past over in silence , viz. that you seem somewhat injurious to kings , and this very thing i did suspect in you frequently before , whilst i often heard you so profusely commend the ancient common-wealths , and the city of venice . b. you did not rightly herein judge of me . for i do not so much look to the different forme of civil government ( such as was amongst the romans , massilians , venetians and others , amongst whom the authority of lawes were more powerfull , than that of men ) as to the equity of the forme of government ; nor do i think it matters much , whether king , duke , emperour , or consul be the name of him who is the chiefest in authority , provided this be granted , that he is placed in the magistracy for the maintenance of equity , for if the government be lawfull , we must not contend for the name thereof . for he whom we call the duke of venice is nothing else but a lawfull king : and the first consuls did not only retain the honours of kings , but also their empire and authority , this only was the difference , that not one , but two of them did reigne ( which also you know was usual in all the lacedemonian kings , ) who were created or chosen not constantly to continue in the government , but for one year . we must therefore alwayes stand to what we spoke at first , that kings at first were institute for maintaining equity . if they could have holden that soveraignty in the case they had received it , they might have holden and kept it perpetually ; but this is free and loosed by lawes . but ( as it is with humane things ) the state of affaires tending to worse , the soveraigne authority which was ordained for publick utility degenerated into a proud domination . for when the lust of kings stood in stead of lawes , and men being vested with an infinite and immoderate power , did not contain themselves within bounds , but connived at many things out of favour , hatred , or self-interest , the insolency of kings made lawes to be desired . for this cause therefore lawes were made by the people , and kings constrained to make use not of their own licentious wills in judgment , but of that right or priviledge which the people had conferred upon them . for they were taught by many experiences , that it was better , that their liberty should be concredited to lawes than to kings , whereas the one might decline many wayes from the truth , but the other being deafe both to intreaties and threats might still keep one and the same tenor . this one way of government is to kings prescribed , otherwise free , that they should conforme their actions and speech to the prescripts of lawes , and by the sanctions thereof divide rewards and punishments , the greatest bonds of holding fast together humane society . and lastly , even as saith that famous legislator , a king should be a speaking law , and the law a dumb king. m. at first you so highly praised kings , that you made their majesty almost glorious and sacred , but now , as if you had repented in so doing , i do not know within what strait bonds you shut them up , and being thrust into the prison ( i may say ) of lawes , you do scarce give them leave to speak . and as for my part , you have disappoynted me of my exspectation very farre . for i exspected , that ( according to the most famous historians ) you should have restored the thing which is the most glorious both with god and man , into its own splendor , either of your own accord , or at my desire , in the series of your discourse , which being spoiled of all ornaments , you have brought it into subjection , and that authority , which through all the world is the chiefest , you having hedged-in round about and made it almost so contemptible , as not to be desired by any man in his right witts . for what man in his right witts would not rather live as a private man with a mean fortune , than being still in action about other mens affaires , to be in perpetual trouble , and neglecting his own affaires , to order the whole course of his life according to other mens rules ? but if that be the tearmes of government every where proposed , i fear there will be a greater scarcity of kings found than was of bishops in the first infancy of our religion . nor do i much wonder , if kings be regarded according to this plate-forme , being but men taken from feeding cattel , and from the plough , who took upon them that glorious dignity . b. consider i pray you , in how great an errour you are , who does think that kings were created by people and nations not for justice , but for pleasure , and does think there can be no honour , where wealth and pleasures abound not ; wherein consider how much you diminish their grandour . now that you may the more easily understand it ; compare any one king of those you have seen apparelled like a childs puppet brought forth with a great deale of pride and a great many attendants , meerly for vain ostentation , the representation whereof you miss in that king whom we describe . compare , i say , some one of those , who were famous of old , whose memory doth even yet live , flourisheth & is renowned to all posterity . indeed they were such as i have now been describing . have you never heard what an old woman , petitioning philip king of macedon to hear her cause , answered him , he having said to her , he had no leisure , to which she replyed , then cease ( said she ) to be king ? have you never heard , ( i say ) that a king victorious in so many batells , and conqueror of so many nations , admonished to do his duty by a poor old wife , obeyed , & acknowledged that it was the duty of kings so to do ? compare then this philip not only with the greatest kings that are now in europe , but also with all that can be remembred of old , you shall surely find none of them comparable to those either for prudence , fortitude , or activity : few equal to them for largeness of dominions . if i should enumerat agesilaus , leonidas and the rest of the lacedemonian kings ( o how great men were they ) i shal seem to utter but obsolete examples . yet one saying of a lacedemonian maid i cannot pass over with silence , her name was gorgo the daughter of cleomedes , she seeing a servant pulling off the stockings of an asian ghuest , and running to her father cryed out , father , the ghuest hath no hands ; from which speech of that maid you may easily judge of the lacedemonian discipline , and domestick custome of their kings . now those who proceded out of this rustick , but couragous way of life , did very great things : but those who were bred in the asiatick way , lost by their luxury and sloth the great dominions given them by their ancestors . and , that i may lay aside the ancients , such a one was pelagius not long ago among the people of galicia , who was the first that weakned the saracen forces in spain , yet him and all his the grave did inclose , yet of him the spanish kings are not ashamed , accounting it their greatest glory to be descended of him . but seeing this place doth call for a more large discourse , let us returne from whence we have digressed . for i desire to shew you with the first what i promised , namely that this forme of government hath not been contrived by me , but seemes to have been the same to the most famous men in all ages , and i shall briefly shew you the spring from whence i have drawn these things . the books of m : tullius cicero which are intituled of offices , are by common consent of all accounted most praise worthy , in the second book thereof these words are set down verbatim . it seemes as horodotus saith that of old well bred kings were created , not amongst the medes only , but also amongst our ancestors for executing of justice , for whilst at first the people were oppressed by those that had greatest wealth , they betook themselves to some one who was eminent for vertue ▪ who whilst he kept off the weakest from injuries , establishing equity , he hemmed in the highest with the lowest by equall lawes to both . and the reason of making lawes was the same as of the creation of kings , for it is requisite that justice be alwayes equall , for otherwise it were not justice . if this they did obtain from one good and just man , they were therewith well pleased : when that did not occurre , lawes were made , which by one and the same voice might speak to all alike . this then indeed is evident , that those were usually chosen to governe , of whose justice the people had a great opinion . now this was added , that these rulers or kings might be accounted prudent , there was nothing that men thought they could not obtain from such rulers . i think , you see from these words , what cicero judgeth to be the reason of requiring both kings and lawes , i might here commend zenophon a witness requiring the same , no less famous in war-like affairs , than in the study of philosophy , but that i know you are so well acquaint with his writings , as that you have all his sentences marked . i pass at present plato and aristotle , albeit i am not ignorant how much you have them in estimation . for i had rather adduce for confirmation men famous in a midle degree of affaires , than out of schools . far less do i think fit to produce a stoick king , such as by seneca in thyestes is described : not so much because that idea of a king is not perfect , as because that examples of a good prince may be rather impressed in the mind , than at any time hoped for . but lest in those i have produced there might be any ground of calumny , i have not set before you kings out of the schythian solitude , who did either ungird their own horses , or did other servile work , which might be very far from our manner of living ; but even out of greece , and such , who in these very times , wherein the grecians did most flourish in all liberall sciences , did rule the greatest nations , or wel governed cities : and did so rule , that whilst they were alive were in very great esteeme amongst their people , and being dead left to posterity a famous memory of them selves . m. if now you ask me what my judgment is , i scarce dare confess to you either mine inconstancy or timidity , or by what other name it shall please you to call that vice . for as often as i read these things you have now recited in the most famous historians , or hear the same commended by very wise men , whose authority i dare not decline : and that they are approved by all good and honest men to be not only true , equitable & sincere , but also seeme strong and splendid again as oft as i cast mine eyes on the neatness and elegancy of our times , that antiquity seemeth to have been venerable and sober , but yet rude , and not sufficiently polished , but of these things we may perhaps speak of hereafter at more leisure . now if it please you , go on to prosecute what you have begun . b. may it please you then that we recollect briefly what hath been said ? so shall we understand best what is past , and if ought be rashly granted , we shall very soon retract it . m. yes indeed b : first of all then we agree , that men by nature are made to live in society together , and for a communion of life . m. that is agreed upon . b : that a king also chosen to maintain that society is a man eminent in vertue : m : it is so . b : and as the discords of men amongst themselves brought in the necessity of creating a king , so the injuries of kings done against their subjects were the cause of desiring lawes . m : i acknowledge that . b : we held lawes to be a proofe of the art of government , even as the preceps of physick are of the medicinal art. m : it is so , b. but it seems to be more safe ( because in neither of the two have we set down any singular and exact skill of their severall arts ) that both do , as speedily as may be , heal by these prescripts of art. m : it is indeed safest . b : now the precepts of the medicinal art are not of one kind . m : how ? b : for some of them are for preservation of health , others for restauration thereof . m. very right . b. what say you of the governing art ? m : i think , there be as many kinds . b : next then it seems , that we consider it . do yo think , that physicians can so exactly have skill of all diseases , and of their remedies , as nothing more can be required for their cure ? m : not at all , for many new kinds of diseases arise almost in every age , and new remedies for each of them , almost every yeer are by mens industry found out , or brought from far countries . b : what think you of the lawes of commonwealths m : surely their case seemes to be the same . b : therefore neither physicians , nor kings can evite or cure all diseases of commonwealths , by the precepts of their arts , which are delivered to them in writ . m : i think indeed they cannot . b : what if we shall further try of what things lawes may be established in commonwealths , and what cannot be comprehended within lawes . m : that will be worth our pains . b : there seems to be very many and weighty things , which cannot be contained within lawes . first , all such things as fall into the deliberation of the time to come . m : all indeed . b : next , many things already past , such are these wherein truth is sought by conjecturs , confirmed by witnesses , or extorted by torments . m : yes indeed . b : in unfolding then these questions what shal the king do ? m : i see here there is no need of a long discourse , seeing kings do not so arrogat the supream power in those things which are institute with respect to the time to come , that of their own accord they call to councill some of the most prudent . b : what say you of those things which by conjectures are found out , and made out by witnesses , such as are the crimes of murther , adultery and witchcraft ; m : these are examined by the skill of lawyers , discovered by diligence , and these i find to be for the most part left to the judgment of judges . b : and perhaps very right ; for if a king would needs be at the private causes of each subject , when shal he have time to think upon peace & war , and those affaires which maintain and preserve the safety of the commonwealth ? and lastly when shall he get leave to rest ? m : neither would i have the cognition of every thing to be brought unto a king , neither can one man be sufficient for all the causes of all men , if they be brought unto him : that counsel no less wise than necessary doth please me exceeding well , which the father in law of moses gave him in dividing amongst many the burden of hearing causes , whereof i shall not speak much , seeing the history is known to all . b : but i think , these judges must judge according to law . m : they must indeed do so . but as i conceive , there be but few things , which by lawes may be provided against , in respect of those which cannot be provided against . b : there is another thing of no less difficulty , because all these things which call for lawes , cannot be comprehended by certain prescriptions . m : how so ? b : lawyers , who attribute very much to their own art , and who would be accounted the priests of justice , do confess that there is so great a multitude of affaires , that it may seeme almost infinit , and say that daily arise new crimes in cities , as it were severall kinds of ulcers , what shall a lawgiver do herein , who doth accommodat lawes both to things present and preterit ? m : not much , unless he be some divine-like person . b : an other difficulty doth also occurre , and that not a small one , that in so great an inconstancy of humane frailty , no art can alnost prescribe any things altogether stable and firme . m : there is nothing more true than that . b : it seemeth then most safe to trust a skilfull physician in the health of the patient , and also the kings in the state of the common wealth . for a physician without the rule of art will often times cure a weak patient either consenting thereto , or against his will : and a king doth either perswade a new law yet usefull to his subjects , or else may impose it against their will. m : i do not see what may hinder him therein . b : now seeing both the one and the other do these things , do you think that besides the law , either of them makes his own law ? m : it seemes that both doth it by art. for we have before concluded not that to be art which consists of preceps , but vertue contained in the mind , which the artist usually makes use of in handling the matter which is subject to arts. now i am glad ( seeing you speak ingenuously ) that you being constrained , as it were , by an interdiction of the very truth , do so far restore the king from whence he was by force dejected . b : stay , you have not yet heard all . there is an other inconvenient in the authority of lawes . for the law being as it were a pertinacious , and a certain rude exactor of duty , ●hinks nothing right , but what it self doth ●ommand . but with a king , there is an ●xcuse of infirmity and temerity , and place ●f pardon left for one found in an errour . the law is deaf , cruel and inexorable . ● young man pleads the frailty of his years , ● woman the infirmity of her sexe , another ●is poverty , drunkenness , affection . what ●aith the law to these excuses ? go officer or ●erjeant , conveene a band of men , hoodwink him , scourge him , hang him on a tree . now you know how dangerous a think it is , 〈◊〉 so great a humane frailty , to have the hope ●f safety placed in innocency alone . m : in ●ery truth you tell me a thing full of hazard . ●● surely as oft as these things come into ●ind , i perceive some not a little troubled . m : you speak true . b : when therefore i ●onder with my self what is before past as ●anted , i am afraid lest the comparison of ● physician and of a king in this case seeme ●ot pertinently enough introduced . m : in what case ? b : when we have liberat both ●f the servitude of preceps , and given them ● most a free liberty of curing . m : what ●oth herein especially offend you ? b : when ●ou hear it , you will then judge , two ●uses are by us set down , why it is not expe●ient for a people that kings be loosed from 〈◊〉 bonds of lawes , namely love and hatred , ●hich drive the minds of men to and fro in judging . but in a physician it is not to be feared , lest he faile through love , seeing he expecteth a reward from his patient being restored to health . but if a patient understand that his physician is solicited by intreaties , promises and money against his life , he may call another physician , or if he can find none other , i think it is more safe to seek some remedy from books how deaf soever , than from a corrupt physician . now because we have complained of the cruelty of lawes , look if we understand one another sufficiently . m : how so ? b : we judged an excellent king , such as we may more see in mind than with bodily eyes , not to be bound by any lawes . m : by none . b : wherefore ? m : i think , because , according to paul , he should be a law to himself and to others , that he may express in life what is by law enjoyned . b : you judge rightly ; and that you may perhapst the more admire , severall ages before paul , aristotle did see the same , following nature as a leader , which therefore i say , that you may see the more clearly what hath been proved before , to wit , that the voice of god and nature is the same . but that we may prosecute our purpose . what shall we say they had a respect unto , who first made lawes ? m : equity i think , as hath been said before . b. i do not now demand that , what end they had before them , but rather what patterne they proposed to temselves ▪ m : albeit perhaps i understand that , yet i would have you to explain it , that you may ●onfirme my judgment , if i rightly take it 〈◊〉 , if not , you may amend my error . b : you know , i think , what the dominion is ●f the mind over the body . m : i seem to ●now it . b : you know this also , what ●ver we do not rashly , that there is a certain ●dea thereof first in our minds , and that it is ● great deale more perfect than the works to ●e done , which according to that patterne the ●hiefest artists do frame and as it were ●xpress . m : that indeed i find by experi●nce both in speaking and writing , and per●eive no less words in my mind , than my ●inds in things wanting . for neither can ●ur mind shut up in this dark and troubled ●rison of the body perceive the subtilty of all ●hings ▪ nor can we so endure in our mind the ●epresentations of things , however foreseen in ●iscourse with others , so as they are not ●uch inferiour to these which our intellect ●ath formed to it self . b : what shall we say ●hen which they set before them , who made ●●wes ? m : i seem almost to understand what you would be at . namly , that they in ●ouncill had an idea of that perfect king , and ●hat they did express a certain image , not of ●he body but of the mind , according to that ●●resaid idea as near as they could . and would have that to be in stead of lawes which 〈◊〉 is to think might be good and equitable m : you rightly understand it , for that is the very thing i would say . but now i would have you to consider what manner of king that is which we have constitute at first , was he not one firme and stedfast against hatred , love , wrath , envy , and other perturbations of the mind ? m : we did indeed imagine him to be such a one : or beleeved him to have been such to those ancients . b : but do lawes seeme to have been made according to the idea of him ? m : nothing more likely . b : a good king then is no less severe and inexorable , than a good law . m : he is even as severe : but since i can change neither , or ought to desire it , yet i would slaken both somewhat , if i can . b : but god desires not that mercy be shewed even to the poor in judgment , but commandeth us to respect that one thing which is just and equal , and to pronounce sentence accordingly . m : i do acknowledge that , and by truth am overcome . seing therefore it is not lawfull to loose kings from the bonds of lawes , who shal then be the lawgiver ? whom shall we give him as a pedagogue ? b : whom do you think fittest to performe this duty ? m : if you ask at me , i think the king himself . for in all other arts almost we see their precepts are given by the artists ; whereof they make use , as it were of comments , for confirming their memory , and putting others in mind of their duty . b : on the contrary i see no difference : let us grant that a king is at liberty and solved from the lawes , shall wee grant him the power to comand lawes ? for no man will willingly lay bonds and fetters upon himself . and i know not whether it be better to leave a man without bonds , or to fetter him with slight bonds , because he may rid himself thereof when he pleases . m : but when you concredit the helme of government rather to lawes than to kings , beware i pray you , lest you make him a tyrant , whom by name you make a king , who with authority doth oppress and with fetters and imprisonment doth bind , and so let him be sent back to the plough again , or to his former condition yet free of fetters . b : brave words : i impose no lord over him , but i would have it in the peoples power , who gave him the authority over themselves , to prescribe to him a modell of his government , and that the king may make use of that justice , which the people gave him over themselves . this i crave . i would not have these lawes to be by force imposed , as you interpret it , but i think that by a common council with the king , that should be generally established , which may generally tend to the good of all . m : you will then grant this liberty to the people ? b : even to the people indeed , unless perhaps you be of another mind . m : nothing seemes less equitable . b : why so ; m : you know that saying , a beast with many heads . you know , i suppose , how great the temerity and inconstancy of a people is . b : i did never imagine that that matter ought to be granted to the judgment of the whole people in general , but that near to our custome a select number out of all estates may conveen with the king in council . and then how soon an overturne by them is made , that it be deferred to the peoples judgment . m : i understand well enough your advice . but by this so carefull a caution you seem to help your self nothing . you will not have a king loosed from lawes , why ? because , i think , within man two most cruell monsters lust and wrath are in a continuall conflict with reason . lawes have been greatly desired , which might repress their boldness , and reduce them too much insulting , to regard a just government . what will these counsellours given by the people do ? are they not troubled by that same intestine conflict ? do they not conflict with the same evils as well as the king ? the more then you adjoyn to the king as assessors there will be the greater number of fools , from which you see what is to be expected . b : but i expect a far other thing than you suppose . now i shall tell you why i do expect it . first , it is not altogether true what you suppose , viz. that the assembling together of a multitude is to no purpose , of which number there will perhaps be none of a profound wit : for not only do many see more and understand more than one of them apart , but also more than one , albeit he exceed their wit and prudence . for a multitude for the most part doth better judge of all things , than single persons apart . for every one apart have some particular vertues , which being united together make up one excellent vertue , which may be evidently seen in physicians pharmacies , and especially in that antidot , which they call mithredat . for therein are many things of themselves hurtfull apart , which being compounded and mingled together make a wholesome remedy against poyson . in like manner in some men slowness and lingering doth hurt , in others a precipitant temerity , both which being mingled together in a multitude make a certain temperament and mediocrity , which we require to be in every kind of vertue . m : be it so , seeing you will have it so , let the people make lawes and execute them ; and let kings be as it were keepers of registers . but when lawes seeme to clash , or are not exact and perspicuous enough in sanctions , will you allow the king no interest ormedling here , especially since you will have him to judge all things by written lawes , there must needs ensue many absurdities . and , that i may make use of a very common example of that law commended in the schooles , if a stranger scale a wall , let him die , what can be more absurd than this , that the author of a publick safety ( who have thrust down the enemies pressing hard to be up ) should be drawn to punishment , as if he had in hostility attempted to scall the walls . b : that is nothing . m : you approve then that old saying , the highest justice is the highest injury . b. i do indeed . if any thing of this kind come into debate , there is need of a meek interpreter , who may not suffer the lawes which are made for the good of all to be calamitous to good men , and deprehended in no crime . b. you are very right , neither is there any thing else by me fought in all this dispute , ( if you have sufficiently noticed it ) than that ciceronian law might be venerable and inviolable salus populi suprema lex esto . if then any such thing shall come into debate , so that it be clear what is good & just , the kings duty will be to advert that the law may reach that rule i spoke of , but you in behalf of kings seems to require more , than the most imperious of them assume . for you know that this kind of questions is usually deferred to judges , when law seemeth to require one thing , and the lawgiver another : even as these lawes which arise from an ambiguous right or from the discord of lawes amongst themselves . therefore in such cases most grievous contentions of advocats arise in judicatories , and orators preceps are diligently produced . m. i know that to be done which you say . but in this case no less wrong seemes to be done to lawes than to kings . for i think it better to end that debate presently from the saying of one good man , than to grant the power of darkning rather than interpreting lawes to subtile men , and sometimes to crafty knaves ; for whilst not only contention ariseth betwixt advocat for the causes of parties contending , but also for glory , contests are nourished in the mean time , right or wrong , equity or iniquity is called in question : & what we deny to a king , we grant to men of inferiour rank , who study more to debate than to find out the truth . b. you seeme to me forgetfull of what we lately agreed upon . m. what is that ? b. that all things are to be so freely granted to an excellent king , as we have described him , that there might be no need of any lawes . but whilst this honour is conferred to one of the people , who is not much more excellent than others , or even inferiour to some , that free and loose licence from lawes is dangerous . m. but what ill doth that to the interpretation of law . b. very much . perhaps you do not consider , that in other words we restore to him that infinit and immoderat power , which formerly we denyed to a king , namely that according to his own hearts lust he may turn all things upside down . m. if i do that , then certainly i do it imprudently . b. i shall tell you more plainly , that you may understand it· when you grant the interpretation of lawes to a king , you grant him such a licence , as the law doth not tell what the lawgiver meaneth , or what is good and equall for all in generall , but what may make for the interpreters benefit , so that he may bend it to all actions for his own benefit or advantage , as the lesbian rule . ap. claudius in his decemviratus , made a very just law , that in a liberall cause or plea , sureties should be granted for liberty . what more clearly could have been spoken . but by interpreting the same author made his own law useless . you see ; i suppose how much liberty you give a prince by one cast , namely that what he pleaseth the law doth say , what pleaseth him not , it doth not say . if we shall once admit this , it will be to no purpose to make good lawes for teaching a good prince his duty ; and hemme in an ill king. yea , let me tell you more plainly , it would be better to have no lawes at all , than that freedom to steal should be tolerat , and also honoured under pretext of law. m. do you think that any king will be so impudent , that he will not at all have any regard of the fame and opinion that all men have of him ? or that he will be so forgetfull of his subjects , that he will degenerat into their pravity , whom he hath restrained by ignominy , imprisonment , confiscation of goods , & in a word with very grievous punishments ? b. let us not believe that these things will be , if they had not been done not long ago & that to the exceeding great hurt of the whole world . m. where do you tell these things were done ? b ▪ do you ask , where ? as if all the nations in europe did not only see , but feele also how much mischief hath the immoderat power , and unbridled tyranny of the pope of rome brought upon humane affaires . even that power which from small beginning & seemingly honest he had got , every man doth know that no less can be feared by unwary persons . at first , lawes were proposed to us , not only drawn out of the innermost secrets of nature , but given by god himself , explaind by the prophets from the holy spirit , at last by the son of god , & by the same god confirmed , committed to the writings of those praise worthy men , expressed in their life , & sealed with their blood . neither is there in the whole law any other place more carefully , commendably , or more clearly delivered , than that of the office of bishops . now seeing it is lawfull to no man to add any thing to these lawes , to abrogat or derogat ought therefrom , or to change any thing therein , there did remain but one interpretation , & whilst the pope did arrogat it , he not only did oppress the rest of the churches , but claimed a tyrranny the most cruell of all that ever were , daring to command not only men but angels also , plainly reducing christ into order , if this be not to reduce him into order , that what thou wilt have done in heaven , in earth & amongst the damned in hell , be ratified : what christ hath commanded , let it be ratified , if thou wilt ; for if the law seeme to make but little for your behoofe , interpreting it thus you may back-bend it , so that not only by your mouth , but also according to the judgment of your mind christ is constrained to speak . christ therefore speaking by the mouth of the pope , pipin is set in childericks place of government , ferdinandus of arragon substitute to john king of navarre : the son arose in armes against his father , and subjects against their king. christ is full of poison , then he is forced by witches , so that he killeth henry of luxemburg by poison . m. i have heard these things often before , but i desire to hear more plainly somewhat of that interpretation of lawes , b. i shall offer you one example , from which you may easily understand , how much this whole kind is able to do . the law is , a bishop must be the husband of one wife , than which law what is more clear , & what may be said more plain ? one wife , ( saith the law ) one church , ( saith the pope ) such is his interpretation . as if that law were made not to repress the lust of bishops but their avarice . now this explanation , albeit it saith nothing to the purpose , yet doth contain a judgment honest and pious , if he had not vitiated that law again by another interpretation . what doth therefore the pope devise for excuse ? it varieth ( saith he ) in regard of persons , cases , places & times . some are of that eminent disposition , that no number of churches can satisfy their pride . some churches again are so poor , that they cannot maintain him who was lately a begging monk , if he now have a mitre , if he would maintain the name of a bishop . there is a reason invented from that crafty interpretation of the law , that they may be called bishops of one church , or other churches given them in commendam , and all may be robbed . time would faile me , if i should reckon up the cheats , which are daily excogitat against one law. but albeit these things be most unbeseeming as well the name of a pope , as of a christian , yet their tyranny rests not here . for such is the nature of all things , that when they once begin to fall they never stay untill they fall headlongs into destruction . will you have me to shew you this by a famous example ? do you not remember upon any of the roman emperours blood who was more cruell and wicked than c. caligula ? m. there was none that i know of . b. now what was his most nefarious villany think you ? i do not speak of those deeds which popes do reckon up in some reserved cases , but in the rest of his life . m. i do not at present remember . b. what do you think of that , that having called upon his horse , he invited him to sup with him ? set a golden grain of barley before him , and made him consul ? m. indeed it was most impiously done b. what think you of that , how he made the same horse his colleague in the priesthood ? m. do you tell me that in good earnest ? b. indeed in good earnest , nor do i admire that these things seeme to you feigned . but that roman jupiter of ours hath done such things , that those things done by caligula may seem true to posterity . i say pope julius the third , who seemes contended with c. caligula a most wicked wretch for preheminence of impiety . m. what did he of that kind ? b. he made his ape-keeper , a man almost more vile than the vilest beast , his colleague in the papary . m. perhaps there was another cause of choosing him . b. some are reported indeed , but i have picked out the most honest . seeing then so great a contempt not only of the priesthood , but also a forgetfulness of humanity arise from this freedome of interpreting lawes , beware you think that to be a small power . m. but the ancients seeme not to have thought it so great a business of interpreting , as you would have it seeme to be . which by this one argument may be understood , because the roman emperours granted it to lawyers : which one reason doth overturne your whole tedious dispute , nor doth it only refute what you spoke of the greatness of that power , but that also which you most shun , it perspicuously declareth what power they granted to others of answering rightly , was not denyed to themselves , if they had been pleased to exerce that office , or could have done it by reason of greater affaires . b : as for those roman emperours , whom the souldiers did choose indeliberatly , & without any regard to the common good of all , these fall not under this notion of kings which we have described so that by those that were most wicked were they chosen who for the most part were most wicked , or else laid hold upon the government by violence . now i do not reprehend them for granting power to lawyers to interpret the law. and albeit that power be very great , as i have said before , it is notwithstanding more safely concredited to them to whom it cannot be an instrument of tyranny . moreover it was concredited to many whom mutuall reverence did hold within the bounds of duty , that if one decline from equity , he might be refuted by another . and if they should have all agreed together into fraud ; the help of the judge was above them , who was not obliged to hold for law what ever was given by lawyers for an answer . and over all was the emperour , who might punish the breach of lawes . they beeing astricted by so many bonds were hemmed in , and did fear a more grievous punishment , than any reward of fraud they could expect : you see , i suppose then that the danger to be feared from such kind of men was not so great . m. have you no more to say of a king ? b. first , if you please , let us collect together , what is already spoken , so that the more easily we may understand , if any thing be omitted . m. i think we should do so . b. we seemed to be at accord sufficiently concerning the origine & cause of creating kings , & making lawes , but of the lawgiver not so : but at last , though somewhat unwillingly i seeme to have consented , being enforced by the strength of truth . m. certainly you have not only taken from a king the power of commanding lawes , but also of interpreting them , even whilst i as an advocat strongly protested against it . wherein i am afraid , if the matter come to publick hearing , lest i be accused of prevarication , for having so easily suffered a good cause , as it seemed at first , to be wrung out of my hands . b. be of good courage : for if any accuse you of prevarication in this case , i promise to be your defence . m. perhaps we will find that shortly . b. there seems to be many kinds of affaires which can be comprehended within no lawes , whereof we laid over a part on ordinary judges , & a part on the kings councill by the kings consent . m. i do remember we did so indeed . and when you was doing that , wot you what came into my mind ? b. how can i , unless you tell me ? m. me thought you made kings in a manner like stone seals , which for the most part so seeme to lean on the tops of pillars as if they did sustain the whole fabrick : whereas in effect they bear no more burden , than any other stone . b. what ? good advocat of kings , do you complain that i lay on them a little burden , seeing both day and night they do nothing else , than seek out others to bear burden with them , or upon whom they may altogether lay the burden , & so disburden themselves . and in the mean time you seeme to take it in ill part that i afford them help labouring under their burden . m. i also very willingly admit these auxiliaries , but such would i have as may serve , but not command , such as may shew the way , but not lead in the way , or more truly draw , or rush them forward as some warlike engine , and leave a king no other power but to assent to them . therefore i presently expect that having ended our discourse concerning a king , you would step aside to speak of tyrants , or some where else . for you have inclosed a king within so narrow bounds , that i am afraid , lest , if we tarry longer therein , you drive him out of his greatest wealth , & highest dignity , & banish him as it were into some desert island , where , being spoiled of all his honour he wax old in poverty & misery . b. you feared , as you pretend , the crime of prevarication ; but i am afraid , lest in calumniating you wrong the king , whom you endeavour to defend . first , i would not have him to be idle , unless you would appoint idle master builders , secondly , you deprive him of good ministers & friends , whom i have adjoyned unto him not as keepers , but would have them called by him to bear a part of his labour , & these being driven away you surround him with a band of knaves , who make him to be feared by his subjects , neither do you think he will be formidable , unless we allow him a great power of doing wrong . i would have him to be by his subjects beloved , not to be guarded by the terrour , but goodwill of his subjects , which armes alone do make kings invincible , unless you gainsay this , i trust i shall shortly prove it . for i shall lead him out of these you call straits into light : & by one law shall give him so much authority and enlargment , that if he desire more , he may seeme impudent . m. indeed i long to heare that . b. i shall then fall upon that matter , that i may satisfy your desire as soon as i can . a little before we have confessed , that no law can be so accurately cautioned concerning any affair , but that malicious subtilty may invent some fraud . this perhaps will be the better understood by the example already proposed . by the law it is ordained , that no parents transmit their benefices to their bastards . here in effect the law seemes clear , yet a cheat is found out : that the father substitute some other man , & that he may deliver that same benefice to the bastard of the former possessor . thereafter , when as it was carefully ordained by law , that the son should by no means enjoy that benefice which his father had possessed before : yet by this caution it was never a white the better . for against that law a paction was found out amongst priests , that each of them should substitute the son of the other in his office . and when that was also forbidden , the law was also eluded by another kind of cheat : a pretender was set up against the father , who might pretend he had a right to that benefice . whilst the father seemingly is a contending with this supposed sycophant , the son doth petition the pope for the benefice , if so be that the right unto that benefice belong not to either of the parties contending for it , and so the son by his fathers prevarication doth enjoy his fathers benefice , and over cometh both the parties , who willingly & freely yeeld up their plea. thus you soe how many kinds of cheats are invented against one law. m. i see it . b. do not lawgivers seeme to do altogether the same herein which physicians do , who whilst they endeavour by applying a plaister to compesce the eruptions of flegme , or of some other hurtfull humour , the humour restrained in one place seeks issue in many places at once : & as a certain hydra having one head cut off , many heads start up in place of one . m. nothing more like . b. what was incumbent for a physician to do at first for freeing the whole body at once of peccant humours . ought not the politik physician to do the same in this case , for freeing the whole common wealth of evill manners ? m : i think that to be the right way of cure , albeit it be difficult . b· and if this can be obtained , i think there would be need of few lawes . m. it is indeed so . b. doth not he alone seeme to conferre more for the publick good who can apply this remedy , than all the conventions of all estates met for making of lawes ? m. doubtless far more . but that i may make use of the comick poets words , who is able to undertake so weighty a charge . b. what if we shall lay it over on the king ? m. merrily spoken indeed . what was soon done and easy you have committed to the whole people : but if any thing be difficult and intricat , you will lay it over upon the king alone , as if you thought him not sufficiently bound tying him round about with so many fetters , unless you lay upon him a most grievous burden under which he may also succumbe . b. it is not so , but we contend for a business easy for him to be done , we beseech , he would suffer himself to be exorable . m. what is that , i pray ? b. that as fathers ought to carry towards their children , so in all his life he would behave himself towards his subjects whom he ought to account as children . m. what is that to the purpose in hand ? b. surely this one is certainly the chiefest remedy against corrupt manners , and lest you suppose that it is an invention of mine , hear what claudianus saith . thou king must as a father rule thy subjects , and no less have a care of all than of they self ; let not thy own desire only move thee , but also the publick desires of thy people . if thou commandest ought to be done by all , and to be obeyed , obey the same first thy self . then will the people become the more observant of equity , nor will refuse to bear any burden , when they see their king himself obedient to what he commands . the whole world doth act conforme to the example of a king. the lawes of kings prevaile not so much to incline mens minds unto obedience , as the conversation of the rulers . for the fluctuating multitude doth alwayes change as their prince doth . do not imagine that the poet pregnant for understanding & learning did in vain believe so great force to be herein , for people are so addicted to the imitation of kings , in whom any image of honesty doth shine or appeare , and so endeavour to express their manners , that whose vertue they admire , they endeavour also to imitat some of their vices in speech , apparell in deport . but in conforming themselves to the king in gesture , manners of speech they not only desire to imitat him , but also by flattery they insinuat themselves into the minds of great ones , & by these arts they hunt after riches , honour , and preferment , because they know we have it by nature , that we love not only our selves , and our own concernes , but embrace our own likeness though vicious in others . now that which we demand not wickedly and arrogantly , but by intreaty endeavour to obtain , hath a far greater force , than the threatnings of lawes , the ostentation of punishments , or armies of souldiers . this reduceth a people without force into modesty , conciliateth to a king his subjects good-liking , increaseth and maintaineth the publick tranquillity , and the wealth of every one severally . let therefore a king carefully consider , that he is set on the theatre of the world , and for a spectacle proposed to all , so as no word or deed of his can be concealed , the vices of kings can never be kept secret . for the supream light of fate suffers nothing to ly hid in obscurity , and fame enters into all secret places , and finds out obscure corners . o how much doth it concerne kings to be circumspect on all hands ; seeing neither their vices nor their vertues can be concealed , nor yet without a great universall change of affaires . but if any do yet doubt , what great importance there is in the conversation of a prince , for the emendation of the publick discipline , let him take but a view of the small beginning of the state of rome . that rude people consisting of shepherds and countrey in habitants , i shall not say worse , naturally fierce , having got a very cour●gious king , and having pitched once their tents , for soliciting the peace of the neighbouring nations , and provoking them to fight , how much do you think of hatred and fear was bred in their neighbours ? when again that very same people had set over them a pious and just king , they were so suddenly changed , that being wholly devoted to the worship of their gods and to acts of justice , that to wrong them their neighbours judged it a crime , even those very neighbours , i say , whose lands before they had laid waste , whose cities they had burnt , and their children and kinsmen they had carried away into bondage . now if in that barbarity of manners , & rudeness of times numa pompilius , ( who a little before was brought out of another nation at enmity with them , and made king ) could do so much : what shall wee xpect , or rather , what shall we not expect of those princes , who being supported by affinity , vassalls , and much wealth left them by their ancestors , obtain the government ? and are born and brought up in expectation thereof . now how much should it stirre up their minds unto vertue , that they hope to have the praise not of one day , as stage-players do , the scene being once past , but the goodwill , admiration , and perpetuall remembrance of their life to all posterity , and know that honours in heaven are prepared for them ? i wish i could express in words the representation of that honour which in mind i have conceived . now that i may somewhat propose unto your view the same by some of the first draughts and lineaments thereof , consider with your self , how the brasen serpent erected by moses in the desert of arabia , did heal the wounds made by other serpents by a very look of the people thereon . imagine that out of the whole people there were some stung by serpents , and running together for present cure , others astonished at the newness of the miracle , and all celebrating with all kind of praise the immense and incredible goodness of god : when they perceive that the pain of that deadly wound was not taken away , either by medicaments , with the torment of the patient , by the physicians labour and assiduous carefulness of friends , nor by any long space of time , but reduced unto health in a moment . compare now a king with that serpent , and so compare him , that you may reckon a good king amongst the greatest benefits of god who alone without any expence of thine , and without thy paines and labour , doth relieve a kingdome of all its troubles , setleth perturbations , and in a short space bringeth the inveterat ulcers of minds unto a cicatrice or scar : neither is he only a procurer of health to those who behold him near at hand , but also to such as are a far off , and have no hope to see him , in whose image so great a force is presented to the minds of his subjects , that it doth easily performe what the prudence of lawyers , the science of philosophers , and the experience of so many ages in collecting their severall arts could never performe . now what greater honour , dignity , eminency or majesty can be told or excogitat to be in any man , that by speech , converse , sight , fame , and a tacite species presented to the mind , he may reduce the most luxurious to modesty , the violent to equity , and those that are furious unto a right mind . can you ask of god a greater benefit than this so much for the good of mans concernes ? if i mistake not , this is the true representation of a king , not that of a king guarded with weapons of war , ever fearing others , or making others afraid , by his hatred towards his people measuring his peoples hatred against him . this representation which we have given , seneca in his thyestes hath expressed in very pleasant colours , which verse i doubt not but you know , seeing it is most elegant . do i now seeme to speak basely and contemptuously of a king ? and bind him fast loaded with the fetters of lawes within a goale , as you did lately say ? and not rather do bring him forth into light , and assemblies of men , and set him upon the publick theatre of mankind , accompanied not with the arrogant company of archers and armed men , and rogues cloathed in silk , but guarded in safety by his own innocency , not with the terrour of armes , but by the love of his people : and not only at freedome and set aloft , but honoured , venerable , sacred , and eminent , and coming forth with the good wishes and fortunat acclamations of the people , and whithersoever he goeth , turning the faces , eyes and hearts of all towards him . what acclamation , or what triumph can be compared with this daily pomp ? or if god in humane likeness should come down into earth , what greater honour could be given him by men , than that which would be given to a true king , that is to the lively image of god ? for neither can love bestow , nor flattery invent a greater honour than this . what do you think of this representation of a king ? m. so splendide & magnificent indeed it is , that it seemes nothing can be said or imagined more magnificent . but in these corrupt times of ours , it is hard to find this magnanimity , unless carefull education make an honest and good nature and disposition . for the mind being principled with good instructions and acts from infancy , and by age and daily practice confirmed , endeavours by vertue to attain to true glory ; in vain it is tempted by the allurements of lusts , or weakned by the impressions of adversity . for thus learning doth perfect naturall parts , and good breeding doth strengthen the mind : so that it findeth occasion of exercising vertue amongst the very recreations of pleasures , and these things which usually terrify weak ones , by reason of difficulty , vertue doth account them as a matter of praise . seeing then there is so great importance in learning for all conditions of life , with what great care and solicitude should men foresee , that the tender minds of kings be righly principled , even from their very infancy . for seeing many are the benefits of good kings towards their subjects , and contrary wise , many calamities proceed from wicked princes , than nothing doth seeme to have a greater influence upon every rank of men , than the cariage and conversation of kings and others , who joyntly rule publick affaires . for what is done well or ill by private persons , is for the most part hid from the multitude : or by reason of such mens obscure condition their example belongeth to few . but all the words and deeds of those , wh● hold the helme of publick affaires ; canno● be concealed , beeing written as it were 〈◊〉 a publick monument , as horace saith , but ar● set before all men for imitation . for the● do not turne mens affections to themselves 〈◊〉 studying to please them , but by very kindl● allurements of utility . and whither soeve● the inclinations of kings do drive , they mak● the publick discipline wheele about wit● them . but i am afraid , that our kings wi●● not be intreated to performe what you hav● now mentioned . for they are so marred by th● allurements of pleasures , & deceived with th● false shew of honour , that i think they 〈◊〉 almost that which some poets report to hav● befallen the trojans who were in compan● at sea with paris . for the true helena bein● left in egypt with protheus a holy and truel● religious man , they did contend so pertina●ciously the space of ten years for her likeness that it was the end of a most pernicious war and of the most flourishing kingdome in thos● times . for impotent tyrants embracin● that false representation of a kingdome when they have once obtained it by right 〈◊〉 wrong , cannot lose it without destruction now if any do admonish them , that the tru● helena for whom they imagine to fight , is els● where concealed , they would call him ma● ▪ b. i am indeed glad that you somewhat unde●●stand the beauty of that true daughter 〈◊〉 jupiter from this her likeness , such as it is , albeit you do not see her self . but if these lovers of that helena , to their great dammage , did see the perfect image of the true helena , pourtrayed with her lively colours by some protegenes or appelles , i do not question but they would admire her and fall in love with her . and if they did not command their affections to enjoy that other , they might fall into those grievous punishments , which perseus in his satyres doth imprecat on tyrants . o supream father of the gods , be pleased thus to punish cruell tyrants , when any execrable lust dipt in raging poyson doth stirre up their spirits , let them see what vertue is , and let them pine away for sorrow , because they despised her . and therefore seeing we are fallen in to make mention of tyrrants , may it please you , that straight way we proceed to speak of them ? m. yea , unless you think some other thing should be first spoken . b. i suppose we shall not deviat , if we proceed in the same footsteps for finding out a tyrant , wherein we did insist in seeking out a king. m. i think so . for by that means we shall very easily understand what difference there is betwixt them , if set one against another they be duely considered . b. and first of all that we may begin at a tyrants name , of what language , it is uncertain . i therefore think it now necessary for us to seek therein the greek , or latine etymology . now what the ancients did call tyranny , i think is not unknown to any who are well versed in humane literature . for tyrants were called both by the greeks and latines , who had the full power of all things in their hands , which power was not astricted by any bonds of lawes , nor obnoxious to the cognition of judges . therefore in both languages , as you know , not only the noble heroes , and most famous men , but the chiefest of the gods , and so jupiter also is called tyrannus : and that even by those who both think and speak honourably of the gods. m. i know indeed that well enough : and the rather i much admire , whence it is come to pass , that that name now for so many ages is accounted odious , and also amongst the most grievous reproaches . b. it seemes certainly to have fallen out in this word , which happeneth to be in many others : for if you consider the nature of words , it hath no evill i● it . and albeit some words have a more pleasant sound in the ears of hearers , and others a more unpleasant , yet of themselves they have no such thing , so as to stirre up the mind to wrath , hatred , or hilarity , or otherwise to creat pleasure or pain and trouble if any such thing befall us , that happens to fall out usually , not from the word , but from the consuetude of men , and image thereof conceived by the hearers . therefore a word which amongst some men 〈◊〉 honest , amongst others cannot be heard ●ith some preface of , with reverence . m : ● remember that the like is befallen the ●ames of nero and judas , whereof the one ●mongst the romans , and the other amongst ●he jewes was accounted by great men very ●amous and honourable . but thereafter by ●o fault of these names , but of these two ●en , it hath come to pass , that even the ●ost flagitious men will not have these names ●o be given their children : they being buried ●nder such infamy . b : the same also is ●erspicuous to have befallen the word tyrant , ●or it is credible , that the first magistrats , ●ho were thus called , were good men ; or ●rom hence , that this name was sometime so ●onourable , that it was attribut to the gods. ●ut those that came afterward made it so famous by their wicked deeds , that all ●en abhorred it as contagious and pestilen●ous , and thought it a more light reproach 〈◊〉 be called an hang-man than a tyrant . m : ●erhaps it was the same as befell the kings 〈◊〉 rome after the tarquinii were deposed in ●●e name dictator after m. antonius and 〈◊〉 : dolabella were consuls . b : just so . and ●● the contrary , base and vulgar names have ●een made famous by the vertue of men ●●lled thereby . as amongst the romans , ●●millus , metellus , scropha : and amongst ●●e germans , henry , genserick , charles . ●his you shall the better understand , if taking away the name of tyrant , you consider the thing , notwitstanding that this kind of government hath continued in its former honour and respect amongst many famous nations , as the aesymnetae amongst the greecians , and the dictators amongst the romans : for both were lawfull tyrants . now tyrants they were , being more powerfull than the lawes but lawfull they were , as being chosen by consent of the people . m : what am i hearing ? tyrants and yet lawfull ? indeed i did expect a far other thing from you : bu● now you seeme to confound the difference of all kings and tyrants . b : indeed bo●● kings and tyrants amongst the ancien● seeme to have been altogether one and th● same ; but i suppose in diverse ages : for 〈◊〉 think the name of tyrants was more ancient thereafter when they became weary of t●● name , in their place succeeded kings 〈◊〉 more plausible name , and more gentle g●●vernment , and when they also began to degenerat , the moderation of lawes 〈◊〉 adhibited , which might set limites to th● boundless lusts of their government . 〈◊〉 men according to the exigence of times , 〈◊〉 their usuall way , seeking out new remedi● became weary of the old way of government and sought out new wayes . now our prese●● purpose is to handle both kinds of govern●ment , namely that wherein as well the ●●●vernment of kings as of lawes is the 〈◊〉 ●owerfull : and the worst kind of tyranny , ●herein all things are contrary to a king●ome , and have undertaken to compare ●hem one with another . m : it is so . and earnestly expect you would fall upon that . b : at first then we had agreed , that a king was created for maintaining humane society , ●nd we determined his office and duty , that by the prescript of lawes he should allow every man his own . m : i do remember ●hat . b : first then , he that doth not receive ● government by the will of the people , but ●y force invadeth it , or intercepteth it by fraude , how shall we call him ? m : i suppose , a tyrant . b. there be also many other differences , which i shall briefly run through , because any man may easily collect them from aristotle : for the government of kings is according to nature , but that of tyrants is not . a king doth rule his subjects , and reigne over them by their own consent . tyrants reigne over them nill they , will they . a kingdome is a principality of a free man among free men : tyranny is a principality of a master over his slaves . for defence of a kings safety the subjects watch and ward , for a tyrant forrainers do watch to oppress the subjects . the one beareth rule for the subjects welfare , the other for himself . m. what do you say of those who have gotten into their hand the supreame authority by force and without the peoples consent , and yet for many years did so rule that the people were not weary of their government ? for what could be wanting in hiero the syracusan king , or in cosmo 〈◊〉 mediees the florentine duke to make them just kings , except the peoples suffrages ? b. indeed we cannot exeeme them out of the number of tyrants . for it was nobly spoken by a notable historian , albeit you may indeed rule your countrey and friends by violence and force , and correct their faults , yet it is unseasonable . then again , such do seeme to do just like robbers , who cunningly dividing their ill gotten goods , do seek the praise o● justice by injury , and of liberality by robbery ▪ yet do not obtain what they hunt for ; by the odiousness of one ill deed they lose all the thanks of their ostentative bounty , and so much the less assurance of their civill disposition do they give their subjects , and that because they do not that for their subjects good , but for their own government , namely , that they the more securely may enjoy their own lusts and pleasures , and establish a soveraignty over the posterity to come , having somewhat mitigated the peoples hatred . which when they have once done , they turne back again to their old manners . for the fruit which is to follow may easily be known by the sower thereof . for he hath the same strength and power to revoke all things at his pleasure , and to transferre unto himself the strength of all lawes , even as if he would abrogat all lawes . but this kind of tyrants had been perhaps tolerable , if without the common destruction of all it could have been taken away , even as we do endure some bodily diseases rather than throw our life into the hazard of a doubtsome cure . but they who bear rule , not for their countrey 's good , but for their own self interests , have no regard to the publick utility , but to their own pleasure and lust , they place the stability of their authority in the peoples weakness , and think that a kingdom is not a procuration concredited to them by god , but rather a prey put into their hands . such are not joyned to us by any civil bond , or bond of humanity , but should be accounted the greatest enemies of god and of all men . for all the actions of kings should aime at the publick safety of their subjects , and not at their own wealth . by how much kings are raised above other men , so much should they imitat the celestiall bodies , which having no good offices of ours given to them , yet do infuse on humane affaires a vital and bountifull vertue of heat and light . yea the very titles wherewith we have honoured kings ( if you remember ) might put them in mind of their munificence . m : me thinks i remember , namely , that they should use a paternal indulgence towards their subjects committed to them as towards children ; the care of a shepherd in procuring their profit : as generals in maintaining their safety , as governours in excellency of vertues , and as emperours commanding those things which might be usefull . b. can he then be called a father , who accounts his subjects slaves ? or a shepherd , who doth not feed his flock , but devoureth them ? or a pilot , who doth alwayes study to make shipwrack of the goods in his ship , and who ( as they say ) makes a leck in the very ship wherein he sailes ? m. by no means . b. what is he then , who doth not rule for the peoples good , but still doth all for himself , who doth not strive with good men in vertue , but contendeth to exceed the most flagitious wretch in vices ? who leadeth his subjects into manifest snares ? m. indeed such shall not be by me accounted either a generall , or emperour , or governour . b. if you then shal see any usurping the name of a king , and in no kind of vertue excelling any of the people , but inferiour to many therein , not fatherly affectionat towards his subjects , but rather oppressing them by arrogant domineering , and that thinketh the people is concredited to him for his own gain and not for their safeguard ; will you imagine that such a man is truely a king , albeit he goes vapouring with a great many in guard about him , and openly be seen with gorgeous aparrell , and make a shew of punishments ; can he conciliat the people , and catch their applause by rewards , games , pompous shewes , and even mad underminings , and what ever is thought to be magnificent ; will you , i say , account such a man a king ? m. not indeed , if i would understand my self aright , but void of all humane society . b. within what limites do you circumscribe humane society ; m. within the very same limites wherein by your preceeding discourse you seemed to include it , namely within the hedge of lawes . which whosoever transgress , be they robbers , thieves , or adulteres , i see them publickly punished , and that to be accounted a just cause of their punishment , because they transgressed the limites of humane society . b. what say you of those , who would never once enter within these hedges ? m. i think they should be accounted enemies to god and men , and reckoned amongst wolves , or some other kind of noisome beasts , rather than amongst men : which whosoever doth nourish , he nourisheth them for his own destruction and others : & whosoever killeth them , doth not only good to himself , but to all others . but if i had power to make a law , i would command ( which the romans were wont to do with monsters ) such kind of men to be carried away into solitary places , or to be drowned in the depths of the sea afar from the sight of any land , lest by the contagion of their carcases they might infect other men . and rewards to the killers of them to be discerned not only by the whole people , but by every particula● person : as useth to be done to those who have killed wolves or namely that these spirits beares , or apprehended their whelpes . for if such a monster should be borne , & speak with a mans voice , & have the face of a man , & likeness of other parts , i would have no fellowship with him ; or if any man divested of humanity should degenerat into such cruelty , as he would not meet with other men but for their destruction , i think he should be called a man no more than satyres , apes , or bears , albeit they should resemble man in countenance , gesture and speech . b. now , if i mistake not , you understand what a king , and what a tyrant the wisest ancients meant in their writings . will it please you then that we propose some idea of a tyrant also , such as we gave in speaking of a king ? m. yes , that i do earnestly desire , if it be not a trouble to you . b. you have not forgot , i suppose , what by the poets is spoken of the furies , and by our divines of the nature of evill spirits , are enemies of mankind , who whilst they are in perpetuall torments , yet do rejoice in the torments of men . this is indeed the true idea of tyranny . but because this idea can only be discerned in the imagination , but not by any of the senses , i shall set before you another idea , which not only the mind may discerne , but the senses also perceive , and as it were represented to the very eye . imagine you see a ship tossed by waves in the sea , and all the shoares round about not only without haven or harbour but also full of most cruell enemies , and the master of the ship in contest with the company , and yet to have no other hope of safety than in their fidelity , and the same not certain , as knowing well that he puts his life into the hands of a most barbarous kind of men , and void of all humanity , whom by money he may hold trusty , and who for greater gain may be conduced to fight against him . such indeed is that life which tyrants embrace as happy . they are afraid of enemies abroad , and of their subjects at home , and not only of their subjects , but of their domesticks , kinsfolk , brethren , wives , children , and near relations . and therefore they have alwayes war , either a forrain war with their neighbours , civil war with their subjects , or a domestick war within doores , or else they are still in fear thereof . neither do they expect aid any where but by a mercenary way , they dare not hire good men , nor can they trust bad men ; what then in all their life can be to them pleasant ? dionysius would not let his daughters once become women to trim him , fearing to let the razor come to his throat . temoleon was killed by his own brother , alexander pheraeus by his own wife , and sp : cassias by his own father . he that still hath such examples set before his eyes , what a torture do you imagine he carryeth about in his breast ? seeing he thinks that he is the mark set for all mankind to shoot at . neither is he only while awake tormented with these tortures of conscience , but also is awakned out of his sleep by terrifying sights both of the living and dead , and agitat by the fire brands of hellish furies . for the season which nature doth grant for rest to all creatures , and also to men for relaxation of their cares , to him is turned into horrours and punishment . m. forsooth you have handled these things very acutely , but i know not if truely also , but yet , if i mistake not , they make not so much for our purpose . for they who have the power to choose what kings they please , in them is the power to bind by lawes such as they have chosen . but you know that our kings are not chosen , but born kings . to whom i have alwayes thought it to be no less hereditary , that their will and pleasure should stand for law , than the kingdome it self . nor am i rashly induced to be of this opinion , but convinced by severall great authors , with whom i am not ashamed to be mistaken , ( if at all i be in any mistake or errour . ) for not to make mention of others , lawyers do affirme , that by the royall law which is made for the government of kings , all the peoples power is so transmitted into them , that their will and pleasure should be accounted for lawes . and indeed from this law did those threatnings of a certain emperour arise , that he would quite take away from lawyers all their science , wherein they so much boast , by one edict . b. you do very well , that whilst you cite a most wicked author of one of the greatest deeds , thought good to suppress his name . for that was c , caligula , who wished but one neck for all the people of rome . now in that emperour there was nothing of a man , far less of a king , beside his shape , you are not then ignorant how much authority may be due to him . but as for the royal law ▪ what it is , when , by whom , and in what words it was made the very lawyers make no mention . for that power was never in any of the roman emperours , seeing from them appeals were made to the people . but that ordinance , whereby l : flaccus having oppressed the liberty of the people of rome , established by the silence of other lawes ; the tyranny of l : sylla , no man did ever hold for a law . for of that ordinance such was the strength , that whatever l : sylla had done , should be ratified , which law never any free people was so infatuat , as willingly to permit to be imposed on them . or if any such were , he were indeed worthy to serve perpetually tyrants , and be punished for his folly . but if any such law have been , let us think it was an example proposed to us for caution , but not for imitation . m. indeed you admonish well . but that admonition belongeth to them in whose power it is to creat such kings as most please them , but to us it doth not at all belong , who do not by suffrages elect the best kings , but accept of those that by chance are given us . that also of a certain lawyer seemes properly to quadrat with us , who have given to our kings ancestors that right and authority over us and our posterity , that they and their posterity should perpetually hold their empire and authority over us . i wish then you had admonished them ( i mean our ancestors ) who once had it in their own power entirely to admit such kings as they pleased . but now that counsell of yours too late serves only for this , not to amend the faults that are not in our power , but deplore our ancestors folly , and acknowledge the misery of our condition . for what can be left to those that are made slaves , but to be punished for other mens folly ? and that our punishment may be made more light , let us asswage them by patience : let us not provoke their wrath , by tumultuating importunely , whose dominion over us we cannot cast off , nor diminish their power , nor flee from their force or weakness . now that royal law , to which you are so much an adversary , was not made in favours of tyrants , as you would have it seeme to be , because it was approved by justinian a very just prince . with whom so plain flattery would not have had place . for with a foolish prince that of the poet would prevaile whom doth false honour help , or lying infamy terrify , but a lewd man and a lyar ? b. indeed justinian , as history reports , was a great mighty man albeit some do report him to have been cruelly ingrate to bellisarius . but let him be such as you judge he was , yet you may remember , that it is recorded by some almost of that same age with him , that tribonius , a chief man amongst the compilers of these lawes , was a very wicked man , and so might easily be induced to gratify also a very bad prince . but even good princes do not hate this kind of flattery . for even those who will not kill any man , do yet desire to have it in their power , and there is nothing which he dare not believe of himself , seeing his power equall to that of the gods is commended . but let us returne to our own princes : to whom you say the kingdome doth come by inheritance and not by suffrages . now of our own only i speak , for if i shall digress to speak of forrain princes , i fear lest our discourse become more prolixe than we intended . m. i think you should do so . for forrain affaires do not much belong to our dispute in hand . b. that i may therefore begin at the first principles . this is sufficiently agreed upon , that our princes were chosen for their vertue , who should governe others . m. so do the writers of our affaires record . b. nor is this less known , that many who have reigned cruelly and wickedly have been called to account by their subjects : some adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment , others punished partly by exile , and partly by death , against whose killers no inquisition was ever made , even when their sons or kinsmen were assumed into their stead . but who ever had killed good kings , were most severely punished , so as no where else was murther more severely revenged . and because it would be tedious to rehearse every one , i shall produce some few of these last kings , whose memory is most recent . the nobility did so grievously punish the murther of james the first , ( having left as heir his son● of six years of age ) that by a new and exquisit kind of punishment they put to death severall persons of very eminent families , and peers of the land , both for wealth and vassalage eminent : on the contrary , who did condole the death of james the third , a man flagitious and cruell ? far less revenge it ? but in the death of james the fourth his son , the suspition of the crime was punished with death , neither were our ancestors piously inclined towards good kings , but also gentle & mercifull towards wicked kings . for when one of king culen's enemies had killed him in his journey , whilst he is coming to give an ●ccount of his administration , he was severe●y punished by a sentence of the estates of ●arliament . and likewise was punished as 〈◊〉 enemy he who had killed evenus in prison , who had been adjudged to perpetuall bonds . and the violent death or parricide of him ●hey punished , whose wicked and vicious ●ife oll men had hated , m. i do not so much ●nquire at present what some time hath been done , as by what right kings reigne amongst us . b. that we may therefore returne there●nto , as in our first kings until kenneth the ●hird , who first setled the kingdome in his own family , it is very clear what was the peoples power in creating their kings , and ●aking order with them , even so it is necessary we know , that he either did that against the peoples will , or by perswasion obtained it m. that cannot be denied . b. moreover , if by force he compelled the people to obey him , then how soone the people began to have confidence in their own strength , they might have cast off that violent yoke of government imposed upon them : seeing all lawes received by kings and people do pronounce , and nature it self doth call for it , that whatever is done by force and violence , may be undone by the like violence . m. what if the people being by fraud eircumvented , or by fear forced did surrender themselves into that slavery : what for excuse can be pretended , but that they perpetually continue in that case , into which it was once agreed they were to be in ? b. i● you debate with me from that agreement what excuse there is for undoing the same i shall on the other hand lay down some reasons why pactions and agreements may be dissolved . and first of all , such as are made through force or fear , in all common-wealths concerning these there is a sure law , draw● from natures spring . lawes allow restitution to be fully made to such as are by frau● circumvented , and think that it should be kept for pupills , and such other persons ▪ who by just law they would have to be defended . what assembly therefore of me● can require more justly to have restitution than a whole people , to whom the wrong is done , which indeed is not done against one part of the commonwealth , but floweth fa● abroad into all the members of that politick body ? m. i know this law to be made use of in the cases of private persons , nor is it unjust . but there is no necessity we should debate herein , seeing it is far more credible ( which is recorded by historians ) that tha● right was by the peoples will granted to kings . b. it is also credible that so great a matter was not obtained without some great cause . m. i do easily assent thereto . b. what do you think was the chief cause thereof ? m. what other , except that which is recorded ? wearisomness of ambition , tumults , murthers , intestine wars , often with with the utter destruction of the one party , and alwayes with very great dammage of ●oth . for such as did obtain the government , endeavoured to cut-off their brethren , and almost all their near kinsmen , that they might leave the government the more peace●ble to their children , even as we hear is done amongst the turks , and as we see amongst the chief of clanns in our islands , and in ireland . b. to which of the two do ●ou think was that contention most pernici●●s , to the people or to the princes ? m. certainly to the kings , seeing the greatest 〈◊〉 of the people securing themselves doth usually stand spectators of princes contests , and yeeld alwayes as a prey to the victors . ● . it seemes then that princes rather for themselves , than for the good of the people desired to establish the kingdom in their own family . m. that is very probable . b. now that ●hey might obtain that which did so much concerne the perpetual dignity , wealth and safety of their family , it is probable , that they did dispense or remit to one another somewhat of their right : and that they might the more easily obtain the peoples goodwill , ●iking and consent , they on their part gave ●hem some ease . m. i believe that . b. you will certainly confess it incredible , that ●or so great a benefit bestowed on their kings , ●hey should endure to be in a worse case than formerly they were in . m. it is altogether incredible . b. neither would kings have desired it with so great ambition , if they had known it would prove hurtfull to their children , and unprofitable to the people . m. not at all . b. imagine then that some one in parliament of the free people did freely ask the king , what if to any king should succeed a son that is a fool , or mad ? will you set such over us to rule us , who cannot rule or governe themselves ? m. i think there was no need to make use of that exception , seeing by the lawes it is provided against such a case . b. well said indeed . let us then see , if kings had obtained from the people a free power over the lawes , whether that had been unprofitable , especially to those who desired to foresee the good of their own family in time coming . m. why shall we think that that power would be unprofitable ? b. because nothing doth so much contribute for the continuance of a government , as that temperament of government , seeing it is both honourable for kings , and moderat , and safe for the people . the mind of man hath somewhat sublime and generous imbred therein by nature , that it will obey none , unless he governe profitably : nor is there any thing more prevalent for maintaining humane society , than the mutuall exchange of benefits , and therefore theopompus seemes to have wisely answered his wife ●pbraiding him that by adding the epbory he ●ad diminished the power of his authority , ●nd had left the kingdome to his sons less ●han he had gotten it . it is , saith he , so much the more firme and sure . m. what you relate of continuance , i perceive is most true . for i think the kingdomes of the scots and danes are the most ancient of all that are in europe , nor do they seeme by any other means to have attained that antiquity , than by the moderation of the supreame authority , whilst in the mean time the kingdomes of the frenches , englishes and spaniards have past so often out of one family into another . but i do not know if our kings have been so wise as theopompus . b. as they have not been so prudent , do you imagine that the people were so foolish , as to neglect an occasion so opportune put into their hand ? or that they were so struck with fear , or seduced by flatteries , as to give themselves over into slavery willingly ? m. perhaps it was not . but if the people ( which indeed might be ) were so blind , that they did not see what might concerne their own good , or being careless would not see what might be for their benefit , so as to contemne it , should they not then be justly punished for their folly ? b. it is not probable , that any such thing was done , seeing we may see the contrary to be observed even to our dayes . for besides that wicked kings , as often as they intended tyranny over their subjects were alwayes restrained , some vestiges 〈◊〉 the ancient customes do yet continue in som● ancient familes . for the old scots even 〈◊〉 our very dayes do choose their heads of clans and having chosen them , do give them council of elders , to which councill who soever gives not obedience , is deprived 〈◊〉 all honour , and dignity . what therefore 〈◊〉 with very great care observed in the parts would they be negligent of for the security and safety of all ? and would they willingl● redact themselves into bondage to him , wh●● was to possess a lawfull kingdome in stea● of some benefit ? and would they freely giv● over their liberty acquired by vertue , defend●ed by armes , not interrupted for so many ages , to one not expecting it , without force● without war ? for the calamity of john bal●o● doth shew that that power was never granted to our kings , besides the punishments so often taken for their maladministration . who about two hundred and sixty years ago was by the nobility rejected , because he had subjected himself and his kingdome to the authority of edward king of england , and robert the first was substitute in his stead . the same doth also shew that perpetual custome continued from the beginning of our government . m. what custome do you speak of ? b. when our kings are publickly inaugurat , they solemnely promise to all the people , that they will observe the lawes , rites and old statutes of their predecessors , & use the ●ame power which they have received from them , that whole order of ceremonies doth shew , & the first entry of our kings into every city , from all which it may be easily understood , what kind of power they did receive from our predecessors , to wit , none other than that they swear to maintain the lawes being chosen by suffrages . this condition of reigning did god propose to david , and his posterity , and promiseth they should reigne so long , as they should obey the lawes he had given them , those things indeed they do , as is probable that our kings received from our ancestors a power not immense , but within certain limites bounded and limited . and further there was the confirmation of a long time , and the usurpation of a perpetual right by the people , never reprehended by a publick decree . m. but i fear it cannot be easily obtained of kings as being perswaded by that probability to condescend to these lawes however sworn unto , or usurped by the people : b. i also believe , it is no less hard to perswade the people to pass from the right received from their ancestors , approved by the use of so many ages , and practised by one continuall tenour . i do not think it needfull to proceed by conjectures what the people is to do , since i see what they have done already . but if by the obstinat pertinacy of both the business come to armes , he that prevaileth will give what law and right he pleaseth to the vanquished : but this will not longer continue than he who is vanquished , having again gathered together his forces , shall take up armes again . in all which contentions men usually still fight with very great damage of the people , but with the utter overthrow of kings . for from this spring do flow all the destructions of all kingdoms . m. it must needs be so . b. i have perhaps gone back further than was needfull ; to the end you might clearly understand what kind of government there was amongst us of old . for if i had reasoned with you according to the rigour of the law , i might have gained my poynt in a far more compendious way . m. albeit you have almost satisfied me already , yet i shall willingly hear what that is . b. i would then have you first of all to answer me this question . do you not approve the definition of law set down by lawyers , who say that law is , that which the people knew when demanded by him to whom the prerogative of demanding belongeth . m. indeed i do approve it . b. we have agreed , that the faults of lawes being found out , they may be amended or abrogat by the law givers . m. we did so . b. i suppose you perceive now , that such as are borne kings are by the lawes and suffrages of the people created , no less than those whom we said were elected ●n the beginning . and that in receiving of lawes there will not be remedies wanting in ●he people , who are the lawgivers , not on●y against force and fraud , but also against ne●ligence . m. i perceive that clearly . ● . only here is the difference , that the law ●oncerning our kings was made severall ages ●efore , and when any doth enter into the ●ingdome , there useth to be no new law ●ade , but the old law is approven , and ●●tified . but amongst those who have their ●eeting of estates at the election of every ●ing , the law useth to be made , the king ●reated and approved , and so to enter into ●s government . m. it is so . b. now if ●ou please , let us briefly recapitulat what we ●re at accord in from the very beginning . ●o that if ought be rashly approven , it may ●e retracted . m. i am content . b. first ●f all then , it seemes that a king is created 〈◊〉 the peoples sake , and that nothing more ●xcellent is given us of god than a good king , ●nd more pestilentious than a wicked king. ● : very right . b : we have also said that wicked king is called a tyrant . m· we ●●ve said so . b. and because there is not ●●ch plenty of good men , so as to choose those ●ho may prove good kings , nor so great a ●●ppiness of birth , as that good luck may ●●fer us those that are good : if we have not ●●ch as we would wish , yet we have such as ●ther consent hath approved , or chance hath ●●fered . now the hazard that occureth either in choosing new kings , or in appro●ving such as are given us by birth , was th● cause that we desired lawes , which migh● modify the government of kings . no● these lawes should be nothing else but th● express image ( as far as may be ) of a goo● prince . m. we are at accord in that als● b : it now remaineth , as i suppose , for 〈◊〉 to speak of the punishment of tyrants . m ▪ that only seemes to remain unspoken of . ● if then a king break all the bonds of lawes and plainly behave himself as a public enemy , what think you should be done this case ? m : indeed i am at a stand her for albeit the reasons you have given see● to convince me , that we ought to have 〈◊〉 society with that king , yet so great is t●● strength of a constant custome that in my opin●●on it hath the strength of a law : whi●● custome doth so closely cleave to men in the minds , that if at any time it hath brought an errour , better it is to tolerat it , than 〈◊〉 marre the constitution of the whole body whilst we endeavour to cure a disease that but small by custome . for such is the natur● of some diseases , that better it is to endu●● the pain they bring , than to call for doub● some remedies , in the applying whereo● albeit the cure may be wrought , yet th● bring such sharp paines in their cure , as th●● the cure of the disease is more pernicious th●● the disease it self . next , that whi●● troubles me more is , i see that governme●● which you call tyranny confirmed by the word of god , and what you abhorre as the ●●tter overthrow of lawes , god doth call ●he law of the kingdome ; the authority of ●hat passage of scripture doth move me more ●han all the arguments of philosophers . if you do not explain this to me , the comments of men will not be of so great account with ●e , but that i may instantly fall away to the adversaries side . b : you are , as i perceive , ●n the common errour , and that very grie●ous , who do endeavour to confirme tyranny by tyranny . for how great the tyranny of custome is in the minds of men , wherein ●t hath taken deepest root , and too often we have found it in this our age , herodotus an an●ient writer doth give us warning by an old example , but i need not old examples . be well advised . consider with your self how many things there be of great moment , wherein you following the dictates of reason have fallen from a custome inveterat so many ages past , so that now you might have learned by domestick experiments , that there is no custome more full of dangers than that which in a publick way they command us to follow . i bid you look well to it round about , how many ruines , and how great slaughters will you see therein ? but if it be more clear ( as we say ) than the very light , i need not tarry longer in proving or illustrating a thing so perspicuous . now as for that passage of scripture , which from the history of the kings you rather signify than explain , beware , i pray you , you think that the things which god doth abhorre in the life of tyrants , are by him allowed to kings . now lest this be , i bid you first consider what that people sought of the lord : then what causes of a new petition they had . lastly , what the lord did answer them . first , they ask a king , but what a king ? a lawfull king ? such a one they had . for samuel was given them by the lord , whose prerogative it was to set a king over them . he had for many years judged them lawfully according to prescript of gods law : but whilst in his old age his sons did judge , they did many things wickedly , and judged contrary to the lawes . i see no reason why they should ask the change , or rather amendement of the government , or expect the same from the lord , who not long before had quite rooted out the whole family of heli● almost for the like cause . what do they then ask ? a king , such as their neighbouring nations had , who at home might be a judge to them , and abroad a leader of their armies . now in effect such were tyrants . for as the people of asia are of a more servile disposition than those of europe , so did they the more easily obey the commands of tyrants . there is no mention made for ought i know , by any historian of any lawfull king in asia . moreover , it doth easily appear that a tyrant , and not a king is there described , in regard the lord in deuteronomy had prescribed to them a forme not only different from this in that place cited by you , but also plainly contrary thereto , according to which forme samuel and the other judges had judged so many years , which whilst they did reject , the lord complaines , that he was by them rejected . m : but the lord doth not call him tyrant , but ever king. b : he calles him indeed king : for it is peculiar to the lord , to use the common speech of the people , as often as he speaketh to a people . and therefore he maketh use of that word with the vulgar people : but lest an ambiguous use thereof might deceive , he doth eloquently expound what the use of that word was amongst neighbouring nations . m : as that may be true , yet that of the apostle paul doth urge us more narrowly , who commandeth us to pray for the safety of princes : he is so far from permitting us to revile government , much less to dethrone such as are invested therewith , or to kill them being thrown down . but what princes doth he recommend to our prayers ? the most cruell that ever were , tiberius , caligula , claudius , nero. for pauls epistles were almost contemporary with them . b. that you make so much account of the authority in paul , so as one sentence of his hath more weight with you than the writings of all philosophers and lawyers , i think you do well : but see that you consider well his judgment , or meaning : for you must not examine the words only , but in what time , to whom , and why he wrote . first then let us see what paul did write . for he writeth to titus chap. 3. put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers , and to be ready to every good work . i suppose , you see , what end of obedience and subjection he appoints . he likewise to timothy chap. 2. doth write , that we should pray for all men , even for kings , and other magistrats , that , saith he , we may live a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . and here you see what end of praying he appoints : namely not for the kings safety , but the churches tranquillity , from which it will be no difficult thing to conceive also the forme of prayer . now in his epistle to the romans , he doth define a king near to a logick subtilty , for saith he , he is a minister to whom the sword is given by god , for punishing the wicked , and for cherishing and relieving the good . for saith chrisostome , these things are not by paul written of a tyrant , but of a true and lawfull magistrat , who is the vice-gerent of the true god on earth , whom whosoever resisteth , doth certainly resist the ordinance of god. now albeit we ought to pray for wicked princes , we should not thence conclude , that their vices should not be punished : nor will it more follow that we should not punish the rapines of robbers , for whom we are also commanded to pray . and if we should obey a good prince , it will not therefore follow that we should not resist a wicked prince . but if you consider the reason which did move paul to write these things look that the place or argument make not much against you . for he wrote this to chastise the rashness of some , who did deny the authority of magistrats to be necessary for christians· for since the power of magistrats is ordained against wicked men , that we may all live righteously , and an example of divine justice might remain amongst men , they affirmed that there was no use thereof amongst men , who abhorre so much the contagion of vices , as that they are a law to themselves . paul doth not therefore speak of those who bear rule as magistrats , but of magistracy it self , that is , of the function and office of those who rule : nor yet of one or other kind of magistracy , but of every forme of a lawfull magistracy . nor doth he debate with those who think that wicked magistrats should be restrained , but with those men who deny all authority of magistrats , who absurdly interpreting christian liberty , did affirme it to be an indignity for those that were made free by the son of god , and ruled by the spirit of god , to be under the power of any man. that paul might refute their errour , he sheweth , that magistracy is a thing not only good , but also sacred , namely an ordinance of god , and for that end institute , that the assemblies and incorporations of men might be so continued , that they might acknowledge gods benefites towards them , and might forbear to wrong one another . god commanded them to be keepers of his lawes who were constitute in dignity . now if we confess lawes to be good ( as indeed they are ) and the keepers thereof worthy of honour , we will be forced to confess that the office of the keepers is a good and profitable thing . but magistracy is terrible , but to whom ? to the good , or bad ? to the good it is not a terrour : it being to them a defence from injury : but to wicked men it is a terrour : it is not so to you , who are ruled by the spirit of god. but you will say to me , what need have i then to be subject to magistracy , if i be the lords freeman ? yea , that you may approve your self to be the lords freeman , obey his lawes : for the spirit of the lord , by whom you boast to be led and governed , is both the law-giver , and approver of magistrats , and also the author of obedience to magistrats . we therefore in this will easily agree together , that there is need of magistracy even in the best common-wealths , and that we should every way honour the same . but if any man think otherwise , we account him mad , infamous and worthy of all punishment . for he doth plainly contraveen the will of god revealed to us in the scriptures . but as for caligula , nero , domitian , and such like tyrants , why they should not be punished as breakers of divine and humane law , you have nothing here from paul , who treats of the power of magistrats , but not of the wicked ministers of that power , nor will they be at all magistrats , if you examine that kind of tyrants according to pauls rule . but if any will debate that wicked princes are also ordained by god , look that this his discourse be not captious . for ( as they say in proverb ) god may put a hard wedge to cleave a hard knot , so doth he set up a wicked man for punishing of wicked men : but no man in his right wits dare affirme , that god is therefore the author of evill , or wickedness , even as no man is ignorant that he is the author of punishing wicked men . a good magistrat also for the most part chooseth a wicked man to be an hangman for punishing guilty persons . and albeit indeed that a magistrat doth assume such an hangman for that office , yet no impunity is granted him or all his misdeeds . nor will the magistrat have him to be so above the lawes , as that he cannot be questioned thereby . i will not stay longer upon this similitude , lest court flatterers cry out that i speak basely of the supreame magistrat . but however they exclaime , certainly this they cannot deny , that the hangmans function is a part of the publick office , and perhaps of the royall office , or at least by the testimony of very kings : who complain that their majesty and person is wronged , as oft as any of their publick ministers is wronged , or violence done to them . now the punishment of wicked malefactors , and what ever else of that kind , doth belong to the kings office . what say you of majors or provosts in towns ? what of generals of armies ? what of baillies . what of sherifs ? doth not paul command us to be subject to them ? doth he hold them for private persons ? now an account useth to be taken for mal-administration of all , not only of inferiour magistrats ; but also of such as are equal to kings . i would therefore have them , who from pauls words do dreame that so great a power is given to kings , to shew me from him , that kings only are here to be understood by the name of power , and therefore they only are to be exeemed from the punishment of lawes : or if , when we say powers , other magistrats be also understood by the same author , who are ordained by god for the same use : i would have them also to shew me where all magistrats are loosed from the lawes , and pronounced free from the fear of punishment : or if this immunity be granted to kings only , but denyed to others who are set in authority . m. but paul will have all to be subject to the higher powers . b : he commandeth so indeed , but by this name of power he must needs comprehend other magistrats , unless perhaps we imagine that paul doth think no power at all to be in those commonwealths , which have not kingly government , but plainly an anarchy therein . m : i do not believe that , nor is it probable : and the rather i am of this opinion , because the current of all the most learned interpreters on the place make for you : who think that pauls dispute there was against those that affirmed that no lawes and magistrats did at all belong to them . b : what say you to that which i lately spoke . do you think , that those tyrants before mentioned of all men the most cruell , are meant by the apostle ? m : yes , but what produce you against me to hinder me from the belief thereof ? especially seeing jeremy doth earnestly advise the jewes , and that by command of god , to obey the king of assyria , and by no means to reject his authority , and thence they inferre by the like reason , that obedience should be given to other tyrants also how cruell soever . b : that i may answer first to what you last spoke , you must take notice , that the prophet doth not command the jewes to obey all tyrants , but the king of assyria alone : now if you would conclude the forme of a law from that which is commanded to be done to one single person , first you are not ignorant ( for logick hath taught you that ) what a great absurdity you will make , next you will be in danger to be assaulted by the opposers of tyranny with the like weapons : for you must either shew what singular thing there is in that matter , or propose it to be imitat by all every where , or if you cannot do this , you must acknowledge , that whatever is enjoyned concerning any one person by any speciall command of god , it doth alike belong to all . if you shall once admit this ( which you must needs do ) it will be instantly objected , that ahab was killed by gods command , and a reward was also promised and performed to him that should kill him . when ever therefore you betake your self to that refuge , you must obey all tyrants : because god by his prophet did command his people to obey one tyrant . it will be instantly replyed , that all tyrants ought also to be killed , because ahab at the command of god was killed by the captain of his host . therefore i advise you to provide a more firme defence from scripture for tyrants , or then laying the same aside at present you may have your recourse to the philosophers schoole . m : i shall indeed think upon it . but in the mean time let us returne from whence we have disgressed . what do you bring from scripture , why tyrants may be lawfully killed . b : first of all i profer this , that seeing it is expresly commanded to cut off wickedness and wicked men , without any exception of rank or degree , and yet in no place of sacred scripture are tyrants more spared than private persons . next , that the definition of powers delivered by paul doth not wholly belong to tyrants , because they accommodat not the strength of their authority for the benefit of the people , but for fulfilling their own lusts . further we should diligently consider how much power paul doth grant to bishops , whose function he doth highly and truely praise , as being some way like unto kings , as far as the nature of both their functions can admit . for bishops are physicians of internall diseases , as kings are physicians of externall distempers , and yet he would neither of them to be free from , or not liable to the jurisdiction of the other . and even as bishops are subject to kings in the exercise of their civil government , so ought kings tobey the spirituall admonitions of bishops . now albeit the amplitude and dignity of bishops be so great , yet no law divine or humane doth exeeme them from the punishment of crimes . and to pass by others . the very pope , who is accounted the bishop of bishops , who so exalts himself above all kings , that he would be accounted a certain god amongst men , yet is he not exempted from the punishment of lawes , no not by his own canonists , a kind of men very devoted to him . for seeing they would think it absurd that god ( for they do not hesitat to call him thus ) should be obnoxious to mens censure , and think it unjust that the greatest crimes and most filthy abominations should pass unpunished in any , and yet they have found out a way whereby crimes may be punished , and the pope accounted sacred & inviolable . for the priviledge of the pope is one thing , and of that man who is pope is another , say they , and whilst they exeeme the pope ( whom they deny can erre ) from the cognition of the lawes , yet do they confess him to be a man obnoxious to vices and punishment of vices : nor have they more subtilly than severely declared their judgment herein . it would be tedious to rehearse , what popes ( to speak after their usuall way ) what men personating popes , who not only alive were forced to renounce their popedome , but being dead were pulled out of their graves , and thrown into tiber. but to omit old histories . the recent memory of pope paul the fourth is fresh in our mind , for his own rome did witness a publick hatred against him by a new kind of decree . for they vented their fury ( he being by death taken away ) against his nearest kinsfolk , his statues and painted images or pictures . nor should this interpretation seeme more subtil , whereby we separat the power from the person in power , than philosophy doth acknowledge , and the ancient interpreters do opprove , nor is the rude multitude and strangers to subtile disputing ignorant thereof ; for the meanest tradsmen take it for no blot upon their trade , if a smith or baker be hanged for robbery , but are rather glad that their society is purged of such villains . but if there be any of another mind , i think it is to be feared , that he seemes to be rather grived at those mens punishment with whom he is associat in their villany ▪ than for the infamy of their society . i am of the opinion , if kings would abandon the counsells of wicked men and flatterers and measure their own greatness rather by duties of vertue , than by the impunity of evill deeds , they would not be grieved for the punishment of tyrants , nor think that royall majesty is lessened by whatsomever destruction of tyrants , but rather be glad that it is purged from a most filthy blot of wickedness : especially seeing they use to be highly offended with robbers , and that very justly , if any of them in their malefices pretend the kings name . m : forsooth , they have just cause , but laying these things aside a i would have you go on to the other head you proposed . b : what heads do you mean ? m : namely in what time , and to whom paul wrote those things , for i desire to know what the knowledge thereof doth make for the argument in hand . b : i shall herein obey you also . and first i shall speak of the time , paul wrote these things in the very infancy of the church , in which time it was not only necessary to be blameless , but none was to give occasion to such as sought occasion of reproaching , and unjust causes of staining the professors of christianity : next he wrote to men of severall nations , and so gathered together into one society out of the whole body of the roman empire , amongst whom there were but few very rich , yea almost none , who either had ruled , or could rule , or were in any great account amongst their fellow citizens , they were not so many in number , and these almost but strangers , and for the most part but lately freed of bondage , and others but tradsmen and servants . amongst them there were many who did further pretend christian liberty , than the simplicity of the gospell could suffer . now this company of people out of the promiscuous multitude , which did won their living , though meanly , by hard labour , was not to be so carefull of the state of the common wealth , of the majesty of the empire , and of the conversation and duty of kings , as of the publick tranquility , and their domestick affairs , nor could they justly claime any more , than to ly lurking under the shadow of what ever government they were under . if that people had attempted to lay hold upon any part of government they should have been accounted not only foolish , but , mad . nor should they come out of their lurking holes to breed trouble to those that did hold the helme of publick affaires in hand . immature licentiousnes was also to be repressed , an unfit interpreter of christian liberty . what then doth paul write ? doubtless , new precept no but only these usuall precepts , namely , that subjects should obey their rulers , servants their masters , and wives their hus bands , nor should we think the lords yoke , how light soever doth liberat us of the bonds of our duty , but vvith a more attentive mind than before to be bound thereunto , so that we should omit nothing through all the degrees of duties in our relations , that might any wayes make for acquiring the favour and goodwill of men . and so it should come to pass , that the name of god should be well spoken of amongst the gentiles because of us , and the glory of the gospell more largely propagate . for performing of these things , there was need of publick peace , the keepers whereof were princes and magistrats , albeit wicked . may it please you , that i set before you a manifest representation hereof ? imagigine that one of our doctors doth write to the christians , that live under the turks , to men , i say , of mean fortune , fore dejected in mind , weak and few in number , and exposed to the injuries of all and every one . what else , i ask you , would he advise them , than what paul did advise the church that then was at rome , or what jeremy advised the exiles in assyria ? now this is a most sure argument that paul had a regard to those mens condition to whom he did write , and not to all others , because he diligently sets home the mutuall duties of husbands towards thier wives , of wives towards thier hus bands , of parents towards thier children , and of children towards their parents , of servants towards thier masters , and of masters towards thier servants . and albeit he writes what the duty of a magistrat is , yet he doth not give them any particular compellation , ( as he had done in the preceeding relations . ) for which cause we shall judge that he gave no other precepts for kings and others in authority : especially seeing thier lust was to be much more restrained , that of private persons ? what other cause may we imagine , than that at that time there were no kings or magistrats in the church to whom he might write ? imagine that paul doth now live in our dayes , wherein not only the people , but princes also profess christianity . at the same time , let there be some prince , who doth conceive that not only should humane lawes , but also divine lawes be subject to his lust and pleasure , and who will have not only his decrees , but also his very nods to be accounted for lawes , like that man in the gospel , who neither did feare god , nor reverence man , who distributes the church revenues amongst villains and rascals , if i may so say ; and doth mock the sincere worshipers of god , and accounts them but fools and mad men , or fanaticks : what would paul write of such to the church ? if he were like himself , he would certainly deny that he should be accounted a magistrat . he would interdict all christians to have any communion with him , either in dyet , speech , or converse , and leave him to the people to be punished by the lawes , and would think they did nothing but their duty , if they should account him not to be their king , with whom they were to have no fellowship by the law of god. but there will not be wanting some court slaves , or sycophants , who finding no honest refuge , become so impudent , as to say , that god being angry against a people doth set tyrants over them : whom as hangmen he appoints for punishing them . which to be true i do confess ; yet it is true , that god many times doth stirre up from amongst the lowest of the people some very mean , and obscure men to revenge tyrannicall pride and weakness : for god , ( as before is said ) doth command wicked men to be cut-off : and doth except neither degree , sexe , or condition , nor yet any man. for kings are not more acceptable to him than beggars . therefore , we may truely averre , that god being alike the ●●her of all , to whose providence nothing lyes 〈◊〉 , and whose power nothing can resist , will 〈◊〉 leave any wickedness unpunished . more●●er , another will stand up and ask some ●●ample out of scripture of a king punished 〈◊〉 his subjects : which albeit i could not pro●●ce , yet it will not presently follow , that ●ecause we do not read such a thing therein to ●●ve been done , that it should be accounted 〈◊〉 an high crime and malefice . i may rehearse ●mongst many nations very many and sound ●awes , whereof in holy write there is no ●xample . for as the consent of all nations ●oth approve , that what the law doth com●and , is accounted just , and what it forbid●eth , is unjust , so since the memory of man 〈◊〉 was never forbidden , that what should not ●e contained in lawes , should not at all be ●one . for that servitude was never received , ●or will the nature of things so fruitfull of new examples suffer the same to be received , that whatever is not by some law commanded , or recorded by some famous example , should be accounted for a great crime and malefice . if therefore any man shall ask of me an example out of the sacred scriptures , wherein the punishment of wicked kings is approven , i shall again ask him , where is the same reprehended ? but if nothing done without some example doth please : how many civil statutes shall we have continued with us ? how many lawes ? for the greatest part thereof is not taken out of any old example , but established against new deceits and that witho●● example . but we have already answered th●●se that require examples more than was nee●●full : now if the jewish kings were not p●●nished by their subjects , they make not muc● for our purpose in hand . for they were not first created by the people , but were by go● given them . and therefore very justly , 〈◊〉 who was the author of that honour , was 〈◊〉 punish their misdeeds . but we debate , th●● the people , from whom our kings enjoy wh●●●ever priviledge they claime , is more pow●●●full than their kings : and that the who●● people have that same priviledge over them which they have over every one in particula● of the whole people . all the rights and priv●●ledges of forrain nations , who live unde● lawfull kings do make for us : all the nation● which are subject to kings chosen by themselves , do commonly agree herein , that whatever priviledge the people hath given to any the same they may require again very justly ▪ all commonwealths have still retained th●● priviledge . therefore lentulus , having con●spired with catiline for overturning the commonwealth of rome , was compelled to renounce his praetorship , and the decemviri , the makers of the roman lawes , were taken order with , even whilst they enjoyed th● supream authority : some dukes of venice , and chilpericus king of france , laying aside their royall honours , as private men spen● their dayes in monasteries . and not long ago ▪ christiernus king of the danes , twenty years almost after he was deprived of his kingdome did end his life in prison . now the dictatorship ( which was a kind of tyranny ) was in the peoples power . and this priviledge hath been constantly observed , that publick benefices granted amiss , and the liberty granted to ingrate persons set at liberty ( whom lawes do very much favour ) might be taken back again . these things we have spoken of forrain nations , lest we alone seeme to have usurped any new priviledge against our kings . but as to what doth properly belong to us , the matter might have been handled in few words . m : what way ? for this i am very desirous to heare . b : i might enumerat twelve or more kings , who for great crimes and flagitious deeds have been either adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment , or escaped the just punishment of their wickedness either by exile or voluntary death . but lest any blame me for relating old and obsolete stories , if i should make mention of culen , even , and ferchard , i shall produce some few within the memory of our forefathers . all the estates in a publick convention judged james the third to have been justly killed , for his great cruelty and flagitious wickedness towards his subjects , and did caution that none of them who had aided , consented , or contributed money , or had been active therein to be called thereafter into question therefore . that they therefore did judge the deed to be duely and orderly done , it being once down , doubtless they desired it might be set down for an example in tim● coming , surely no less , than l : quintiu● sitting in judgment did commend serviliu● ahalus for having killed before the bench sp● mellus turning his back and refusing to com●pear into judgment , and that he was not guilty of blood shed , but thought him to be nobi●litat by the slaughter of a tyrant , and al● posterity did affirme the same . what subjec● hath ever approved the slaughter of one affec●ting tyranny ? what do you suppose would he have done with a tyrant robbing the good of his subjects and shedding their blood what hath our men done ? do not they seem● to have made a law , who by a publick decre● without any punishment have past by a flagiti●ous crime committed , if such like shall happe● in time coming ? for at most there is no diffe●rence whether you judge concerning tha● which is done , or make a law concerning what is to be done . for both wayes a judg●ment is past concerning the kind of the crime and concerning the punishment or reward o● the actor . m. these things will perhaps hav● some weight amongst us . but i know not how other nations abroad will take them . you se● i must satisfy them . not as in a judiciall way i were to be called in question for the crime ▪ but openly amongst all concerning the fame not mine ( for i am far from any suspition thereof ) but of my countrey men . for i am afraid , lest forrain nations will rather blam● the decrees , wherewith you suppose you are sufficiently protected , than the crime it self full of cruelty and hatred , but you know , if i mistake not , what is usually spoken according to the disposition and opinion of every one on both hands , concerning the examples you have proposed . i would therefore ( because you seeme to have expeded what is past , not so much from the decrees of men , as from the springs of nature ) you would briefly expound if you have ought to ●ay for the equity of that law. b. albeit that may seeme unjust to stand at the bar to plead amongst forrainers for a law approved from the very first times of our scots government by kings , by the constant practice of so many ages ago , necessary for the people , not unjust for kings , but lawfull , but now at last accused of illegality ; yet for your sake i shall try it . and as if i were debating with those very men who would trouble you , i first ask this . what do you think here worthy of reprehension ? is it the cause ? why is it sought for ? or is it the law it self which you reprehended ? for the law was sought for repressing the unjust lusts of kings . whoever doth condemne this , must likewise condemne all the lawes of all nations , for all lawes were desired for the very same cause . do you reprehend the law it self ? do you think it lawfull that kings be exempted of , or not lyable to the lawes ? let us then see if that be also expedient . and for proving that it is not expedient for the people , there needs not many words . for it in the former discourse we have rightly compared a king to a physician , as it is not expedient for people that impunity be permitted to a physician for killing whom he pleaseth , so it is not for the good of all , that a promiscuous licence be granted to kings for making havock of all . we have no cause then to be offended with a people , whose chief power it is in making lawes , if as they desire a good king to be set over them , even so a law to be set over a king none of the best . but if this law be not for the kings use , or profit , let us see if the people should be dealt with to remit somewhat of their priviledge , and of abrogating it not for the space of three dayes , but according to our usuall way we indict a parliament to meet within fourty dayes . in the mean time , that we may reason together concerning the law , tell me , doth he seeme to respect the good of a mad man , who looseth his bonds ? m. not at all . b. what do you think of him who giveth to a man sick of a feaver , so as he is not far from madness , a drink of cold water though earnestly craving it , do you think he deserveth well of that sick man ? m. but i speak of kings of a sound mind . i deny that there is any need of medicine for such as are in health , nor of lawes for kings of a sound mind . but you would have all kings to seeme wicked , for you impose lawes upon all . b. i do not think that all kings are wicked . nor do i think all the people to be wicked , and yet the law in one voice doth speak to the whole people . now wicked men are afraid at that voice , good people do not think it belongs to them . thus good kings have no cause to be offended at this law , and wicked kings , if they were wise , would render thanks to the law giver , who hath ordained what he understood would not be pro●●table for them , nor to be lawfull for them to do . which indeed they will not do , if so be they shall once returne again to their right mind . even as they who are restored to health do render thanks to their physician , whom before they had hated , because he would not grant their desires whilst they were sick . but if kings continue in their madness , who ever doth most obey them , is to be judged their greatest enemy . of this sort are flatterers , who by flattering their vices do cherish and increase their disease , and at last together almost with kings are utterly ruined . m. i cannot indeed deny , but that such princes have been & may be restrained by law-bonds . for there is no monster more violent and more pestiferous than man , when ( as it is in the poets fables ) he is once degenerat into a beast . b. you would much more say so , if you consider how many wayes a man becomes a beast , and of how many severall monsters he is made . which thing the old poets did acuely observe and notably express , when they say that prometheus in the framing of man did give him some particle out of every living creature . it would be an infinite work for me to relate the natures of all one by one . but certainly two most vile monsters do evidently appear in man , wrath and lust . but what else do lawes act or desire , but that these monsters be obedient to right reason ? and whilst they do not obey reason , may not lawes by the bonds of their sanctions restrain them ? who ever the● doth loose a king or any other from these bonds doth not loose one man , but throwes in against reason two monsters exceeding cruell and armeth them for breaking asunder the barrs of lawes : so that aristotle seemeth to have rightly and truely said , that he who obeyeth the law , doth obey both god and the law : but he that obeyeth the king , doth obey both a man and a beast . m. albeit the●se things seeme to be said appositely enough yet i think we are in a mistake two wayes ▪ first , because the last things we have spoken seem not to agree well enough with the first ▪ next , because , as we may well know w● seem not to have yet come to the main poin● of our debate . for a litle before we were a● agreement that the voice of the king and law ought to be the same , here again we make him subject to the lawes . now though we grant this to be very true , what have we gaine● by this conclusion ? for who shall call to a● account a king become a tyrant ? for i fear priviledge without strength will not be po●werfull enough to restrain a king forgetfu●● of his duty , and unwilling to be drawn unt● judgment , to answer for maladministration . b. i fear ye have not well pondered what we have before debated concerning the royall power . for if ye had well considered it , you had easily understood what you now have said , that betwixt them there is no contradiction . but that you may the more easily take it up , first answer we , when a magistrat or clerk doth utter the words of a proclamation before an herauld . is not the voice of both one and the same ? i say of an herauld and of a clerk ? m. it is the same indeed . b. which of the two seeme greatest ? m. he who first doth utter the words . b. what is the king who is the author of the edict . m. greater than both . b. then according to this similitude let us set down the king , the law , and the people . the voice is the same both of king and law. which of the two hath the authority from the other ? the king from the law , or the law from the king ? m. the king from the law. b. from whence collect you that ? m. because the king was not sought for to restrain the law , but the law to restrain the king. and from the law he hath that , whereby he is a king , for without the law he would be a tyrant . b. the law then is more powerfull than the king : and is as a governess , and moderatrix both of his lust and actions . m. that is already granted . b. what ? is not the voice of the people and the law the same ? m. the very same . b. which of the two is most powerfull , the people or the law ? m. i think , the whole people . b. why do you think so ? m. because the people is as it were the parent of the law , certainly the author thereof , they being able to make or abrogat it , as they please . b. seeing then the law is more powerfull than the king , and the people more powerfull than the law , we must see before which we may call the king to answer in judgment . let us also discuss this . are not the things which for some others sake are institute , of less account than those for whose sake they are required or sought ? m. i would have that more clearly explained . b. follow me thus ; is not a bridle made for the horse sake ? m. it is so . b. are not sadless , girdings and spurrs made for horses ? m. they are . b. now if there were no horse , there should be no use of such things . m. none at all . b. a horse is then better than all these . m. why not ? b. why ? a horse , for what use is he desired ? m. for very many uses , and first of all for obtaining victory in war. b. we therefore do esteeme the victory to be of more worth than horses , armes and other things , which are prepared for the use of war. m. of more worth indeed it is . b. what did men especially regard in creating a king ? m. the peoples good , as i suppose . b. but would there be no need of kings , if there were no socities of men ? m. none at all . b. the people then is better than the king. m. it must needs be so . b. if the people to better , they are also greater . when a king then is called to judgment before a people , the lesser is called in to judgment before the greater . m. but when shall we hope for that happiness , that the whole people agree unto that which is right . b. that indeed is scarce to be hoped for . and to expect it , is certainly needless : otherwise a law could neither be made , nor a magistrat created . for neither is almost any law alike to all , nor is there almost any man in that popular favour , so as to have no man either an enemy to him , or envious or slanderer of him ; this now is desired , that the law be usefull for the greatest part , and that the greatest part have a good opinion of him that is to be chosen . what if the greatest part of the people may enjoyne a law to be made , and creat a magistrat , what doth hinder , but that they also may judge him , and appoint judges over him ? or if the tribunes of the people of rome , and the lacedemonian ephori were sought to modify the power of magistracy , should it seeme unjust to any man , if a free people , either upon the like or different account , did foresee their own good in suppressing the bitterness of tyranny ? m. now i seeme almost to preceive what a people can do : but it is a matter of difficulty to judge what they will do , or appoint to be done . for the greatest part almost doth require old and usuall customes , and hateth novelty , which the rather is to be admired , seeing there is so great an inconstancy in meat , apparell , buildings , and in all houshold furniture . b. do not think that these things are spoken by me , that i would have any new thing in this kind to be done , but that i might shew you it hath been of old , that a king should answer in judgment before judges , which you did believe to be almost incredible , or at least a novelty . for to pass over , how often it hath been done by our ancestors , as partly before we have said , and you may also easily collect from history ; did you never hear of those who contended for the kingdome to have appealed to arbiters ? m. i have indeed heard it to have been sometimes done amongst the persians . b. and our writers affirme that the same was done by grimas and milcolumbus . but lest you alleadge that that kind of arbiters were wount to be assumed by the contenders own consent , let us come to the ordinary judges . m. here i am afraid you may as far prevail , as if a man should spread nets in the sea to catch whales . b. why so , i pray you ? m. because all apprehending , restraint , and punishment is carryed on by the more powerfull against the weaker . but before what judges will you command a king to compear ? before them over whom he hath the supream power to judge ? whom he can compesce by this one word , i forbid ; b. what if some greater power be found which hath that right priviledge or jurisdiction over kings , which kings have over others ? m. i desire to hear that . b. we told you , if you remember , that this power is in the people . m. in the whole people indeed , or in the greatest part thereof . i also yeeld thus further , that it is in those to whom the people , or the greatest part of them shall transmit that power . b. you do well , in holding in my pains . m. but you know that the greatest part of the people is corrupted either through fear , or reward , or through some hope of a bribe and impunity , so as they preferre their own benefit and pleasures or lusts to the publick utility , and also safety . now there are very few who are not hereby moved : according to that of the poet. good people are indeed rare , scarce so many in number , as there be gates in thebes , or issues of the river nilus . now all the rest being a naughty rable fatned with blood and rapine enjoy their venal liberty , and envy the liberty of others . now that i may pass from those with whom the name of wicked kings also is sacred . i also omit those , who , albeit they are not ignorant what is lawfull and just or right , yet preferre a quiet slougfulness to honest hazards , and hesitating in their minds do frame their consultations on the expectation of the event : or follow the good fortune of either party ▪ but not the cause . how great this multitude will be , you see . b. great indeed : but yet not very great . for the wrong of tyrants may reach many , but their good deeds very few . for the advarice of the vulgar is insatiable , as a fire is the more vehemently kindled by adding few all thereto ! but what is by force taken away from many , doth rather increase the hunger of some few , than satiat their lust . and further the fidelity of such men for the most part is unstable . as saith the poet. fidelity doth stand and fall with fortune . but if they would also continue firme in their judgment , they should not be accounted in the number of good subjects , for they are the violators , or rather betrayers of humane society : which vice if not sufferable in a king , is far less tolerable in a private person . who then are to be accounted the right subjects ? they who give obedience to the lawes , maintain and defend humane society , who rather undergo all paines and labours , and all hazards for common safety , than spend their time sluggishly in idleness void of all honesty ? who set before their eyes not their present enjoyments , but the remembrance of eternity . but if there be any whom fear and self interest recall from hazards , yet the splendor of some notable atchievment , and the beauty of vertue will raise up dejected minds : and those who dare not be authors or leaders , will not decline to become associats . if therefore subjects be reckoned , not by number , but by dignity and worth , not only the better part , but also the greater part will stand for their liberty , honesty and safety . but if the whole common people dissent , this sayes nothing to our present debate : for we demand not what is to be done , but what may lawfully be done . but now let us come to the ordinary judiciall sentences : m : that i just now look for . b : if any private man contend that his inheritance , or some part of his land is unjustly detained by the king , what do you think should this privat man do ? shall he pass from his land , because he cannot set a judge over the king ? m : not at all , but he may command not the king , but his proxy to compear in judgment . b : now see what strength that refuge hath whereof you make use . for it is all one to me , whether the king compear , or his proxy , or advocat , for both wayes , the litis-contestation will redound to the kings loss : the dammage or gain will redound to him not to his advocat by the event of the sentence . in end he is found guilty , that is , he whose cause is agitat . now i would have you consider not only how absurd it is , but also unjust to pass sentence against a king for a perty inheritance for lights in a house , or for ease droppings thereof , and no sentence to be past for parricide , witchcraft , or treason . to make use of the severity of the law in lesser matters , and the greatest licence and impunity to be permitted in the greatest crimes . so that that old proverb seemes plainly true , lawes are very like spiders webs , which hold flies fast , but let bigger beasts pass through , nor is that complaint and indignation of some just , who say that it is neither honest nor equitable , that judgment should pass against a king by a man of an inferrour rank , seeing they see it received and admitted in debate about money or land ; and the greatest peers next to the king for the most part compear before the judges , who are inferiour to them in riches , nobility , and valour . and not much above the vulgar rank : and far more below the guilty , than the greatest peers are below kings . nor yet for all this do these noble men , or peers think it any derogation to their dignity . now if we shall once admit this , that no man can be sisted before a judge , unless the judge be every way superior to the person arraigned , the inferiour rank must attend and wait on untill the king either please , or be at leisure , to cognosce concerning the guilty noble man , but what if their complaint be not only unjust , but also false ? for no man coming before a judge doth come before an inferiour person , especially seeing so great an honour is by god himself conferred upon the order of judges , that he calleth them not only kings but also gods , and as much as can be , doth communicat to them his own dignity . therefore those roman popes , who did graciously indulge kings to kiss their feet , who did send for honours sake to such as came to meet them , their mules , who did tread upon the neeks of emperours , being called to answer in judgment , did obey , and being compelled by judges renounced their popedome . john the twenty second being from flight brought back , was thrust into prison , and scarce at last relieved by money , and submitted to him that was put into his place , and therefore he did approve the sentence of the judges . what did the synode of basile ▪ did it not appoint and ordain by the common consent of all the members thereof , that the pope is subject to the councill of priests . now these fathers were perswaded upon what account they did so , which you may find out of the acts of these councills . kings then who confess the majesty of popes to be so far above them , as that it doth overshadow them all with the top of its celsitude , i know not how they think therein their dignity to be diminished , wherein the pope did not think he was disparaged to descend from so high athrone , namely to stand to the judgment and sentence of the cardinals : hereby you may see how falce their complaint is , who disdain to be arraigned at the bar of an inferiour judge , for it is not titius , sempronius , or stichus that doth in a judiciary way condemne and assoile , but the law , to which kings should yeeld obedience . the most famous emperours theodosius and valentinianus accounted honourable . i shall here set down their own words , because they deserve the memory of all ages . it is ( say they ) a word well beseeming the majesty of a king to confess he is a prince tyed to the lawes . and we declare that it is more to submit a principality to the lawes than to enjoy an empire . and what we now declare by this our edict , we will not suffer to be infringed . these things the very best princes judged right and by law established , and some of the worst see the same . for nero being apparelled in the dress of harpers , is said to have not only observed their carriage and motions , but also when it came to be judged who had done best , that he stood solicitous betwixt hope and fear for the victory . for albeit he knew he would be declared victor , yet he thought the victory would be the more honest , if he should obtain it , not by the flattery of the judges , but by due debate : and he thought the observation of the law did contribute not for the diminution of his authority , but for the splendor of the victory . m : your discourse , i perceive , is not so insolent , as at first i took it , when you said , you would have kings obedient to the lawes : for it is not so much founded upon the authority of philosophers , as of kings , emperours and councils of the church . m : but i do not well understand that you say , it is not man but the law that judgeth . b : call to mind what was said a little before : did we not say , that the voice of the king and of the law is the same ? m : we did so . b : what the voice of the clerk , and herauld is , when the law is published ? m : the very same . b : but which of the two hath the authority from the other , whether the judge from the law , or the law from the judge ? m : the judge from the law. b : the strength of the sentence is then from the law , and the pronunciation of the words of the law is alone the judges . m : it seemes so . b : yea , there is nothing more certain , for the the sentences of judges pronounced according to the law are ratified , else they are reseinded . m : there is nothing more true than that . b : you see then that the judges authority is from the law , and not the lawes authority from the judge . m : i see it is so . b : the low and mean condition of him that proclaimeth the law doth not diminish the dignity thereof , but the dignity of the lawes is still the same , whether the king , a judge , or an herauld proclame it . m : it is so indeed . b. the law then being once established , is first the voice of the king and then of others . m : it is so . b : whilst then the king is condemned by a judge , he seemes to be condemned by the law. m : that is very clear . b : if by the law , then he is condemned by his own voice , as seemes , no less than if it were written with his own hand . b : why then do we so much weary our selves concerning a judge , seeing we have the kings own confession , that is to say , the law ? let us also consider this , which is but presently come into my minde . when a king in what cause soever doth sit in judgment as a judge , should he not lay aside the person of all others , and to have no respect to brother , kinsman , friend or foe , but retain only the person of a judge ? m : he ought so to do . b : ought he not to remember that person only , whose proper act it is he is about . m : i would have you tell me that more clearly . b : take heed then : when any man doth secretly take away another mans goods , what do we say he hath done ? m : i think , he hath stollen them . b : how do you call him for this deed ? m : a thief . b : how do you say he hath done , who makes use of his neighbours wise , as him own ? m : we say he hath committed adultery . b : how shall we call him ? m : an adulterer . b. how do we call him that judgeth ? m : a judge . b. to others also after this manner from the actions they are about , names may berightly give . m. they may . b : when a king then is to pass a sentence , he is to lay aside all other persons . m : indeed he should , especially those that may prejudge either of the parties in judging . b : how do you call him against whom the sentence is past , from that act of judgment ? m : we may call him , guilty . b : and is it not equitable that a judge lay aside such persons as may prejudge the sentence ? m : certainly he should , if so be , such persons be more regarded than the cause : yet such persons pertain not to a judge . seeing god will have no respect to be had to the poor in judgment . b : if then any man , who is a painter or a grammarian debate before a judge concerning the art of painting against a painter , he is not a grammarian , for the science of grammer should not herein availe him . m : nothing at all . b : nor the art of painting availe the other , if the debate be concerning grammer . m : not a white more . b : a judge then in judgment must acknowledge but one name , to wit , of the crime , or guilt , whereof the adversary or plaintife doth accuse his party or defendant to be guilty . m : no more . b : what if a king be guilty of parricide , hath he the name of a king , and what ever doth belong to a judge ? m : nothing at all , but only of a parricide , for he commeth not into controversy concerning his kingdome , but concerning his parricide . b : what if two parricides be called to answer in judgment , the one a king , and the other a poor fellow , shall not there be a like way of procedure by the judge of both ? m : the very same with both , so that i think that of lucan is no less true than elegantly spoken . viz cesar was both my leader and fellow in passing over the rhine . whom a malefice doth make guilty , it maketh alike . b : true indeed . the process then is not here carried on against a king and a poor man , but against their parricides : for then the process should be led on concerning the king , if it should be asked which of the two ought to be king : or if it come into question , whether hiero be king or a tyrant , or if any other thing come into question which doth properly belong to the kings function . even as if the sentence be concerning a painter , when it is demanded , hath he skill in the art of painting . m : what if a king will not willingly compear , nor by force can be compelled to compear . b : then the case is common with him as with all other flagitious persons . for no thief or warlock will willingly compear before a judge to be judged . but i suppose , you know , what the law doth permit , namely to kill any way a thief stealing by neight , and also to kill him if he defend himself when stealing by day . but if he cannot be drawn to compear to answer but by force , you remember what is usually done for we pursue by force and armes such robbers as are more powerfull than that by law they can be reached . nor is there almost any other cause of all the warres betwixt nations people and kings than those injuries which , whilst they cannot be determined by justice , are by armes decided . m : against enemes indeed for these causes warres use to be carried on , but the case is far otherwise with kings , to whom by a most sacred oath interposed we are bound to give obedience . b : we are indeed bound : but they do first promise that they shall rule in equity and justice . m : it is so . b : there is then a mutuall paction betwixt the king and his subjects . m : it seemes so . b : doth not he who first recedes from what is covenanted , and doth contrary to what he hath covenanted to do , break the contract and covenant ? m : he doth . b : the bond then being loosed , which did hold fast the king with the people , what ever priviledge or right did belong to him , by that agreement and covenant who looseth the same , i suppose is lost . m : it is lost . b : he then with whom the covenant was made becometh as free as ever he was before the stipulation . m : he doth clearly enjoy the same priviledge , & the same liberty . b : now if a king do those things which are directly for the dissolution of society , for the continuance where of he was created , how do we call him ? m : a tyrant , i suppose . b : now a tyrant hath not only no just authority over a people , but is also thier enemy . m : he is indeed an enemy . b : is there not a just and lawfull war wich an enemy for grievous and intolerable injuries ? m : it is for sooth a just war. b : what war is that which is carried on with him who is the enemy of all mankind , that is , a tyrant ? m : a most just war. b : now a lawfull war being once undertaken wich an enemy , and for a just cause , it is lawfull not only for the whole people to kill that enemy , but for every one of them . m : i confess that . b : may not every one out of the whole maltitude of mankind assault with all the calamities of war , a tyrant who is a publick enemy , with whom all good men have a perpetuall warfare . m : i perceive all nations almost to have been of that opinion for thebe is usually commended for killing her husband , timoleon for killing his brother , and cassius for killing his son : and ful vius for killing his own son going to catiline , and brutus for killing his own sons and kinsmen , having understood they had conspired to introduce tyranny again : and publick rewards were appointed to be given , and honours appointed by severall cities of greece to those that should kill tyrants . so that ( as is before said ) they thought there was no bond of humanity to be kept with tyrants . but why do i collect the assent of some single persons , since i can produce the testimony almost of the whole world ? for who ▪ doth not sharply rebuke domitius corbulo , for neglecting the safety of mankind , who did not thrust nero out of his empire , when he might very easily have done it ? and not only was he by the romans reprehended , but by tyridates the persian king , being not at all afraid , lest it should afterward befall an example unto himself . but the minds of most wicked men enraged wich cruelty are not so void of this publick hatred against tyrants , but that sometimes it breaketh out in them against their will , and forceth them to stand amazed with terrour at the sight of such a just and lawfull deed . when the ministers of casus caligula a most cruel tyrant were with the like cruelty tumultuating , for the slaughter of thier lord and master , and required those that had killed him to be punished , now and then crying aloud , who had killed the emper , our : valerius asiaticus one of the senators standing in an eminent high place from whence he might be heard , cryed out aloud : i wish i had killed him . at which word these tumultuary persons void of all humanity stood as it were astonished , and so fore bore any more to cry out tumultuously . for there is so great force in an honest deed , that the very lightest shew there of , being presented to the minds of men , the most violent assaults are allayed , and fierce fury doth languish , and madness nill it will it doth acknowledge the soveraignty of reason . neither are they of another judgment , who with their loud cryes mixe heaven and earth together . now this we do easily understand either from hence , that they do reprehend what now is done , but do commend and approve the same seemingly more atrocious , when they are recorded in an old history : and thereby do evidently demonstrat ( that they are more obsequious to their own particular affections , than moved by any publick dammage . but why do we seek a more certain witness what tyrants do deserve , than their own conscience ? thence is that perpetuall fear from all , and chiefly from good men : and they do constantly see hanging above their own necks the sword which they hold still drawn against others , and by their own hatred against others they measure other mens minds against them . but contrariwise good men , by fearing no man do often procure their own hazard , whilst they weigh the good will of others towards them , not from the vicious nature of men , but from their own desert towards others . b : you do then judge that to be true , that tyrants are to be reckoned in the number of the most cruell brute beasts ; and that tyrannicall violence is more unnatuall than poverty , sickness , death , and other miseries which may befall men naturally . m : indeed when i do ponder the weight of your reasons , i cannot deny , but these things are true . but whilst hazards and in conveniences do occurre , which follow on the back of this opinion , my mind as it were tyed up with a bridle , doth instantly i know not how , faile me , and bendeth from that too stoicall and severe right way towards utility , & almost falleth away . for if it shall be lawfull for any man to kill a tyrant , see how great a gape you do open for wicked men to commit any mischief , and how great hazard you creat to good men : to wicked men you permit licentiousness , and le ts out upon all the perturbation of all things . for he that shall kill a good king , or at least none of the worst , may he not pretend by his wicked deed some shew of honest and lawfull duty ? or if any good subject shall in vain attempt to kill a prince worthy of all punishment , or accomplish what he intended to do , how great a confusion of all things do you suppose most needs follow there upon ? whilst the wicked do tumultuat , raging that their head and leader is taken away from them , neither will all good men approve the deed , nor will all those who do approve , the deed , defend the doer and author of their liberty against a wicked crew . and many under an honest pretext of peace will vaile their own laziness , or rather calumniat the vertue of others , than confess their own slothfulness . surely this remembrance of self interest , and excuse of leaving the publick cause , and the fear of dangers , if it doth not break the courage , yet it weakneth the same , and compelleth it to preferre tranquillity , albeit not very sure , to an uncertain expectation of liberty . b : if you well remember what is before spoken , this your fear will be easily discussed . for we told you that there be some tyrannies allowed by the free suffrages of a people , which we do honour with royall titles , because of the moderat administration . no man , with my will , shall put violent hand on any such , nor yet on any of those , who even by force or fraud have acquired soveraignty , providing they use a moderat way in their government . such amongst the romans were vespasianus , titus , pertinax ; alexander amongst the grecians , and hiero in syracusa . who albeit they obtained the government by force and armes , yet by their justice and equity deserved to be reckoned amongst just kings , besides , i do only shew what may be lawfully done , or ought to be done in this case , but do not exhort to attempt any such thing . for in the first a due consideration of the case , and a clear explanation thereof is sufficient : but in the last there is need of good counsell in undertaking , of prudence in assaulting , and courage in acting . now seeing these things are either promoved or overturned by the circumstances of time , person , place , and other instruments in carrying on the business : if any shall rashly attempt this , the blame of his fault can be no more imputed to me , than his fault to a physician , who hath duely described the remedies of diseases , but were given by another to the patient unseasonably . m : one thing seemes yet to be wanting to put an end to this dispute which if you shall add , i shall think i have received a very singular kindness of you : the matter is this , let me understand , if there be any church censures against tyrants ? b : you may take it when you please out of the first epistle of paul to the corinthians , where the apostle doth forbid to have any fellowship either at meat or discourse with openly lewd and flagitious men . if this were observed amongst christians , such lewd men , unless they did repent , might perish by hunger , cold , and nakedness . m : a grievous sentence indeed that is . but i do not know if a people , that allow so much liberty every way to their rulers , will believe that kings should be punished after this manner . b : surely the ancient ecclesiastick writers without exception did thus understand that sentence of paul. for ambrose did hold out of the assembly of the christians theodosius the emperour , and theodosius obeyed the said bishop : and for what i know , antiquity doth more highly extoll the deed of no other so much , nor is the modesty of any other emperour more commended . but to our purpose , what difference is there betwixt the exclusion out of christian fellowship , and the interdiction from fire and water ? this last is a most grievous sentence imposed by rulers against such as refuse to obey their commands : and the former is a sentence of church men . now the punishment of the contempt of both authorities is death : but the secular judge denounceth the death of the body , the ecclesiastick judge denounceth the destruction of the whole man. therefore the church will not account him worthy of death , whom it doth expell out of the fellowship of christians , while he is alive , and banisheth him into the fellowship of divils , when dead . thus according to the equity of the cause i think i have spoken abundantly , if therewith any forrainers be displeased , i desire they would consider how unjustly they deal with us . for whilst there be many nations both great and wealthy in europe , having all their own peculiar lawes , they deale arrogantly who would prescribe to all that modell and forme of government which they them selve● enjoy . the helvetians government is a common wealth , germany useth the name or title of empire , as a lawfull government . some cities in germany , ( as i am informed ) are under the rule of princes . the venetians have a seignory tempered of these . muscovia hath a very tyranny in stead of government . we have indeed but a little kingdome , but we enjoy it these two thousand years free of the empire of forrain nations . we did creat at first lawfull kings , we did impose upon our selves and them equall and just lawes , the long continuance of time doth shew they were usefull . for more by the observation thereof than by force of armes hath this kingdom stood intire hitherto : now what iniquity is this , that we should desire either to abrogat , or neglect the lawes , the good whereof we have found by experience for so many ages ? or what impudence is that in others , that where as they cannot scarce defend their own government , endeavour to weaken the state and good order of another kingdome ? what ? are not our lawes and statutes usefull not only to our selves , but also to our neighbours ? for what can be more usefull for keeping peace with our nearest neighbours , than the moderation of kings ? for from immoderat lust unjust wars are for the most part rashly undertaken , wickedly prosecuted and carried on , and shamfully with much disgrace left off . and further , what more hurtfull can there be to any common wealth , than bad lawes amongst their nearest neighbours , whereof the contagion doth usually spread far and wide ? and why do they thus trouble us only , seeing so many nations round about have their severall lawes and statutes of their own , and no nation hath altogether the same lawes and statutes as others about them have ? and why are they now offended at us , seeing we make no new law , but continue to observe what we had by an ancient priviledge ? and seeing we are not the only persons , nor the first persons , nor yet is it at this time that we make use of our lawes . but our lawes are displeasing to some . perhaps their own lawes displease them also . we do not curiously enquire what the lawes of other nations are . let them leave us our own well known by the experience of so many years . do we trouble their councills ? or in what business do we molest them ? but you are seditious , say they . i could freely give them an answer : what is that to them ? we are timultuous at our own perrill , and at our own dammage . i might enumerat a great many seditions that are not hurtfull either to common wealths or kingdoms . but i shall not make use of that defence . i deny any nation to be less seditious than we . i deny that any nation hath ever been more moderat in seditions than we . many contentions have fallen out for lawes , and right of government , and administration of the kingdome , yet the main business hath been still kept safe . our contentions never were , as amongst many others , with the destruction of the people , nor with the hatred of our princes , but only out of love to our own countrey , and desire to maintain our lawes . hovv often in our time have great armies stood in opposition to one another ? hovv oft have they retired and vvithdravvn from one another , not only vvithout vvound , but vvithout any harme , yea vvithout so much as a reproach ? hovv often hath the publick utility setled the private grudges ? hovv often hath the rumor of the enemies approach extinguished our intestine hatred and animosity ? in all our seditions vve have not been more modest than fortunat ; seeing for the most part the party most just hath been alvvayes most fortunat : and even as vve have moderatly vented our hatred , so have vve to our prof●t and advantage condescended to an agreement . these things at present do occurre , vvhich might seeme to compesce the speeches of malevolents , refute such as are more pertinacious , and may satisfy such as are of a more temperat disposition . but by vvhat right other nations are governed , i thought it not much to our purpose . i have briefly rehearsed our ovvn vvay and custome , but yet more amply than i intended , or than the matter did require : because i undertook this pains or you only . and if it be approved by you , i have enough . m : as for me , you have abundantly satisfied me : but if i can satisfy others also , i shall think i have received much good by your discourse , and my self eased of very much trouble . finis . a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england: inculcated, about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth. not impertinent for the better compleating of the general information intended. parsons, robert, 1546-1610. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91489 of text r203153 in the english short title catalog (thomason e481_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 271 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 84 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91489 wing p574 thomason e481_2 estc r203153 99863215 99863215 115404 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91489) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115404) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 77:e482[2]) a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england: inculcated, about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth. not impertinent for the better compleating of the general information intended. parsons, robert, 1546-1610. 167, [1] p. [s.n.], london : printed anno dom. 1655. x3v refers to "this manuscript treatise .. coming from the hands of a popish priest, and comprehending the substance of what was written and published by father parson's the jesuit, under the name of doleman", i.e. robert parsons. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 30". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kings and rulers -succession -early works to 1800. great britain -kings and rulers -succession -early works to 1800. a91489 r203153 (thomason e481_2). civilwar no a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england:: inculcated, about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth. not parsons, robert 1655 45385 11 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 jason colman sampled and proofread 2008-04 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise concerning the broken succession of the crown of england : inculcated , about the later end of the reign of queen elisabeth . not impertinent for the better compleating of the general information intended . london : printed anno dom. 1655. out of the preface . the purpose of the book . the purpose of this treatise is to prove , that the next successor of england must needs be very doubtful . the first part of the book . the civil lawyer declareth , that albeit the titles by succession were clear , yet that as things stand now in england , and other countries neer adjoyning , there may be a great doubt which of them shall prevail . the second part. the temporal lawyer sheweth that the titles and pretensions of all the ten or eleven families of the english blood royal , which remain at this day , are ambiguous and doubtful , according to the common laws of england . that succession by nearness of blood is not by law of nature , or divine ; but onely by humane and positive laws of every particular countrie , and consequently may be altered by the same . cap. i. such are not to be admitted , of whom no good is to be expected . the government is ordained for the benefit of the common-wealth ; therefore no reason or law , religion or wisdom in the world can admit such persons to the government of the same , by whom no good , but destruction may be expected ; as for example , by a natural fool , or one that were a turk , or moor in religion . other conditions , besides prioritie , are requisite , which are assigned by the common-wealth . ergò , some other conditions also must needs be requisite , besides the meer prioritie in blood ; and these conditions are not prescribed by anie law of nature or divine , but assigned and limited out by the authoritie of every particular countrie and common-wealth , to the which the prince is bound . to live in companie cometh of nature ; but the form thereof by the laws of everie countrie . the sociabilitie , or inclination to live together in companie , man with man ( whereof ensueth both citie and common-wealth , as aristotle gathereth ) and in like manner , government and jurisdiction of magistrates , which is necessarie for the maintaining of that societie , is of nature , and consequently of god , that is author of nature ; but the particular form or manner of this or that government , in this or that fashion , is not by law either natural or divine , but ordained by particular positive laws of everie countrie ; for if it were by the law of nature or divine , it should be all one in all countries , seeing god and nature is one to all . to live in company is natural to man , and the ground of all common wealths . all ground of realms and common-wealths dependeth of this point , as of their first principle , for that a common-wealth is nothing els but the good government of a multitude gathered together , to live in one : and therefore all old philosophers , law-makers , and wise men , that have treated of government or common-wealths , as plato , cicero , aristotle , &c. do make their entrance from this first principle , to wit , that man by nature is sociable , and inclined to live in companie , whereof do proceed first , all private houses , then villages , then towns , then cities , then kingdoms and common-wealths . 1. proof . inclination universal . in all nations , never so wilde or barbarous , we see by experience that by one way or other , they endeavor to live together , either in towns , caves , woods , tents , or other like manner , according to the custome of each countrie ; which universal instinct could never be but by impression of nature it self . 2. speech . the use of speech is given to man for this end and purpose , otherwise little available were it , if men should live alone , and converse with none . 3. imbecillitie and nakedness of man . man is born more infirm and naked , than all other creatures , not able to provide and defend himself , but by the help of others ; which is a token that he is born to live in company , both for his necessitie to be holpen by others , and also for his own commodious living , seeing no man of himself is sufficient for himself ; wherefore wittily said aristotle , that ho which flieth to live in societie , is either deus aut bellua ; a god , or a beast : for that either he doth it , because he hath no need of any , which is proper to god ; or else for that he will do good to none , and feeleth not that natural instinct , which man hath to live in conversation ; which is a sign rather of a beast , than of a man . 4. the use of justice and friendship . if man should not live in companie of others , justice and friendship should be utterly in vain ; justice , whose office is , to distribute to every one his own : and friendship , which is so necessary and equal , vt nec aquâ , saith cicero , nec igne , nec ipso sole pluribus in locis utamur quàm amicitiâ . 5. by the holie scripture . dixit quoque dominus deus , non est bonum hominem esse solum , faciamus ei adjutorium simile sibi . of which words is deduced , that as this first societie of our first parents was of god , and for so great purpose , the one to be holpen by th' other ; so all other societies , which grow of this first , stand upon the same ground of god's ordination , for the self same end of man's utilitie . government and superioritie is also of nature . 1. necessitie . without government , superioritie and jurisdiction of magistrates , the aforesaid societie can in no wise subsist : it followeth therefore that government is of nature , aswel as the societie it self . for except there be some order kept among men , to reward virtue , chasten vice , and relieve the afflicted , there is nothing to be hoped for , but horror and confusion ; for that one would devour and consume the other . 2. consent of nations . there was never yet nation found , among whom men living together had not some kind of magistrates or superiors to govern them ; which general consent , cicero calleth ipsius vocem naturae . 3. civil law . the civil law proveth also this point in the beginning of our digests , where the second title of the first book is , de originie juris & omnium magistratuum , of the beginning of the civil law , and of all magistrates ; which beginning is referred to the principle of natural instinct , and god's institution . 4. holie scripture . god concurreth also expresly with this instinct of nature , as when he saith to solomon , by me kings do reign ; and s. paul to the romans avoucheth , that authoritie is not but of god , and therefore he which resisteth authoritie , resisteth god . viz. authoritie in it self according to the first institution , as also lawfully laid upon any persons , but not wrongfully . particular form of government is not of god , or nature , but free to every country . so those two aforesaid points , to wit , the common-wealth , and government of the same , are of nature ; but the particular forms of government are left unto every nation and country to chuse , either democratia , aristocratia , or monarchia , according as they shall like best ; for if they were determined by god or nature , they should be all one in all nations ; which they are not : seeing we see that every nation almost hath her particular form , or manner of government : and the cause of these differences aristotle attributeth to the diversity of men's natures , customs , educations , and other such causes , that make them make choice of such , or such forms of government . diversitie of government in divers countries and times . and this difference of government is not in divers countries only , but also at divers times in one and the same countrie : for the romans first had kings , & after rejecting them for their evil government , they chose consuls annual , whose authoritie was limited by a multitude of senators , and these mens power by the tribunes of the people , and somtime dictators ; and finally , they came to be governed by emperors . the like may be said of many common-wealths both of asia and greece ; and at this day of europe . in italie , now divided into so many common-wealths , every one of them almost keepeth a different form of government : millan , as also burgundie , lorayne , bavire , gasconie , and brittanie the lesser , were once distinct kingdoms , now dukedoms . whole germanie , many yeers together a kingdom , now is divided into so many dukedoms , earldoms , and other titles of supreme princes . castile , arragon , portugal , barcelona , which were first earldoms only , and after dukedoms , and then kingdoms , are now all united under one monarch : boëme and polonia , dukedoms once , now kingdoms . france first a monarchie , under pharamond , clodion , merouye , childerick , and clodovaeus , was after divided into four kingdoms , to wit , one of paris , another of soissons , the third of orleans , and the fourth of metz : and afterwards made one monarchie again . england first a monarchie under the britaines , and then a province under the romans , and after divided into seven kingdoms at once under the saxons , and now a monarchie again under the english . the people of israël also were under divers manners of government , in divers times ; first under patriarchs , abraham , isaac , and jacob : then under captains , as moses , josue , &c. then under judges , as othoniel , acod , gedeon , &c. then under high priests , as hely and samuel : then under kings , as saul , david , &c. then under captains and high priests again , as zorobabel , judas , &c. until they were brought under the power of the romans . so as there can be no doubt , but that the common-wealth hath power to chuse their own fashion of government , as also to change it upon reasonable causes ; and god no doubt doth approve it . the common-wealth limiteth the governors authoritie . and as the common-wealth hath this authoritie to chuse and change her government , so hath she also to limit the same with laws and conditions : therefore the consuls of rome were but for one year , other officers and magistrates for more , as their common-wealth did allot them . the dukes of venice at this day are for their lives ; those of genoa for two years . the dukedoms of ferrata , urbin , and parma , are limited only to heirs male ; & for defect therof , to return to the sea of rome ; as florence , and mantua , for like defects to the empire . how a natural prince is to be understood . when men talk of a natural prince , and natural successor ; if it be understood of one that is born within the same realm or countrie , and so of our own natural blood , it hath some sence ; but if it be meant as though any prince had his particular government or interest to succeed by institution of nature , it is ridiculous ; for that nature giveth it not , as hath been declared , but the particular constitution of every common-wealth . of the form of monarchies and kingdoms in particular , and the different laws , whereby they are to be obtained , holden , and governed in divers countries . cap. ii. a monarchie the best government . aristotle , seneca , and plutarch do hold a kingdom to be the most perfect common-wealth among all other , and the very first . his antiquity . of all other it is the most ancient ; for we read that among the syrians , medes and persians , their first governors were kings . and when the children of israël did ask a king at the hands of samuel ( 1000. years before the coming of christ ) they alleged for one reason , that all nations round about them had kings for their governors ; and at the very same time the chiefest cities and common-wealths of greece , as the lacedemonians , athenians , corinthians , and others , were governed by kings . the romans also began with kings . it resembleth the government of god , and nature . this kind of government ( as do gather s. hierom and s. chrysostom ) resembleth most of all the government of god , that is but one : representeth the excellencie of one son , of one soul in the bodie : it is also most conformable unto nature , by example of the bees which do chuse unto themselves a king , and do live under a monarchie . st. peter's authoritie . subjecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter deum , sive regi quasi precellenti , sive ducibus ab eo missis , &c. saith s. peter , where he seemeth to signifie that a king's government is the best among all others ; seeing at this time when he wrote this epistle , the chief governor of the world was not called king , but emperor ; though indeed between the title of king and emperor there is little or no difference in substance , but only in name . utilities of a kingdom . this government , not only in it self , but also by his effects and utilitie , is the most excellent : for in the monarchie of one king there is more unitie , agreement , and conformity , and thereby also celerity commonly in dispatching of business , and in defending the common-wealth , than where many heads be : less passions also in one man , than in many . inconvenieneies of other governments , as of democratia . in democratia , especially where cunning men are admitted , such as were the orators in athens , and the tribunes in rome , who could move the waves , raise up the winds , and kindle the fire of the vulgar peoples affections , passions , and furies at their pleasure ; there is nothing but sedition , trouble , tumults , outrages , and injustice committed upon every little occasion : by which we see that of all common-wealths , these of popular government have soonest come to ruine ; as do witness not only the old examples of greece , asia , and africa , but also many cities in italie , who upon the fall of the roman empire , took up unto themselves popular governments , wherein they could never rest , until they came under the monarchie of one prince or other , as at this day they do remain . of aristocratia . for aristocratia , as it doth participate of monarchia and democratia , or rather tempereth them both : so hath it both good and evil in it ; but yet inclineth more to the evil , for the dis-union that commonly by mans infirmitie and malice is among those heads : for which cause the states of venice and genoa , which were wont to have simply this government of aristocratia , were inforced in the end to chuse dukes . the division and factions among the senators of carthage , was the cause why aid was not sent to hannibal their captain in italie after his so great and important victorie at canna ; which was the very cause of the saving of the romane empire , and the loss of their own . as also afterwards the emulations and discord of the romane senators in the affairs and contentions of marius and sylla ; and of pompey and caesar , was the occasion of all their destruction , and of their common-wealth with them . why helps are given to kings . therefore it appeareth that of all other governments monarchie is the best : but for that a king is a man as others be , and thereby not only subject to errors in judgment , but also to passionate affections in his will ; it was necessarie , that the common-wealth should assign him the best helps that might be for directing and rectifying both his will and judgment . lawes the first help , why given . the first help is the law , which aristotle saith , est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu : and in the same place addeth , that he which joyneth a law to govern with the prince , joyneth god to the prince ; but he that joyneth to the prince his affection to govern , joyneth a beast : so that a prince ruling by law , is more than a man , or a man deified ; and a prince ruling by affections , is less than a man , or a man brutified . in another place also the same philosopher saith , that a prince that ruleth hemself , and others , by his own appetite and affections , of all creatures is the worst , and of all beasts is the most furious and dangerous ; for that nothing is so outragious as injustice armed , and no armor is so strong , as wit and authority . councils the second help , why given . the monarchie of england tempered . the second help that common-wealths do assign to their kings and princes , be certain councils , as we see the parlament of england and france , the courts in spain , and diets in germanie , without which no matter of great moment can be concluded : and besides this commonly every king hath his privie council , whom he is bound to hear ; and this was done to temper somwhat the absolute form of a monarchie , whose danger is , by reason of his sole authoritie , to fall into tyrannie , as aristotle noteth . [ in the monarchie of england all the three forms of government do enter more or less ; in that there is one king or queen , it is a monarchie : in that it hath certain councils which must be heard , it participateth of aristocratia ; and in that the commonaltie have their voices and burgesses in parlament , it taketh part also of democratia . ] all which limitations come from the common-wealth , as having authoritie above their princes , for the good of the realm . restraint of kings among the romans . why kinglie government left in rome . this restraint hath been in all times and countries ; as for example , the romans that began with kings , gave their kings as great and absolute authoritie as ours have now adaies , but yet their next in blood succeeded them not of necessitie , but new kings were chosen partlie by the senate , and partlie by the people . so as of three * most excellent kings that ensued immediatelie after romulus , none were of the blood , nor yet romans born , but rather strangers chosen for their virtue and valor : so for the neglecting of their laws the senators slew romulus their first king , and cut him in pieces ; and for the same reason , expelled tarquinius superbus their last , and all his posteritie , and with them the name and government of kings , which was changed in the regiment of consuls . restraint of kings among the grecians . in greece , and namely among the lacedemonians , their kings authoritie was so restrained by certain officers of the people , called ephori ( which commonly were five in number ) as they were not only chastened by them , but also deprived , and somtimes put to death . restraint of kings in christendom . in germanie . the emperor can neither make war , nor exact any contribution of men , or money thereunto , but by the free leave and consent of all the states of the germane dyet or parlament ; and for his children or next in kinn , they have no action , interest , or pretence to succeed , but only by free election , if they shall be thought worthie : nay one of the chiefest points that the emperor must swear at his entrance is this , that he shall never go about to make the dignitie of the emperor peculiar or hereditarie to his familie , but leave it unto the seven electors , free in their power to chuse his successor , according to the law made by the pope gregory the fift , and the emperor charles the fourth , in this behalf . in polonia and bohemia . the kings of polonia and bohemia can neither do any thing of great moment , without the consent of certain principal men called palatines or castellans ; neither may their children of next blood succeed except they be chosen , as in the empire . in spain , france , and england . in spain , france , and england , the privileges of kings are far more eminent , both in the power and succession ; for their authoritie is much more absolute , and their next in blood do ordinarily succeed : for as touching authoritie , it seemeth that the kings of france and spain have greater than the king of england ; for that everie ordination of these two kings is law in it self , without further approbation of the common-wealth , which holdeth not in england , where no general law can be made without consent of parlament . but in the other point of succession , the restraint is far greater in those other two countries than in england . for in spain the next in blood cannot succeed be he never so lawfully discended , but by a new approbation of the nobilitie , bishops , and states of the realm , as it is expresly set down in the two ancient councils of toledo the fourth and fifth . nor can the king of spain's own son at this day be called prince , except he be first sworn by the said nobilitie and estates , as we have seen it practiced in the king philip's children . in france , women , neither any of their issue , though male , are admitted to succeed in the crown : and therefore was edward 3d. of england , though son and heir unto a daughter of france , which was left by her three brethren sole heir to king phillip * the fair her father , put by the crown ; as also was the king of navar at the same time , son and heir unto this womans eldest brothers daughter named lewis huttin ; notwithstanding all their allegations : and philip de valois , a brothers son of philip the fair's , preferred to it by general decree of the states of france , and by verdict of the whole parlament of paris . and albeit the law salica , by virtue whereof the french-men pretend to exclude the succession of women , be no very ancient law , as the french themselves do confess , and much less made by pharamond their first king ; yet do we see that it is sufficient to bind all princes and subjects of that realm to observe the same , and to alter the course of natural discent ; and that the king of navar only by virtue therof doth at this day pretend to be the next in succession to this goodlie crown , and to exclude both the infanta of spain , and the prince of lorrayn that now is , who are children of the last king's sisters . propinquitie of blood , not sufficient . by which we see , that it is not enough for a man to allege bare propinquitie of blood , thereby to prevail ; for that he may be excluded , or put back by divers other circumstances , and for sundry other reasons . kings lawfully possessed , may be deprived . yea , the common-wealth hath not only the authoritie to put back the next inheritors upon just considerations , but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession , if they keep not the laws ; as by examples of all nations it might be proved . and god for the most part hath wonderfully prospered the same . titles of princes once settled , not to be examined by private men . not that it be lawful to subjects for every mislike to band against their princes : nay if a prince be once settled in the crown and admitted by the common-wealth , every man is bound to settle his conscience to obey the same , * without examination of his title or interest , because god disposeth of kingdoms , and worketh his will in princes affairs . yielding too much to princes bringeth a tyrannie . but to make princes subject to no law or limitation at all , and to free them from all obligation unto the whole bodie whereof they are the heads , as though they had been created kings from the beginning of the world , or as though the common-wealth had been made for them , and not they for the common-wealth , were to bring all to such absolute tyrannie as no realm ever did or could suffer among civil people . the mean which is to be kept . the argument of the next chapter . so as all dutie , reverence , love , and obedience is to be yielded to the prince which the common-wealth hath once established : so yet retaineth still the common-wealth her authoritie not only to restrain him , if he be exorbitant , but also to chasten and remove him upon due and weightie considerations : and hath the same been done and practiced at manie times in most nations with right good success to the weal-publick . of kings lawfully chastised by their common-wealths for their misgovernment : and of the good and prosperous success that god commonly hath given to the same . cap. iii. examples . the ordination of god in the common-wealth of the jews , doth authorise the same doings in other common-wealths . for examples out of the scripture , though some man may chance to say , that the things recounted there of the jews , were not so much to be reputed for acts of the common-wealth , as for particular ordinances of god himself ; yet it doth make rather for , than against this purpose ; because other common-wealths may the sooner practice that wherein they have god his own authoritie and approbation . examples out of the jews . saul . first then saul , though he was elected by god to that royal throne , yet was he by his order slain by the philistians , for his disobedience , and not fulfilling the laws and limits prescribed unto him : and david was chosen in his room , which proved such a king , as he was a most perfect patern for all kings to follow ; and so lived , and so died , as never prince ( i think ) before him , nor perhaps after him so joyned together both valor and virtue , courage and humilitie , wisdom and pietie , government and devotion , nobilitie and religion . amon . amon was lawful king also , and that by natural discent and succession , for he was son and heir to king manasses ; yet he was slain by his own people , quia non ambulavit in via domini ; and josias was brought in his room ; of whom it is written , fecit quod erat rectum in conspectu domini , & non declinavit neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram . examples of the romans . romulus . romulus the first king of the romans , as hath been said before , having by little and little declined into tyrannie , was slain and cut in pieces by the senators ; and in his place was chosen numa pompilius , the notablest king that ever they had , who prescribed all their order of religion , and manner of sacrifices , imitating therein the ceremonies of the jews ; as tertullian and others do note ; began the building of the capitol ; and added the two months of january and february to the year . tarquinius superbus . the expulsion of tarquinius superbus their seventh and last king , for his evil government ; and the alteration thereby of the whole government by the establishing of consuls , had so prosperous a success , that whereas at the end of their king's government they had but fifteen miles territory without the citie ; it is known that when their consuls government ended , and was changed by julius caesar , their territory reached more than fifteen thousand miles in compass . julius caesar . when julius caesar upon particular ambition had broken all law both humane and divine , and taken all government into his own hands alone , he was in revenge thereof , slain , as the world knoweth , by senators in the senate-house ; and octavianus augustus preferred in his room , who proved afterwards the most famous emperor that ever was . nero. after nero 6th . emperor which succeeded lawfully his uncle claudius , and was afterward deposed and sentenced * to death by the senate for his wicked government ; albeit peace ensued not presently , yet within few months the whole empire fell upon vespasian , and his son titus , two of the best governors that those times ever saw . domitian . to cruel domitian , ( whose death the senate is thought in secret to have procured , being not able to perform it openly by justice ; for that he did presently by publick decree allow of the same , disanulled all his barbarous acts and pulled down every where his arms and memories ) did succeed five excellent good emperors ; to wit , nerva , whom the senate chose in his room , trajan , adrian , antonius pius , and marcus aurelius . heliogabalus . heliogabalus for his most beastlie life and foul actions , was deprived and put to death by the souldiers of rome , at the request and publick approbation of the senate and people ; who ordained in his detestation , that never emperor after him should be called more antoninus ( and so it was observed . ) and preferred to the empire in his room his cousen named alexander severus , who proved one of the most rarest princes for his valor and virtue , that ever the romane empire hath had . maxentius . maxentius was drowned in the river of tiber , and he , sirnamed afterward constantine the great , succeeded in the empire , and was the man that all men know , and the first emperor that publickly professed himself a christian , and planted our faith over all the world . constantine sixth , and irene . constantine the sixth , was for his evil government first deposed , * and his eyes put out by his own mother irene , who usurped the empire ; but being not able to rule it in such order as it was needful for so great a monarchie , she was deprived thereof by the sentence of leo . the third , and by consent of all the people and senate of rome ; and charles the great , king of france , and of germanie , was crowned emperor of the west , and so hath that succession remained unto this day , and many worthy men have succeeded therein , and infinite acts of jurisdiction have been exercised by this authoritie ; which were all unjust and tyrannical , if this change of the empire , and deposition of irene and her son for their evil government had not been lawful . examples out of france . childerick . 3d. childerick 3d. king of france , for his evil government and faineantise , was deposed by zacharie the pope , at the request of the whole nobilitie and clergie of france , who alleaged , that their oath to childrick was to honor , serve , obey , maintain , and defend him against all men ; as long as he was just , religious , valiant , clement , and would resist the enemies of the crown , punish the wicked , and conserve the good , and defend the christian faith ; which being not observed on his part , they ought not be bound to him any longer , nor would not be any longer his subjects : and so chose and crowned pepin in his place , whose posteritie reigned for many years after him , and were such noble kings as all the world can testifie . charles of lorrayne . charles of lorrayne , last of the race of pepin , for the evil satisfaction that the french nation had of him , was by the authoritie of the common-wealth put by the crown ; and hugo capetus preferred to it ; whose line hath remained and possessed it unto this day . examples out of spain . flaveo suintila . flavius suintila king of spain , was , both he and his posteritie put down and deprived , in the fourth council national of toledo , and one lissinando confirmed in his place . alonso , 11th . don alonso 11th . king of castile and leon , son to ferdinand the saint , for his evil government , and especially for tyrannie used towards two nephews of his , was deposed of his kingdom by a publick act of parliament in the town of valliodolid , after he had reigned 30 years ; and his own son , don sancho 4th . was crowned in his place ; who for his valiant acts was sirnamed elbravo , and it turned to great commoditie to the common-wealth . pedro . don pedro the cruel , son to alonso 12th . having reigned 18. years , was for his injurious government , dispossessed of his crown by king henry his bastard brother , whom the states of the country had called out of france , and crowned : and though pedro was restored again by the black prince of wales , yet god shewed to favor more henry , because he returned and deprived pedro the second time , and slew him in fight hand to hand ; and being set up in his place ( which his progenie hath enjoyed to this day ) he proved so excellent a king , as he was called el cavallero , and el delas mercees , the knightlie and bountiful king . don sancho , 2d . don sancho gapelo , lawful king of portugal , having reigned 34. years , was deprived for his defects in government by the universal consent of all portugal , and approbation of a general council at lyons , pope innocentius the fourth , being there present , who did authorise the said state of portugal , at their petition , to put in supreme government , don alonso , brother to the said sancho , who was earl of boulongne in picardie by the right of his wife : which among other great exploits , was the first that set portugal free from all subjection and homage to the kingdom of castile , which unto his time it had acknowledged . greece . michael calaphates , and nicephorus botoniates . michael calaphates , emperor of greece , for having troden the cross of christ under his feet , and being otherwise also a wicked man , was deprived : as was also the emperor nicephorus botoniates for his dissolute life , and preferring wicked men to authoritie . polonia . henry . 3d. in our dayes henry 3d. king of france , was deprived of the crown of polonia , ( wherof he had also been crowned king before ) by publick act of parliament , for his departing thence without license , and not returning at the day denounced by publick letters of peremptory commandment . suetia . henry . henry late king of suëtia , was put down and deprived by that common-wealth , and his brother made king in his place , whose son reigneth at this day , and is also king of polonia : and this fact was allowed by the emperor , the king of denmark , and all the princes of germanie , neer about that realm . denmark . cisterne . cisterne king of denmark , for his intollerable crueltie , was deprived and driven into banishment , together with his wife and three children ; and his uncle frederick prince of holsatia , was chosen king , whose progenie yet remaineth in the crown . england . king john . king john of england , for his evil government , and for having lost normandie , gasconie , guyenne , and all the rest which the crown of england had in france , made himself so odious and contemptible , as first he was both excommunicated and deposed by the pope at the sute of his own people ; and , to make his peace , was enforced to resign his crown in the hands of pandulfe the pope's legat ; and afterwards falling back again to his old defects , though by making his kingdom tributarie in perpetuum to the see of rome , he had made the pope of his side for a time ; the people notwithstanding did effectuate his deprivation the 18th . year of his reign , first at canterbury , and after at london ; and called lewis prince of france , son to phillip 2d . and father to saint lewis , and chose him for their king , and did swear him fealtie with general consent in london . anno 1216. but king john's death following presentlie after , made them turn their purposes , and accept of his son henry , before matters were fully established for lewis ; and this henry , which was 3d. of that name , proved a very worthie king ; and reigned 53. years , which is more than ever king in england did , leaving edward 1. his son heir , not inferior to himself in manhood and virtue . edward , 2d . but this edward 1. had a son edward 2d . who falling into the same or worse defects than king john had done , was after 19. years reign deposed also by act of parliament holden at london the year 1326. appointed to be called edward of carnarvam from that hour forward , and his bodie adjudged to perpetual prison , where at length his life was taken away from him in the castle of barkley : and his son edward 3d. was chosen in his place ; who either for valor , prowess , length of reign , acts of chivalrie , or the multitude of famous princes his children left behind him , was one of the noblest kings that ever england had . richard , 2d . richard the 2d . son to the black prince of wales , for having suffered himself to be misled by evil counsellers , to the great hurt and disquietness of the realm , was deposed also , after 22. years reign by a parliament holden at london the year , 1399. and condemned to perpetual prison in the castle of pomfret , where he was soon after put to death : and in his place was by free election chosen the noble knight , henry * duke of lancaster , who proved afterwards so notable a king , as the world knoweth . henry , 6th . henry 6th . after almost 40. years reign , was deposed , imprisoned , and put to death also , together with his son the prince of wales , by edward 4th . of the house of york : and this was confirmed by the * commons , and afterwards also by publick act of parliament , because the said henry did suffer himself to be over-ruled by the queen his wife , and had broken the articles of agreement made by the parlament between him and the duke of york , and solemnly sworn on both sides the 8th . of octob. 1459. ( though otherwise for his particular life he were a good man ) and king edward 4th . was put in place , who was one of the renownedest for martial acts and justice , that hath worn the english crown . richard , 3d. this man having left two sons , his brother richard duke of glocester put them to death , and being the next heir male , was authorised in the crown , but deposed again afterwards by the common-wealth , which called out of france , henry earle of richmond , who took from him both life and kingdom in the field , and was king himself by the name of henry 7. and no man , i suppose , will say , but that he was lawfully king also ; which yet cannot be , except the other might lawfully be deposed . if the said deprivations were unjust , the now pretences are unlawful . moreover is to be noted in all these mutations what good hath succeeded therein to the common-wealth ; which was unjust , and is void at this day , if the changes and deprivations of the former princes could not be made , and consequently none of these that do pretend the crown of england at this day , can have any title at all for that from those men they discend , who were put in place of the deprived . if kings established may be deprived , much sooner pretenders . and if this might be so in kings lawfully set in possession , then much more hath the said common-wealth power and authoritie to alter the succession of such as do pretend dignitie , if there be due reason and causes to the same . wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of proceedings against princes , which in the former chapter is mentioned : what interest princes have in their subjects goods or lives ; how oaths do binde or may be broken by subjests towards princes ; and finally the difference between a good king and a tyrant . cap. iv. 1. objection against the assertions in the last chapter . but although by nature the common-wealth hath authoritie over the prince to chuse and appoint him at the beginning ; yet having once made him , and given up all their authoritie unto him , he is no more subject to their correction ; but remaineth absolute of himself . as every particular man hath authorised to make his master or prince of his inferior , but not afterwards to put him down again , howsoever he beareth himself towards him . 2. objection . when the children of israël , being under the government of the high priest , demanded a king of samuel ; he protesting unto them , well , quoth he , you will have a king , hearken then to this that i will say , hoc erit jus regis qui imperaturus est vobis ; he shall take away from you your children , both sons and daughters , your fields and vineyards , &c. and shall give them to his servants , and you shall cry unto god in that day from the face of this your king ; and god shall not hear you , for that you have demanded a king to govern over you . assertions of bellay . yea bellay , and some other that wrote in flatterie of princes in these our days , do not only affirm , that princes are lawless and subject to no accompt or correction whatsoever they do ; but also , that all goods , chattels , possessions , and whatsoever else commodities temporal of the common wealth , are properly the kings , and that their subjects have only the use thereof ; so as when the king will , he may take it from them by right . answer to bellay his first assertion . but for the first , that kings are subject to no law , is against the very institution of a common-wealth , which is to live together in justice and order : for if it holdeth so , insteed of kings and governors to defend us , we may set up publick murtherers , ravishers , theeves , and spoylers to devour us : then were all those kings before mentioned both of the jewes , gentiles , and christians , unlawfully deprived , and their successors unlawfully put up in their places ; and consequentlie all princes living at this day are intruders , and no lawful princes . answer to bellay his second assertion . of the second saying also , that all temporalities are properly the princes , and that subjects have only the use thereof , no less absurdities do follow : first it is against the very first principle and foundation of the civil law , which at the first entrance maketh this division of goods , that some are common by nature to all men , as the aër , the sea , &c. others are publick to all of one citie or countrie , but yet not common to all in general , as rivers , ports , &c. some are of the communitie of a citie or common-wealth , but yet not common to every particular person of that citie , as common rents , theaters , the publick hous , and the like : some are of none , nor properly of any man's goods , as churches and sacred things : and some are proper to particular men , as those which every man possesseth of his own . besides it overthroweth the whole nature of a common-wealth , maketh all subject to be but very slaves : for that slaves and bondmen in this do differ from freemen , that slaves have only the use of things without property or interest , and cannot acquire or get to themselves any dominion or true right in any thing , but it accreweth all to their master . lastly , if all goods be properly the king's , why was achab and jezabel so reprehended and punished by god , for taking away naboth's vineyard ? why do the kings of england , france and spain ask money of their subjects in parlament , and that termed by the names of subsidies , helps , benevolences , loans , prests , contributions , & c ? how have the parlament oftentimes denied them the same ? why are there judges appointed for matter of suits and pleas between the prince and the people ? why doth the canon law inhibit all princes upon pain of excommunication , to impose new impositions upon their people without great necessitie , and free consent of the givers ? nay , why be all princes at this day prohibited to alienate any thing of their own crown without consent of their people , if they be lords of all , and the people have interest in nothing ? answer to the allegations out of the prophet samuel . touching the words of samuel , they are not to allow or authorise injustice or wickedness in any king . but to threaten the jews with the disorders of kings , for that they rejected the moderate government of their high priests , and had demanded as a matter of more pomp and glorie to be ruled by kings , as other heathen nations about them were ; which did suffer great extortions and tyrannies of their said kings . for the principal points recorded to all princes throughout the whole course of scripture are , diligere judicium & justitiam , apprehendere disciplinam , & facere veritatem . and for not observing them , many princes have been punished by god himself . by what law princes are punished . now to know by what law the common-wealths do punish their kings ; it is by all law both divine and humane : divine , for that god doth approve that form , conditions , and limitations which every common-wealth doth chuse unto it self : humane , for that all law both natural , national , and positive doth teach us , that princes are subject to law and order . and it is not so of a common-wealth , as it is of a private man , because a private man's voice being but one , doth not make the prince wholly , as the common-wealth doth ; besides , having once given his voice , to make his prince , he remaineth subject and inferior to the same : but the whole bodie superior , who giving his authoritie up to the prince , doth not deprive her self of it , but may use it , when need shall require , for his own defence , for which he gave it . where one of the contractants breaketh , the other is no more bound . and then that power which the prince hath from the common-wealth , is in very truth but potestas vicaria or delegata , given with such restrictions , cautels , conditions , and oaths on both parts ( the prince and the common-wealth ) as if the same be not kept on either part , the other is not bound to observe his promise neither : and this is among the very rules of both the civil and canon law ; frustrà fidem sibi quis postulat servari ab eo , cui fidem à se praestitam servare recusat . and again , non abstringitur quis juramento ad implendum quod juravit , si ab aliâ parte non impletur cujus respectu praebuit juramentum . in things evil promised , oath bindeth not . moreover , where the fulfilling of our oath , doth contain any notable hurt , or inconvenience against religion , pietie , justice , honestie , or the weal-publick , or against the partie himself to whom it was made ; it is both lawful , honest , and convenient , to leave the performance thereof . as for example , in that herod commanded st. john baptists head to be cut off , which he did for his oaths sake to the daughter of herodias ; no man will deny but that the thing had been far better left unperformed , and the oath better broken than fulfilled ; according to another rule of the law , in malis promissis fidem non expedit observari . two principal cases when oaths hold not towards a prince . so in these two cases subjects oaths may be left unperformed towards the prince ; first , when the prince observeth not at all his promise made to the common-wealth at his admission : and then , when the performing of their oath should turn to the notable damage of the weal-publick . these two cases touched in the deprivation of childerick of france . these two cases were touched in the deposition of childerick , when the bishop of woitsburg , in the name of all the nobilitie and common-wealth of france , made this speech to zacharie the pope , truth it is that the french have sworn fidelitie to childerick , as to their natural king , but yet with condition that he on his part should also perform the points that are incident to his office ; as to defend the common-wealth , protect the church of christ , &c. which if he doth , the french are ready to continue their obedience and allegiance unto him ; but if he be apt for none of these things , and nothing else may be expected whilest he is king , but detriment to the state , ignominie to the nation , danger to christian religion , and destruction to the weal-publick ; then it is lawful for you , no doubt ( most holy father ) to deliver the french from this band of their oath , &c. the difference between a king and a tyrant . when a king declineth once from his dutie , he becometh a tyrant ; and as a good king's end and office is to make happie his common-wealth ; so the butt of a tyrant is to destroy the same : a king ruleth according to equitie , oath , conscience , justice , and law prescribed unto him ; and a tyrant is enemy to all these conditions : vt populo magistratus , ità magistratui praesunt leges , saith cicero , theodosius , and valentinianus , two worthie emperors ; digna vox est ( said they ) majestate regnantis legibus se alligatum fateri : but the tyrant caligula is justly detested , who said , memento mihi omnia , & in omnes licere . and the emperor trajan certainly is to be immortally commended , who delivering the sword to a praetor , or governor in rome , take this sword ( said he ) and if i do reign justly , use it for me ; and if not , then use it against me . which in effect and substance are the same words that our christian princes use at this day at their enterance when they promise to rule justly , and according to the laws of their country , and upon that condition take the oaths of their subjects obedience , protesting , that if they perform not this , that then their subjects are free , as before , from all allegeance . of the coronation of princes and manner of their admission to their authoritie , and the oaths which they do make in the same unto the common-wealth , for their good government . cap. v. since the people made the prince , it is likely he did it with conditions for his own good . forasmuch as not nature , but the election and consent of the people hath made the first princes from the beginning of the world ; it appeareth most certain and conform to all reason , that they were not admitted to that power and dignity without some conditions and promises also on their parts , for using it well ; because it is not likely that any people would ever put their lives , goods , and liberties in the hands of another , without some assurance of justice and equity : and hereof came to pass that both the romans and greecians prescribed to their kings those limits before mentioned . more religiously observed among christians , than other nations . and the more orderly the prince cometh to his crown , the more express and certain are their conditions between him and the people ; as on the other side , the more violent he getteth his authority ; as those ancient tyrants of assyria , nemrod and belus did , and at this day is done among the turks , the less conditions of just dealing may be expected : therefore among the christians this point of mutual oaths between prince and subjects , hath been much more established , made clear , and reduced to a more sacred and religious kinde of union , than before : for that the whole action hath been done by bishops and prelats , and the astipulation on both sides , hath passed and been regestred in sacred places , and with great solemnitie of religious ceremonies . the manner of admitting greek emperors . anastatius . the east , or greek emperors of constantinople ( after the empire was translated from rome thither by constantine the great , first christian emperor ) though their coming to the crown were nothing so orderly , as at this day it is used ; yet they were wont , above a thousand years agone , to have an oath exacted at their hands by the patriarch of constantinople . as of anastatius the first , writeth zonaras , antequam coronaretur , inquit , fidei confessionem scriptam , quâ polliceatur se in dogmatibus ecclesiasticis nihil esse novaturum , ab eo exegit patriarcha euphemius vir sanctus & orthodoxus . and divers other conditions also did he promise , before he could be crowned , as the taking away of some tributes , the giving of offices without money , and other like points appertainting to reformation and good government . michaël . of michael the first , writeth the same author in these words , michaël ubi diluxit , magnam ecclesiam ingressus , à patriarcha nicephoro imperatorio diademate est ornatus , postulato priùs scripto quo promitteret , se nulla ecclesiae instituta violaturum , neque christianorum sanguine manus contaminaturum . the latine emperors . otho . 1. in the west empire ( given to charles the great and his posteritie ) this point is yet more settled , and more inviolably kept : for albeit it went by succession for the most part at the beginning , yet were they never admitted to the same without this circumstance of swearing to conditions of righteous government : as otho 1. who being son and heir to emperor henry 1. duke of saxonie , sirnamed the faulkner , and named by him to the inheritance of the said crown of germanie , did nevertheless make his oath , and received his new approbation of the people : for the archbishop of moguntia ( chief primate of all germanie ) bringing him to the altar where he must swear , said these words unto the people , behold , i bring you here otho , chosen by god , and appointed out by his father henry our lord , and now made king by all the princes of this empire ; if this election please you , do you signifie the same by holding up your hands to heaven . which being done , he thereupon tooke the ornaments and ensigns of the empire , and put them upon the emperor , telling him the signification of each thing , and what it did binde him unto , and taking his promise to perform all . and after all , includeth the storie , rex perfusus oleo sancto , coronatur diademate aureo ab episcopis , & ab eisdem ad solium regale ducitur , & in eo collocatur . institution and manner of the emperor's creation , used at this day . in the year 996. pope grerory 5. in a synod holden in rome , did by the consent of otho 3. emperor and nephew unto this other otho , appoint this form of election for the time to come of the germane emperors , that he should be chosen by six princes of germanie ; three ecclesiastical , which are the archbishops of moguntia , colen , and trevires ; and three temporal , to wit , the duke of saxonie , the count palatine of the rhene , and the marquess of brandeburge : and when these six voices should happen to be equally divided , that then the duke of bohemia ( for then it was no kingdom ) should have place also to determine the election : which was approved by all the princes of germanie , and other christian princes and estates of the world . and sleydan writeth the manner and conditions of the said election to be these ▪ first of all , that after any man is chosen emperor , he is to be called only caesar , and the king of the romans , and not emperor until he be crowned ; and presently after his election , he sweareth these conditions , to defend the christian and catholick religion ; to defend the pope and church of rome , whose advocate he is ; to minister justice equally to all ; to follow peace , to keep all laws , rights and priviledges of the empire ; not to alienate or engage the possessions of the empire ; to condemne no man without hearing his cause , but to suffer the course of law to have his place ; in all and whatsoever he shall do otherwise , that it be void , and of no validitie at all . whereunto he sweareth first by his legates , and then giveth a coppie of his oath in writing to every one of the six electors , and after this goeth to the citie of aquis-gran to be crowned in the great church , where , about the middle of the mass , the archbishop of colen goeth unto him in the presence of all the people , and asketh whether he be ready to swear and promise to observe the catholick religion , defend the church , minister justice , protect the widdows and fatherless , and yield dutiful honor and obedience to the pope of rome . whereunto he answering , that he is ready to do all this ; the archbishop leadeth him to the high altar , where he sweareth in express all these articles ; which being done , the said archbishop turning himself to the princes of the empire and people there present , doth ask them , whether they be content to swear obedience and fealtie unto him , who answering , yea ; he is anointed by the said archbishop before the altar ; and then do come the other two archbishops of moguntia and treveris , and lead him into the vesterie , where certain deacons apparel him in his robes , and do set him in a chair , upon whom the archbishop of colen saith certain prayers , and then delivereth him a sword drawn , and putteth a ring upon his finger , and giveth him a scepter in his hand , and then all the three archbishops together do put on the crown upon his head , and leading him so crowned and apparelled unto the high altar again , he sweareth the second time , that he will do the part of a good christian and catholick emperor . which being ended , he is brought back and placed in the imperial seat and throne , where all the princes of the empire do swear obedience and faith unto him , beginning with the electors , and so to all the rest in order . and it is to be marked , that the emperor sweareth three times , once by his deputies , and twice by himself , before his subjects swear once unto him . the manner used in polonia . in polonia , which being first a dukedom , was made a kingdom about the year 1000 , the manner of the coronation of their kings , is in substance the same , as that of the emperor : for the archbishop of guesna , metropolitan of all polonia , declareth to the king before the high altar , the end and condition of his office and dignitie , unto what points he must swear , and what do signifie the sword , the ring , the scepter , and the crown : and the king's oath thereupon being taken , the marshal general of the whole kingdom , doth ask with a loud voice of all the nobilitie and people there present , whether they be content to submit themselves unto this king , or no ? who answering , yea ; the archbishop doth end the residue of the ceremonies , and doth place him in the royal throne , where all his subjects do homage unto him . the manner used in spain before the entring of the moors . sisinandus . when spain remained yet one general monarchie under the gothes , before the entring of the moors , sissinandus ( who had expelled king suintila for his cruel government ) in the fourth national council of toledo , holden the year 633. prayed with submission the prelats there gathered together , to determine that which should be needful for the maintaining both of religion and state : and so after matters of religion ▪ they first confirm the deposition of king suintila , together with his wife , brother , and children ; and then authorise the title of sissinandus : but yet with this insinuation ; we do require you that are our present king , and all other our princes that shall follow hereafter with the humilitie which is meek and moderate towards your subjects , and that you govern your people in justice and pietie , and that none of you do give sentence alone against any man in case of life and death , but with the consent of your publick council , and with those that be governors in matters of judgment : and against all kings that are to come , we do promulgate this sentence , that if any of them shall against the reverence of our laws ▪ exercise cruel authoritie with proud domination and kinglie pomp , following only their own concupisence in wickedness , that they are condemned by christ with the sentence of excommunication , and have their separation both from him and us to everlasting judgment . chintilla . sissinandus being dead , one chintilla was made king in his place ; under whom were gathered two other councils , the 5th . and 6th . of toledo , in which matters were determined about the succession to the crown , safetie of the prince , provision for his children , friends , officers , and favorites after his death , against such , as without the approbation of the common-wealth , did aspire to the same . and among other points a severe decree was made in the 6th . council , concerning the king's oath at his admission , that he should not be placed in the royal seat , until among other conditions he had promised by the sacrament of an oath , that he would suffer no man to break the catholick faith , &c. after the entring of the moors . don pelago . after the coming in of the moors , one don pelago , a yong prince of the royal blood of the gothes being fled among the rest to the mountains , was found and made king ; and having began the recovery of spain , by the getting of leön , left a certain law written in the gotish tongue touching the manner of making their king in spain , and how he must swear to their liberties and priviledges : whereof the first article saith , before all things it is established for a law , libertie , and priviledge of spain , that the king is to be placed by voices , and consent perpetually ; and this to the intent no evil king may enter without consent of the people , seeing they are to give to him that which with their blood and labors they have gained of the moors . for the fashion of making their kings in that old time , it remaineth still in substance at this day , but the manner thereof is somwhat altered ; for now the spanish kings be not crowned , but have another ceremonie for their admission equal to coronation , which is performed by the archbishop of toledo , primate of all spain . manner used in france . two manners thereof . in france have been two manners used of that action ; the one more antient hath endured 600. years , from clodoveus , ( that was christned , and anointed also and crowned at rheims by s. remigius ) unto the time of henry 1. and philip 1. his son , before the 12. peers of france were appointed to assist the coronation , which now is the chiefest part of that solemnitie . in the old fashion , as saith du haillan , the kings were lifted up and carried about upon a target by the chief subjects there present , according to the manner of the spaniards . but for the substance of the admission it was not much different from that which is now . the old manner . philip , 1. for example , the coronation of philip 1. henry 1. his father desiring for his old age to establish him in the crown before his death , did ask the consent and approbation both generally , and in particular of the nobility and people , for his admission : whom finding all willing , he brought him to rheims , where in the great church , the mass being began , upon the reading of the epistle , the archbishop turning about the prince , declared unto him what was the catholick faith , and asked him , whether he did beleeve it , and would defend it against all persons ; who affirming that he would , his oath was brought unto him , whereunto he must swear ; which he took , and holding his hands between the hands of the archbishop , read it with a loud voice , and signed it with his own hand : the substance of the oath was , that he would preserve unto the clergie all canonical priviledges , and all law and justice unto them ; as every king was bound to do ; and furthermore administer justice unto all people given him in charge . then the archbishop taking his cross , after he had shewed unto all the audience the authoritie that the archbishop of rheims had to anoint and crown the king of france , and asked license of king henry the father , il esleut philippe son fili pour & en roy de france ? which the popes legats , and the nobility , and people did approve , crying out three times , nous l'approvvons , nous le voalons , soit fait nôtre roy . institution of the newest manner . this manner was altered specially by * louysle jeune , who , leaving still the substance of the action , added thereunto divers external ceremonies of honor and majestie ; and amongst other ordeined the offices of twelve peers of france , six ecclesiastical , and six temporal ; who ever since have had the chiefest places and offices in this great action . first , the archbishop and duke of rheims anointeth and crowneth the king . the bishop and duke of laon , beareth the glass of sacred oyl . the bishop and duke of langres , the cross . the bishop and earle of beauvais , the mantle royal. the bishop and earle of koyon , the king's girdle . the bishop and earle of chaalons , the ring . the duke of burgundie , dean of the order , holdeth the crown . the duke of gasconie and guyenne , the first banner quartered . the duke of normandie , the second banner quartered . the earle of tholosa , the golden spurs . the earle of champanie , the banner royal , or standard of war . the earle of flanders , the sword royal. and this day the king is apparrelled three times , and in several sorts ; 1. as a priest ; 2. as a king , and a warrier ; 3. as a judge . philip , 2d . this day lewis , specially for the coronation of his son philip agustus , whom he caused also to be crowned in his dayes : in this coronation ( whereunto henry 2. of england , as duke of normandie , who held the crown , and one of his sons , as duke of gasconie , were present ) the king being summoned by the archbishop to keep all priviledges of the church , law and justice ; answered , i do promise and avow to every one of you , and to every church to you committed , that i will keep and maintain all canonical priviledges , law and justice due to every man , to the uttermost of my power , and by god's help shall defend you as a good king is bound to do in his realm . and then laying his hands upon the gospel , made his oath , in these words , au nom de jesus christ , re jure & promets au peuple chrestien à moy subject ces choses , &c. first that all my subjects be kept in the union of the church , and i will defend them from all excess , rapine , extortion , and iniquitie ; secondly , i will take order that in all judgments justice shall be kept with equitie and mercie , to the end that god of his mercy may conserve unto me with yo● my people , his holy grace and mercie ; thirdly , i shall endeavor as much as possibly shall lie in me , to chase and drive out of my realm , and all my dominions , all such as the church hath or shall declare for hereticks , as god shall help me and his holy gospels : then he kissed the gospels , and after te deum sung , and other particular prayers said by the archbishop , he was vested , and the ring , scepter , crown , &c. were put upon him , with declaration what they signified : after all that the archbishop and bishops did bless him ; and then by the said archbishop , and the other peers , was led unto the seat royal , where the crown was put upon his head , &c. france author of this manner of coronation . albeit the substance of the ceremonie of sacring and anointing kings be much elder than the christian kingdom of france ; yet is this particular and majestical manner of doing it by way of coronation , the most antient in france above all other kingdoms , round about : and it is probable that most of them have taken their forms of anointing and crowning from her , for the affinitie and likeness of the one to the other : as may be seen by that of germanie and polonia before recited ; by that of navarra , brought in by certain earles of champanie , according to the use of france ; and others : but among all , england seemeth to have taken it most particularly from them , not only for that divers english kings have come out of france , but also for that in very deed the thing it self is all one in both nations . the manner of admission in england . first , as the archbishop of rheims doth this ceremony in france , so in england the archbishop of canterbury ; and the first thing the said archbishop requireth at the king's hands , is about religion , church matters , and the clergie ; whereupon the king sweareth , and giveth up his oath in writing , which he laieth down with his own hands upon the altar : the words are these ; that he will , during his life , have reverence and honor unto almightie god , and to his catholick church , and unto his ministers , and that he will administer law and justice equally to all , and take away all unjust laws . which after he hath sworn , the archbishop turning about to the people , declareth what the king hath promised , and asketh , whether they be content to submit themselves unto this man as unto their king or no , under the conditions proposed ? whereunto having yielded , he put's upon him the royal ornaments , as the sword , the ring , the scepter , and crown ; and namely he giveth him the scepter of st. edward the confessor , and then addeth this exhortation , stand and hold thy place , and keep thy oath ; with a great commination on the behalf of almightie god , if he taketh the place , and breaketh his oath . henry , 4th . in the admission of henry 4. the people were demanded thrice , whether they were content to admit him for their king ? and the archbishop of canterbury having read unto them what this new king was bound by oath unto , he took the ring , wherewith to wedd him to the common-wealth , ( which wedding importeth a mutual obligation ) which was shewed to the people by the high constable , and then put upon the king's finger , who kissed the constable in sign of acceptance , &c. edward , 4th . edw. 6th . mary . elisab . in the admission of edward 4th . the peoples consent was asked at two several times very solemnly , notwithstanding that he had proved his title by succession before in parliament . and in the coronation of edward 6. queen mary , and queen elisabeth's , the peoples consent and their acceptation was not only demanded , but the princes corporal oath also taken upon the evangelists . what is due to only succession by birth , and what interest or right an heir apparent hath to the crown , before he be crowned or admitted by the common-wealth ; and how justly he may be put back , if he have not the other parts requisite also . cap. vi . belloy's assertions upon this matter . assertion , first . belloy's assertions about this matter are plain and gross flatteries , and opposite to all reason of state , and practise of the world . first he saith . that all families which enjoy kingdoms in the world were placed therein by god only , and that he alone can change the same . which indeed if he refer unto god's universal providence , it is true that all is from god either by his ordinance or permission ; but speaking of the next and immediate causes ; clear it is that men do also concur therein , and that god hath left them lawful authoritie so to do for the publick benefit . assertion , second . his second assertion is , that where such princes be once placed in government , and the law of succession by birth established , there the princes children , or next of kinn , do necessarily succeed , by only birth , without any new choice or approbation of the people , nobilitie , or clergie , or of the whole common-wealth together . assertion , third . whereunto he joyneth , that a king never dieth , for that whensoever , or howsoever , he ceaseth by any means to govern , then entereth the successor by birth , not as heir to the former , but as lawful governor of the realm , without any admission at all , having his authoritie only by the condition of his birth , and not by adoption or choice of any . assertion , fourth . the fourth which hath been touched before , is , that a prince once entered to government , and so placed , as hath been said , is under no law or restraint at all of his authoritie , but that himself only is the quiek and living law , and that no limitation can be given unto him by any power under heaven , except it be by his own will , and that no nation or common-wealth can appoint or prescribe how they will obey , or how their prince shall govern them ; but must leave his authoritie free from all bands of law ; and this either willingly , or by violence , is to be procured . assertion , fifth . the fifth , that albeit the heir apparent which is next by birth to any crown , should be never so impotent , or unfit to govern ; as if ( for examples sake ) he should be deprived of his senses , madd , furious , lunatick , a fool , or the like ; or that he should be known on the other side to be most malicious , wicked , vitious , or abhominable , or should degenerate into a very beast ; yea if it were known that he should go about to destroy the common-wealth , and drown the ship which he had to guide ; yet ( saith this man ) he must be sacred and holie unto us , and admitted without contradiction to his inheritance , which god and nature hath laid upon him , and his direction , restraint , or punishment must only be remitted to god alone , for that no man , or common-wealth , may reform , or restrain him . succession by birth , better than meer election . indeed succession is much to be preferred to election , for that , as hath been shewed before of the government of a monarchie in respect of other forms , succession hath commonly far fewer , and lesser inconveniences . reason , first . first , election is subject to great and continual dangers of ambition , emulation , division , sedition , and contention , which bring with them evident peril of universal destruction ; whereas by succession these occasions of strife are cut off . reason , second . besides , the prince is in present possession , knowing that his son , or next of kinn , is to be his heir , hath more care to leave the realm in good order . reason , third . succession also bringeth less mutations in the common-wealth ; for that the son following his father , doth commonly retain the same friends , counsellors , and servants ; pursueth the same actions and intentions , and for the most part with the same manner ; whereas he which entereth by election , being an alien , and never likely friend to his predecessor , doth alter and turn up-side-down all things . reason , fourth . fourthly , he that cometh by succession , having been much respected still for his title to the crown , bringeth with him less passions of hatred , emulation , anger , envie , or revenge against particular men , than he that entreth by election , who having been equal to others before his advancement , and holden contention with many , must needs have matter of quarrel with them ; which he will seek to revenge when he is in authoritie : and they on the other side will bear him less respect , and more unwillingly be under him . reason , fifth . whereunto may be added the preeminence and priviledge of premogeniture and ancestrie of birth so much respected and commanded by holy writ ; so that although jacob were ordained by god to inherit the benediction , yet would god have him to procure the said priviledge of eldership from esau his elder brother . wherein may also be noted , that yet this priviledg is not so inviolable , but that upon just causes it may be broken : and so in matters of state it was often practiced by god himself ; as when juda , the 4th tribe , and not ruben the first , was appointed to enjoy the scepter of the jews ; and when solomon tenth son of david was appointed to be his successor , not his first or second . election and succession do help one another . and so , where in succession , there are inconveniencies , as some be or may fall , the remedie is , first to assist the prince with directions , and wise counsel , if he be capable thereunto ; if not to remove him , and take in another of the same blood , in his place . and by this means election and succession do help and moderate one another , and remedie one anothers inconveniencies . answer to the first question propounded at the beginning . now to the first question made at the beginning of this chapter , what is due to succession or prioritie of blood alone ? great honor and respect is to be born unto the same , for that it is the principal condition that leadeth infallibly to the next succession of the crown ; if in the same person do concur also other necessary circumstances and conditions , which were appointed at the same time , and by the same authoritie that the law of succession was established . answer to the second . to the second , what interest an heir apparent hath to the crown before he be crowned ; if he have the conditions before required , he hath the same interest to the kingdom , which the king of the romans , or caesar hath to the germane empire after his election ; who yet is not emperor before he be crowned . or as in a contract of marriage there is betrothing made between the parties by words de futuro , and is not properly marriage , but espousal only ; and the wedding , made by words de praesenti , or by mutual present consent of both parties . so an heir apparent , before he be crowned and admitted , is but betrothed to the common ▪ wealth for the time to come ; and is married afterwards by present mutual consent and oaths of both parties . what respect is due to an heir apparent . wherefore the common-wealth in rigor of justice oweth no alleageance to the heir apparent ( though his predecessor be dead ) until he be crowned ; because indeed till then he is not their true king and sovereign ; els it were in vain to ask the realm again three times at their coronation , whether they will have such a king or no ? and in the old time they were accustomed to reckon the years of their reign only from the day of their coronation . but in the latter ages , for avoiding of tumults , and better keeping of order , it hath been ordained , that from the death of the former princes all matters of government shall pass in the name of his next successor . and for better accompt of years , that the beginning of his reign should be reckoned from the day of the death of his predecessor . a rare example of henry the fifth , who had fealtie done unto him before he was crowned . again , by that in all countries the subjects take their oaths only after the princes hath sworn , it appeareth that before they were not bound unto him by alleageance . and for the princes of england , it is expresly noted by english historiographers , that no allegeance is due unto them before they be crowned ; and that this priviledge happened only to henry the fifth , for his exceeding towardliness , and for the great affection of the people towards him ; to have homage done unto him before his coronation and oath taken . which , both polydore and stow do affirm never to have been offered before to any prince of england . admission is of more importance , and hath prevailed against right of succession . whence it is gathered , that the title of succession without the admission of the common-wealth , cannot make a lawful king : and that of the two , the second is of far more importance ; which may be proved by many examples : as of william rufus that succeeded the conqueror ; king henry the first his brother : king stephen's , king john's , and others , who by only admission of the realm , were kings against the order of succession . henry and edward the 4th . did found the best part , and most surest of their titles and the defence thereof , upon the election , consent , and good will of the people . and for this cause the most politick princes , that had any least suspicion of troubles about the title after their deaths , have caused their sons to be crowned in their own days . as hugh capetus robert his eldest son , and robert henry the first his second son , excluding his elder . henry also procured the same to philip the first his eldest son : and louys le gros unto two sons of his , first to philip , and after his death to louys the yonger : and this louys again unto philip 2. his son . the prince of spain is sworn alwaies and admitted by the realm during his father's reign . the same consideration also moved king david to crown his son solomon in his own days . and in england king henry 2. considering the alteration that the realm had made in admitting king stephen before him , against the order of lineal succession , and fearing that the like might happen also after him , caused his eldest son henry the third to be crowned in his life time ; so as england had two kings henry's living at one time with equal authoritie . how the next in succession by propinquitie of blood , hath oftentimes been put back by the common-wealth , and others further off admitted in their places , even in these kingdoms where succession prevaileth ; with many examples of the kingdoms of israël and spain . cap. vii . examples of the jews . saul . david elected to the prejudice of saul's sons . albeit god made saul a true and lawful king over the jews , and consequently also gave him all kinglie prerogatives ; whereof one principle is , to have his children succeed after him in the crown : yet he suffered not any of his generation to succeed him , but elected david , who was a stranger by birth , and no kinn at all to the deceased king , rejecting thereby from the crown , not only isboseth , saul's elder son , though followed for a time by abner capt. general of that nation , with eleven tribes ; but also jonathan his other son , who was so good a man , and so much praised in holy scripture . whereby it is evident that the fault of the father may prejudicate the son's right to the crown , albeit the son have no part in the fault . david . solomon , to the prejudice of adonias , and his brethren . david being placed in the crown by election , free consent , and admission of the people of israël ( though by motion and direction of god himself ) no man will deny , but that he had given him all kinglie priviledges and regalities , as among other the scripture testifieth that it was assured him by god , that his seed should reign after him ; yea , and that for ever : yet this was not performed to any of his elder sons , but only to solomon , his yonger and tenth son , who by the means and perswasions of queen bersabé his mother , and nathan the prophet , was chosen and made king by his father , to the prejudice of his elder , adonias , and the rest of his brethren : * whereby we are taught that these , and like determinations of the people , magistrates , and common-wealths , when their designments are to good ends , and for just respects and causes , are allowed also by god , and oftentimes are his own special drifts and dispensations , though they seem to come from man . jeroboam to the prejudice of roboam , solomon's son and heir . after solomon's death , rehoboam his son and heir coming to sichem , where all the people of israël were gathered , for his admission ; and having refused to yield to certain conditions for taking away of some hard and heavie impositions laid upon them by solomon his father , which the people had proposed unto him ; ten tribes of the twelve refused to admit him for their king , but chose one jeroboam his servant , a meer stranger , and of poor parentage , and god allowed thereof for the sins of solomon , leaving rehoboam over two tribes , and jeroboam over ten . god's dealing in his common-wealth , a president for all others . although we may say that in the jewish common-wealth god almightie did deal and dispose of things against the ordinary course of man's law , as best liked himself , whose will is more than law , and is to be limitted by no rule or law of man ; and therefore that these examples are not properly the act of a common-wealth , as our question demandeth ; yet are they well brought in , because they may give light to all the rest . for if god permitted and allowed this in his own common-wealth , that was to be the example and pattern of all others : no doubt but he approveth also the same in other realms , when just occasions are offered , either for his service , the good of the people and realm , or else for punishment of the sins and wickedness of some princes . examples of spain . four races of spanish kings . spain , since the expulsion of the romans , hath had three or four races of kings . the first is from the gothes , which began to reign about the year 416 , and endured by the space of 300. years , until spain was lost to the moors ; and to them the spaniard referreth all his old nobility . the second from don pelago , who after the invasion of the moors , was chosen king of austurias about the year 717. and his race continued adding kingdom to kingdom for the space of 300. years , until the year 1034. the third , from don sancho mayor , king of navarra , who having gotten into his power the earldoms of arragon and castilia , made them kingdoms , and divided them among his children ; and don fernando , his second son , king of castilia , sirnamed afterward the great , by marrying of the sister of don dermudo , king of leon and asturias , joyned all those kingdoms together ; and this race endured for 500. years , until the year 1549 ; when , for the fourth , the house of austria came in by marriage of the daughter and heir of don ferdinando , sirnamed the catholick ; which endureth until this day . the first race . for the first race , because it had express election joyned with succession , as by the councils of toledo it appeareth , it can yield no valuable examples for this place . the second race . don alonso , to the prejudice of don favila his children . in the second , though the law of succession by propinquitie of blood , was established ; yet many examples do testifie , that the next in blood was oftentimes put back by the common-wealth upon just causes . don pelago's son * being dead after two years reign only , none of his children , though he left divers , were admitted , ( because they were yong , and unable to govern ) but don alonso the catholick , his son in law , who for his valiant acts was sirnamed the great . don aurelio , and don silo , to the prejudice of don fruela and his children . to don alonso succeeded his son don fruela , who was first a noble king ; but for that he declined to tyrannie , and put to death wrongfully his own brother don vimerano , rarely beloved of the spaniards , he was himself put to death by them . and albeit he left two goodly lawful children , yet in hatred of the father , neither of them was admitted by the realm to succeed him ; but his cozen german don aurelio , brothers son to don alonso the catholick , who after six years reign dying without issue , a brother in law of his named don silo was admitted . don vermudo , to the prejudice of don alonso the chaste ; who nevertheless come's in again afterwards very happily . this don silo being also dead without issue , and the spaniards anger against don fruela being now wel asswaged , they admitted his aforesaid son don alonso the yonger , sirnamed the chaste ; though his reign for this time endured very little ; being put out by a bastard uncle of his don aluregado , with help of the moors ; who after six years reign dying also without issue , the matter came in deliberation again , whether don alonso the chaste , that lived hidden in a monasterie , should be admitted again , or rather his cozen german don vermudo , son to his uncle the prince vimerano , ( whom his father had slain ) the realm determined don * vermudo , though he were much farther off by propinquity of blood ; for that he was judged for the more valiant and able prince , than the other , who seemed to be made more acquainted with the life of monks , than of a king : neither do the historiographers of spain reprehend this fact of the realm . but king vermudo , after three years reign , being weary of a kingly life , and feeling some scruple of conscience that he had forsaken the life ecclesiastical , he resigned willingly the government unto his said cozen don alonso the chast , who after all his affliction , having been deprived four times , reigned yet 51. years , and proved the most valiant and excellent king that ever that nation had , both for his valor and other vertuous deeds ; and had great friendship with king charles the great of france , who lived in that time . don fruela , to the prejudice of don ordonio's children . don ordonio the second dying , left four sons and one daughter , and yet the state of spain displaced them all , and gave their kingdom to their uncle don fruela , second brother to their father ; and morales saith , that there appeareth no other reason hereof , but only for that these sons of the king deceased were yong , and not so apt to govern well the realm as their uncle was , [ and this notwithstanding that the said morales writeth , that at that time and before , the law of succession by propinquitie of blood , was so strongly confirmed , that the kingdom of spain was made an inheritance so intayled and tyed only to the next in blood as there was no possibility to alter the same . ] don alonso 4th . son to ordonio , to the prejudice of don fruela his children : and don ramiro , to the prejudice of the children of don alonso . and after a years reign , this king fruela being dead , and having left divers children at mans state , they were all put by the crown , and the eldest son of the aforesaid don ordonio the second , named don alonso the fourth , was chosen for king : who leaving afterward his kingdom , and betaking himself to a religious habit , offered to the common-wealth of spain his eldest son , named don ordonio , to be their king ; but they refused him , and took his brother , uncle to the yong prince , named don ramiro , who reigned 19. years , and was a most excellent king , and gained madrid from the moors . don sancho el gordo , to the prejudice of the yong son of ordonio the third . to ramiro the second , succeeded his elder son don ordonio the third , who after 7. years reign , albeit he left a son named , el enfante don vermudo , yet he was not admitted ; but his brother don sancho 1. sirnamed el gordo , uncle to the yong prince : and the reason of this alteration morales giveth , first that the said enfante was a little child , and not sufficient for government , and defence of the country . but yet after don sancho had reigned , and his son don ramiro the third , after him ; he was called and made king by the realm under the name of vermudo 2. who left after him don alonso 5. and he again his son don vermudo 3. who marrying his sister dona sancha ( that was his heir ) unto don ferinando , first earle and then king of castile , ( who was second son to don sancho * mayor king of navar ) he joyned by these means the kingdoms of leon and castile together , which were separated before : and so ended the line of don pelago , and entered the blood of navar . the third race . dona berenguela , to the prejudice of her elder sister dona blancha , and her son st. lewis of france . for the third race . prince lewis of france , who afterwards was king lewis 8. son to philip augustus having married dona blancha of spain , that was neece to king john of england by her mother-side ; [ upon these conditions on the part of king john , thereby to make peace with the french , that she should have for her dowry all those towns and countries which the said king philip had taken upon the english in normandie and gasconie ; and on the part of spain , that if the prince henry , ( only brother to the said lady blanch ) should die without issue , then she should succeed in the crown of spain ] got lewis 9. by her : and yet prince henry her brother dying without issue , both she and her son were put by , and excluded by the state of spain , against the evident right of succession , and propinquitie of blood ; and her yonger sister * dona berenguela was admitted . and the only reason they yielded thereof , was , not to admit strangers to the crown . don sancho el bravo , to the prejudice of his nephews don alonso , and hernando de la cerda . the prince of spain * don alonso , nephew to st. fernando , dying before the king his father , left two * sons , don alonso , and hernando de la cerda , whom the grand-father left commended to the realm , as lawful heirs apparent to the crown : yet for that one uncle of theirs , yonger brother to their father , named don sancho el * bravo was like to manage the matters of war better than they ; he was , by a general parlament , holden at segovia , 1276. made heir apparent of spain , and they put back , in their grand-father's time , and by his , and the realms consent . and this don sancho coming to the crown in the year 1284. the two princes were put in prison , but afterwards at the suit of philip 3. of france , their uncle , they were let out , and endued with certain lands , and also they remain unto this day : and of these do come the dukes of medina , celi , and all the rest of the house of cerda , which are of much nobilitie in spain at this time ; and king philip that reigneth , cometh of don sancho , the yonger brother . henry the bastard , and his race , to the prejudice of king petro , and his heirs . when don pedro the cruel , king of castile , was driven and his bastard brother henry 2. set up in his place , john of gant , duke of lancaster , having married dona constancia , the said king peter's daughter and heir , pretended by succession the said crown of castile , as indeed it appertained unto him ; but yet the state of spain denied it flatly , and defended it by arms , and prevailed against john of gand , as did also the race of henry the bastard against his lawful brother . and though in this third and principal discent of the kings of spain , when these changes happened , the matter of succession were most assuredly and perfectly established , yet no man will deny but that the kings of spain who hold by the latter titles at this day , be true and lawful kings . this king henry the bastard had a son named john the first , who succeeded him in the crown of spain , and married dona beatrix , daughter and heir of king ferdinando the first of portugal . but yet after the death of the said ferdinando , the states of portugal would never agree to admit the said juan for their king , for not subjecting themselves by that means to the castilians : and took rather a bastard brother of the said don ferdinando , named don juan , a youth of twenty years old ; whom they married afterward to the lady philippe , daughter of john of gand , by his first wife blancha , duchess and heir of lancaster , in whose right the kings of portugal and their discendents do pretend unto this day a certain interest to the house of lancaster . divers other examples out of the states of france , and england , for proof that the next in blood are somtimes put back from succession ; and how god hath approved the same with good success . cap. viii . though the crown of france never come to any stranger ; yet it changed twice in it self , and had three rancks . concerning the state of france , albeit since the entrance of their first king pharamond , they have never had any stranger come to wear their crown ; yet among themselves have they changed twice their whole lineage of kings , and have had three discents and races as well as the spaniards ; the first of pharamond , the second of pepin , and the third of capitus , which endureth unto this present . the first ranck . the first ranck shall be let pass , for that some perhaps may say that the common-wealth and law of succession was not then so well setled , as it hath been since , and also because it were too tedious to peruse all the three rancks , for the store that they may yield . examples of the second ranck . carloman against the law of succession , and the order of his father , parted equally the realm with his elder brother charles . pepin le bref , first king of the second race , left two sons , charles and carloman , and his states and kingdoms by succession unto the eldest ; charles the great . and albeit by that law of succession the whole kingdom of france appertained unto him alone ; yet the realm by his authoritie did part it equally between them two ; as gerard du haillan setteth down in these words , estant pepin decedé , les françois eslurent roy , charles & carloman ses fils , à la charge qu'ils partagerrient entr'evor egalement le roy . and the very same citeth belforest out of egenart , an ancient french writer . charlemayne preferred to his nephews against succession . after three years reign carloman dying , left many sons ; the elder whereof was named adalgise ; but belforest saith , that the lords ecclesiastical and temporal of france swore fidelitie and obedience to charles , without any respect or regard at all of the children of carloman , who yet by right of succession should have been preferred ; and paulus emilius a latine-writer saith , proceres regni ad carolum ultrà venientes , regem eum totius galliae salutârunt : whereby is shewed , that exclusion of the children of carloman was not by force or tyrannie , but by free deliberation of the realm . lewis 1. deposed charles le chauve , his fourth son admitted to the prejudice of his elder brothers . to charles the great succeeded lewis le debonnaire his only son ; who afterward , at the pursuit principally of his own three sons by his first wife , ( lothaire , pepin and lewis ) was deposed , and put into a monasterie . but coming afterward to reign again , his fourth son by his second wife , named , charles le chauve , succeeded him , against the right of succession due to his elder brother lothaire . louys 2. to the prejudice of his elder brethren ; and his bastards to the prejudice of his lawful sons . after charles le chauve came in louis le begue , his third son , the second beeing dead . and the eldest for his evil demeanure put by his succession . this lewis left by his wife adel trude daughter to king alfred of england , a little infant newly born ; and two bastard-sons of a concubine , louys * and carloman ; who , for that the nobles of france said , that they had need of a man to bee king , and not a childe , were , to the prejudice of the lawful successor , by the state chosen jointly for kings , and the whole realm was divided between them . and q. adeltrude with her childe fled into england , charles 4. to the prejudice of louys 5. and odo to the prejudice of charles 4. of these two bastards , carloman left a son , louis le faineant , which succeded unto him ; but for his slothful life and vicious behaviour was deprived , and made a monk in the abbey of st denis , where hee died . and in his place was chosen for king of france charles le * gros , emperor of rome , who likewise afterward was for his evil government by them deposed , and deprived not onely of the kingdom , but also of his empire , and was brought into such miserable penurie , as divers write hee perished for want . in his place was chosen odo earl of paris , and duke of angers , of whom came hugh capet . charles the simple to the prejudice of odo . but beeing soon wearie of this man's government , they deposed him as hee was absent in gasconie , and called charles * ( named afterward the simple ) out of england to paris , and restored him to the kingdom of france ; leaving onely to odo for recompence the state of aquitaine , with title of a duke . ralph 1. in the place of charles the simple . this charles through his simplicitie beeing allured to go to the castle of peronne in picardie , was made there prisoner , and forced to resign his kingdom unto ralph king of burgundie . and his queen algina , or ogen , daughter of king edward the elder , of england , fled with her little son lewis that shee had by him , into england unto her uncle k. adelstan . and charles through miserie died soon after , in the said castle of peronne . lewis d'outremer son to charles the simple established . but this ralph dying also three years after , the states of france called out of england lewis ( therefore named d'outremor ) , and crowned him ; and hee was a good king , and reigned 27 years . hugh capet to the prejudice of charles of lorrayne . louys d'outremer left two sons , lothaire , who succeeded him , and charles whom hee made duke of lorrayne : lothaire had a son named louys , who was king after him , but died without issue . and so the crown was to have gon by succession to his uncle charles . notwithstanding the states of france , for mislike they had of his person did put him by , and chose * hugo capetus earl of paris , who by approbation of the common-wealth was crowned , and his race endureth until this day . hugh capet his title not by usurpation . and all the french chronicles do justifie this title of hugo capetus against charles . nangis an ancient and diligent writer of the abbey of s. denis , defendeth it in these words : wee may not grant in any case that hugh capet may bee esteemed an invador or usurper of the crown of france , seeing the lords , prelates , princes and governors of the realm did call him to this dignitie , and chose him for their king and sovereign lord . upon which words belforest saith : for in very truth wee cannot by any other means defend the title of hugh capet from usurpation and felonie , then to justifie his coming to the crown by the consent and will of the common-wealth . a speech used by the ambassador sent from the states of france to charles of lorrayne , after his exclusion . here is to bee noted somwhat out of the speech , which the ambassador sent by the states of france , after their election of hugh capet , to charles of lorrayne , did use unto him as followeth : every man knoweth ( lord charles ) that the succession of the crown and realm of france , according to the ordinarie laws and rights of the same , belongeth unto you , and not unto hugh capet now our king ; but yet the very same laws which do give unto you this right of succession , do judg you also unworthie of the same , for that you have not endeavored hitherto to frame your life and manners according to the prescript of those laws , nor according to the use and custom of your countrey of france ; but rather have allied your self with the germane nation , our old enemies , and have acquainted your self with their vile and base manners . wherefore seeing you have forsaken and abandoned the ancient virtue , sweetness and amitie of the french , wee have also abandoned and left you ; and have chosen hugh capet for our king , and have put you back ; and this without any scruple or prejudice of our consciences at all ; esteeming it far better and more just to live under hugh capet the present possessor of the crown , with enjoying the antient use of our laws , customs , privileges and liberties , than under you , the inheritor by nearness of blood , in oppression , strange customs , and crueltie . for even as those which are to make a voiage in a ship upon a dangerous sea , do not so much repent , whether the pilot which is to guide the stern bee owner of the ship or no , but rather whether hee bee skilful , valiant , and like to bring them in safetie to their way's end , or to drown them among the waves : even so our principal care is , that wee have a good prince to lead and guide us happily in the way of civil and politick life , which is the end why princes were appointed . for that this man is fitter to bee our king . and so charles was excluded , and the frenchmen thought themselvs secure in conscience for doing the same ; which god also hath seemed to confirm with the succession and happie success of so many noble and most christian kings as have issued out of this line of hugo capetus unto this day . examples of the third rank . henry 1. to the prejudice of his elder brother robert . in this third line , robert , hugh ▪ capet his son , who succeeded him , had two sons , robert and henry ; whereof the younger was admitted , and robert put back ; partly becaus hee was but a simple man in respect of henry , and partly for that henry was greatly favored and assisted in this pretence by robert duke of normandie . lewis 6. like to bee dis-inherited for the hatred of his father k. philip 1. when philip 1. son to this henry was deceased , the people of france were so offended with his evil life and government , as that his son louis le gros was like to bee dis-inherited for his sake ; if som of his partie had not caused him to bee crowned in hast , and out of order at orleans , for preventing the matter . charles 8. for his father lewis xi . so the state of france had once determined , to put back charles ( afterwards the eight ) from his succession , for the hatred they bare to his father lewis the xi . if the said father had not died while the other was very young . examples of england . divers changes of races in england . for england , it hath had as great varietie and changes in the race of their kings , as any realm in the world . for first , after the britains it had the romans ; of whose , and their own blood , they had kings again of their own : after this they had them of the saxon and english blood ; and after them of the danes ; and then of the normans ; and after them again of the french ; and last of all , it seemeth to have returned to the britains again in k. henry 7. for that his father came of that race . examples before the conquest . egbert 1. before his nearer in blood . to pass over the ancient ranks of the british , roman and saxon races , until egbert king of the west-saxons , and almost of the rest of england besides ( who therefore is said to bee properly the first monarch of the saxon blood , and first commanded that realm to bee called england , as ever since hath been observed ) this man egbert beeing for his prowess in jealousie to his king britricus , was by him banished into france , where he lived a captain under the famous king pepin , till that britricus dying , hee returned into england ; where , though hee were not the next by propinquitie of blood , yet , as polydor saieth , omnium consensu rex creatur ; and proved the most excellent king that ever before the saxons had . adelstan , bastard-brother , to the prejudice of his his lawful edmond , and aldred . this egbert left a son , named elthelwolfe , or adelwulfe , or edolf , who succeeded him ; and had four sons , ethelbald , ethelbert , ethelred , and alfred ; who were all kings one after another ; and for the most part most excellent princes , specially alfred the last of all , whose acts bee wonderful : hee left a son as famous as himself , which was edward the elder : who dying , left two lawful sons , edmond and aldred , and one illegitimate , named adelstan ; which being esteemed to bee of more valor then the other two , was preferred to the crown before them ; and was a prince of worthie memorie . hee brought england into one perfit monarchie , having expelled utterly the danes , and quieted the welchmen : conquered scotland , and brought their k. constantine to do him homage . restored also luys d'outremer his nephew to the kingdom of france . aldred to the prejudice of his nephews edwin and edgar . this adelstan dying without issue , his lawful brother edmond was admitted , who left two sons edwin and edgar ; but for that they were yong , they were put back , and their uncle aldred preferred , who reigned with the good will and prais of all men . edgar to the prejudice of his elder brother edwin . aldred dying without issue , his elder nephew edwin was admitted to the crown ; but yet four years after hee was deposed again for his leud and vitious life , and his younger brother edgar admitted in his place , who was one of the rarest princes that the world had in his time . stow saith hee kept 3600 ships in this realm . canutus dane , to the prejudice of edmond and edward , englishmen . this edgar had by his first wife ( egilfred ) edward , called the martyr ; and by his second ( alfred ) etheldred : which alfred , to the end that her son might reign , caused edward to be slain ; and so etheldred came to the crown , though with much contradiction moved in hatred specially of the murther of his brother . this etheldred was driven out of this kingdom by sweno king of the danes , who possessed the realm ; and dying left a son , canutus ; with whom , etheldred returning after the death of sweno , made an agreement and division of the realm ; and so died , leaving his eldest * son edmund iron-side to succeed him ; who soon after dying also , left two sons , edmund and edward , but the whole realm to canutus , who pretended it to be his by a covenant made between iron-side and him , that the longest liver should have all : and so with the realm took the two children , and sent them over into swethland . and was admitted not only by the consent of the realm , but allowed also by the sea of rome . and he lived and proved an excellent good king , and after twenty years reign died much mourned by the englishmen . harald bastard , preferred to his lawful brother hardicanutus . this canutus left a base son , named harald , and a lawful one , named hardicanutus . but harald was by the more part of voices chosen before his lawful brother . hardicanutus preferred before his neerer in blood . after the death of harald , hardicarnutus was chosen , without any respect , either to edward the confessor & alured , sons to etheldred , that were in normandy ; or to edmond and edward , sons to his son iron-side , that were in sweathland , though in proximitie of blood they were before him . alured and edward the confessor , before edmond and edward , their eldest brother's sons . but this hardicanutus dying without issue , alured second son to etheldred by his second wife , against the priority both of his brother , and his nephews , that were in swethland , was called to be king ; but being murthered by the way by goodwin the earl of kent , his elder brother edward the confessor was admitted yet before edmond and edward sons to his elder brother iron-side ; and the said edward the confessor was a most excellent prince , and reigned in peace , almost twenty years . harald 2. to the prejudice of edgar . edward being dead without issue , the states made a great consultation , whom they should make king ; and first of all excluded him that was only next by propinquitie of blood , which was edgar , eldest son to edward the out-law , son to edmond iron-side , because he was a child , not able to govern the realm ; and harald , son to the earle goodwin by the daughter of canutus , was admitted . william duke of normandie , his title by election . but william duke of normandie pretended to be chosen before by * edward the confessor with the consent of the realm ; which , though no english authors do avow it cleerly , seemeth notwithstanding very probable : because the said william had at his entrance many in england that did favor his pretence ; and that , as gerard saith , at his coming to london he punished divers by name , for that they had broken their oaths and promises in that behalf : moreover , by alleging his title of election , he moved divers princes abroad to favor him in that action as in a just quarrel ; which it is not like they should have done , if he had pretended only a conquest , or his title of consanguinity , which could be of no importance in the world . among others , pope alexander 2. ( whose holiness was greatly esteemed in those dayes ) did send him his benediction , and a precious ring of gold , with a hallowed banner . st. anthoninus archbishop of florence commended his enterprise . but howsoever he got the victory , and god prospered his pretence , and hath confirmed his off-spring in the crown more than these five hundred years . examples after the conquest . william rufus and henry 1. to the prejudice of their elder brother robert . william the conqueror left three sons , robert , william and henry , and by his will the kingdom to william , named rufus , forsom particular displeasure against his elder son ; who being at his fathers death absent in the war of jerusalem , was put back , although the most part of the realm was inclined unto him ; and william rufus , by the persuasion of lanfrake archbishop of canterbury , was established in the crown : and hee dying without issue , his younger brother henry , against the right also of his elder brother robert , absent again in the war of jerusalem , did by fair promises to the people , and the help of henry newborow earl of warwick , and maurice bishop of london , get the crown ; wherein god did so prosper him , that his said brother robert coming afterwards to depose him of it , hee took him prisoner , and kept the crown . king stephen preferred to henry 2. his nearer in blood , and henry again to stephen his issue . this king henry left a daughter , which had of jeffrey plantagenet duke of anera a son named henry , whom henry his grandfather caused to bee declared heir apparent in his daies . but yet after his deceas , becaus prince henry was but a childe ; the state of england did choos stephen earl of boulongue , and son to adela , the conqueror's daughter , putting back both henry and his mother . but again for that this reign drew all england into factions and divisions ; the states in a parlament at wallingford made an agreement that stephen should bee lawful during his life onely , and that henry and his off spring should succeed him ; and prince william , king stephen's son , was deprived , and made onely earl of norfolke . king john to the prejudice of his nephew arthur . this henry 2 left richard , jeffrey and john : richard , sirnamed coeur de lyon , succeeded him ; and dying without issue , * john was admitted by the states , and arthur duke of britaine , son and heir to jeffrey , * excluded , who coming afterward to get the crown by war , was taken by his uncle john , who murthered him in prison . louys prince of france to the prejudice of king john , and king john's son afterward to the prejudice again of louys . but som years after , the barons and states of england misliking the government of this king john , rejected him again , and chose louys the prince of france to bee their king , and did swear fealtie to him in london : depriving also the young prince henry john's son , of 8 years old ; but upon the death of king john , that ensued shortly after , they recalled again that sentence , disannulled the oath and allegiance made unto louys prince of france , and admitted this henry * to the crown , who reigned 53 years . the princes of york and lancaster had their best titles of the autoritie of the common-wealth . from this henry 3. take their first begining the two branches of york and lancaster . in whose contentions the best of their titles did depend upon the autoritie of the common-wealth . for as the people were affected , and the greatest part prevailed , so were they confirmed or disannulled by parlament . and wee may not well affirm , but that when they are in possession , and confirmed therein by these parlaments , they are lawful kings , and that god concurreth with them ; for if wee should deny this point , wee should shake the states of most princes in the world at this day . the common-wealth may dispose of the crown for her own good . and so to conclude , as propinquitie of blood is a great preheminencie towards the atteining of the crown , so doth it not ever binde the common-wealth to yield thereunto , and to shut up her eies , or admit at hap-hazard , or of necessitie , any one that is next by succession ; but rather to take such an one , as may perform the dutie and charge committed . for that otherwise to admit him that is an enemie , or unfit , is but to destroy the common-wealth and him together . what are the principal points which a common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding of any prince that pretendeth to succeed ; wherein is handled largely also of the diversitie of religions , and other such causes . cap. ix . seeing the common-wealth is to know and judg of the matter , no doubt but god doth allow of her judgment . hee who is to judg and give the sentence in the things , is also to judg of the caus ; for thereof is hee called judg : so , if the common-wealth hath power to admit or put back the prince or pretender to the crown , shee hath also autoritie to judg of the lawfulness of the causes , considering specially that it is in their own affair ; and and in a matter that depend's wholly upon them , for that no man is king or prince by institution of nature , but only by authoritie of the common-wealth . who can then affirm the contrary but that god doth allow for a just and sufficient cause in this behalf , the only will and judgment of the weal-publick it self ; supposing alwaies that a whole realm will never agree , by orderly way of judgement , to exclude the next heir in blood without a reasonable cause in the sight and censure . the pope is to obey the determination of the common-wealth , without further inquisition ; except it be in cases of injustice , and tyranny . and seeing that they only are the judges of this case , and are properly lords and owners of the whole business , we are to presume that what they determine is just and lawful , though at one time they should determine one thing , and the contrary at another ( as they did often in england , being led at different times by different motions ) and it is enough for every particular man to subject himself , and obey simply their determination , without further inquisition ; except he should see that open injustice were done therein , or god manifestly offended , and the realm endangered . open injustice ; if not the true common-wealth , but some faction of wicked men should offer to determine the matter without lawful authoritie . god offended , and the realm endangered ; where it is evident that he that is preferred will do what lieth in him to the prejudice both of god's glory , and of the common-wealth ; as if a turke , or some notorious wicked man and tyrant , should be offred to govern among christians . whence the reasons of admitting or receiving a prince , are to be taken . now to know the true causes and principal points , which ought to be chiefly regarded , as well by the common-wealth , as by every particular man in the furthering or hindering any prince ; we must return to the end wherefore government was appointed ; which is to defend , preserve , and benefit the common-wealth ; because from this consideration are to be deduced all other considerations for discerning a good or evil prince . for that whosoever is most likely to defend &c. his realm and subjects , he is most to be allowed and desired , as most conform to the end for which government was ordained . and on the contrary side , he that is least like to do this , deserveth least to be preferred : and this is the consideration that divers common-wealths had in putting back oftentimes children and impotent people ( though next in blood ) from succession . three chief points to be regarded in every prince . and here shall be fitly remembred what gerard recounteth of the king of france ; that in his coronation he is new apparrelled three times in one day ; once as a priest , and then as a judge , and last as a king armed ; thereby to signifie three things committed to his charge ; first religion , then justice , then manhood and chivalrie ; which division seemeth very good and fit , and to comprehend all that a weal-publick hath need of for her happie state and felicity both in soul and bodie , and for her end both supernatural and natural . and therefore these seem to be the three points which most are to be regarded in every prince . why it is here principally treated of religion . for the latter two , because they have been often had in consideration in the changes aforesaid ; and religion , whereof then scarce ever any question or doubt did fall in these actions , rarely or never : and because in these our dayes it is the principal difference and chiefest difficultie of all other ; and that also it is of it self the first and highest , and most necessarie point to be considered in the admission of a prince ; therefore it shall principally be treated of in this place . the felicitie of the soul , is the chiefest end appointed to every common-wealth . first we are to suppose , that the first and chiefest end that god and nature appointed to every common-wealth , was not so much the temporal felicitie of the body , as the everlasting of the soul : and consequently that all other things of this transitory life are ordained to serve and be directed to that higher end . and this was not only revealed to the jewes by holy scripture ; but also unto the gentiles and heathens by the instinct and light of nature it self . what end pagan philosophers and law-makers had in their doings . for there was never yet pagan philosopher that wrote of framing a good common-wealth , neither law-maker among them that left ordinances for the same purpose ; which besides the temporal end of directing things for the bodie , had not special care also of matters appertaining to the minde ; to wit , of nourishing and rewarding virtue ▪ and for restraining and punishing of vice and wickedness . institution of sacrifices by nature . examples of noah , and job . and nature did not only teach man that he should serve god ; but also how he should serve him : to wit , that the chiefest and supremest honor that could be done unto him in this life , was the honor of sacrifice and oblations ; which we see was practiced even in those first beginnings of the law of nature , before the levitical law . for so we read in genesis of noah , that he made an altar and offered sacrifices to god upon the same , of all the beasts and birds that he had in the ark , odoratúsque est dominus odorem suavitatis . and the like of job that was a gentile , and lived before moses , sanctificabat filios , consurgénsque diluculo offerebat holocausta per dies singulos . example of the indians . religion the chief end of a common-wealth and magistrates . among the indians also , where never any notice of moses law came , there was never any nation sound that acknowledged not some kind of god , and offered not some kinde of sacrifice unto him . and though both in distinguishing between false gods and the true god , and in the means of honoring him , they have fallen into most gross and infinite errors : as also the gentiles of europe , asia , and africa ; yet it is evident hereby that by god and nature the highest and chiefest end of a common-wealth is cultus dei . and consequently that the principal care and charge of a prince and magistrate even by nature it self , is to look thereunto . as among the antients , both jews and gentiles , their kings and chief magistrates , for many ages , were also princes ; and divers learned men do hold that the privilege and preeminence of primogeniture , consisted principally in this , that the eldest sons were priests . the same proved by authorities . nulla est gens , saith cicero , tam fera , nulla tam immanis , cujus mentem non imbuerit deorum colendorum religio . and plutarch writing against a certain atheist of his time , saith thus , if you travel far countries , you may chance to finde some cities without learning , without kings , without riches , without money ; but a citie without temples , and without gods and sacrifices , no man yet hath ever seen . and finally , aristotle having numbred divers things necessary to a common-wealth , addeth these words , quintum & primum . circa rem divinam cultus , quod sacerdotium sacrificiúmque vocant . the absurd atheism of our time in politicks . and therefore we see how false and impious is the opinion of divers atheists of our time , who affirm , that religion ought not to be so greatly respected in a prince , as though it were his chiefest care , or the matter of most importance in his government : false and impious opinion , specially among christians , who have so much the greater obligation to take to heart this matter of religion , by how much greater light and knowledge they have of god . and for this cause also in all the princes oaths taken at their admission ( as before hath been * recited ) the first and principal point of all other is about religion and maintenance thereof ; not only by themselves , but also by their lievtenants , &c. the oath given by the emperor justinian , to all his governors to take at their reception . and the civil law yieldeth a very solemn form of an oath which the emperor justinian was wont to give to all his governors , &c. of countries , &c. before they could be admitted to their charges : which is as followeth , juro per deum omnipotentem & filium ejus unigenitum dominum nostrum jesum christum & spiritum sanctum ; & per sanctam gloriosam dei genitricem & semper-virginem mariam , & per quatuor evangelia quae in manibus meos teneo , & per sanctos archangelos michaëlem & gabriëlem , puram conscientiam , germanúmque servitium me servaturum sacratissimis nostris dominis justiniano & theodosiae conjugi ejus , occasione traditae mihi ab eorum pietate administrationis . et quod communicator sum sanctissimae dei catholicae & apostolicae ecclesiae , & nullo modo vel tempore adversabor ei , nec alium quocunque permittam quantum possibilitatem habeam : et si verò non haec omnia servàvero , recipiam omnia incommoda hìc & in futuro seculo in terribili judicio magni domini dei & salvatoris nostris jesu christi , & habebo partem cum juda , & cum lepra geizi , & cum tremore cain , in & super poenis quae lege eorum pietatis continentur , ero subjectus . why princes should be endued with religion . this oath did all the governors of christian countries take in old time : by which oath , and the other oaths which emperors and kings did make themselves at their admission about this point ; we may see that it is their chiefest and highest end , and office , to assist their subjects to the attaining of their supernatural end , by knowing and serving god in this life ; for that otherwise god should draw no other fruit or commodity out of humane common-wealths , than of an assembly of brutish creatures . he that wanteth it , is guilty of high treason against god . and therefore whatsoever prince or magistrate doth not help his subjects to this end , omitteth the first and principal part of his charge , and committeth high treason against his lord and master , in whose place he is ; and consequently is not fit for that place and dignitie , though he should perform the other two parts of justice and valor never so well . lack of religion the chiefest cause and justest to exclude a prince . whereof it ensueth , that nothing in the world can so justly exclude an heir apparent from his succession , as want of religion ; nor any cause whatsoever justifie and clear the conscience of the common-wealth , or of particular men , that in this cause should resist his entrance , as if they judge him faultie in this point . if a marriage may be dissolved , much more a bare betrothing , such as is between an heir apparent and a common-wealth . st. paul determineth plainly , that if two gentiles married together in their gentilitie ( which none denieth to be true marriage , for so much as concerneth the civil contract ) and afterward the one of them being made a christian , the other would not live with his partie , or if he do , yet not without blaspheming of god , and tempting him to sin ; in this case he teacheth , that it is sufficient to break and dissolve utterly this heathen marriage ; and that the christian may marrie again ; and this only for the want of religion in the other party : which being so in actual marriage already made & consummate ; how much more may it serve to undo a bare betrothing , which is the case of a pretender only to a crown , as before hath been shewed . whether difference in religion be infidelitie . but some may say that st. paul speaketh of an infidel or heathen , that denieth christ plainly ; which is not the case of a christian prince , though he be somwhat different in religion . to which is answered , that supposing there is but one only religion that can be true among christians , as both reason and athanasius his creed doth plainly teach us ; and moreover seeing , that to me there can be no other faith or religion available for my salvation , than only that which i my self do believe , for that mine own conscience must testifie for me , or against me : certain it is , that unto me and my conscience he which in any point believeth otherwise than i do , and standeth wilfully in the same , is an infidel ; for that he believeth not that which in my faith and conscience is the only and sole truth , whereby he must be saved . and so long as i have this opinion of him , albeit his religion were never so true , i shall do against my conscience , and sin damnably in the sight of god , to prefer him to a charge , where he may draw many other to his own errors and perdition , wherein i do perswade my self that he remaineth . how he that doth against his conscience sinneth . and this point is founded upon that which st. paul saith against such christians , as being invited to the banquets of the gentiles , did eat the meats offered to idols , ( which themselves do judge to be unlawful to eat ) which he saith was a damnable sin ; not for that the thing in it self was unlawful , but for that they did judge it so , and yet did the contrary ; and the reason he yieldeth presently , quia non ex fide ; omne autem quod non est ex fide est peccatum : doing a thing ( though in it self indifferent ) against their own conscience , which must be their witness at the latter day . how dangerous a sin , to favor a pretender of a contrary religion . now to apply this to the matter of england , i affirm and hold , that for any man to give his help or consent towards the making of a king , whom he judgeth or believeth to be faultie in religion , how good or bad soever he be , or of what side soever the truth be , it is a most grievous and damnable sin . and is guilty of all the evils , miseries , and calamities which may ensue by his government , whether they do so or no ; because knowing in his belief that he is like or in disposition to bring all those evils : yet he doth further , or not resist him . how far it is also against wisdom and policie to prefer a prince of a contrary religion . moreover , besides the matter of conscience , it cannot in policie , but be great folly and over-sight for a man to promote to a kingdom , wherein himself must live , one of a contrary religion to himself : for let the bargains , agreements , and promises be never so great , yet seeing the prince once settled , must needs proceed according to the principles of his own religion : it followeth also that he must come quickly to break with the other partie : and so many jealousies , suspitions , accusations , &c. will light upon him , as not only he shall not be capable of such preferments , honors , and charges , which men may deserve and desire in their common-wealths ; but also he shall be in continual danger , and subject to a thousand molestations and injuries : and so , before he beware , will become to be accompted an enemy , or backward man : which to remedy , he must either dissemble deeply , and against his own conscience make shew to favor and set forward that which in his heart he doth detest ( which is the greatest calamity and miserie of all other ) or else to avoid this everlasting perdition , he must break with all the temporal commodities of this life , and leave the benefits which his country might yield him : and this is the ordinary end of all such men , how soft and sweet soëver the beginnings be . the conclusion of the whole speech . that the next heir after the queen , must needs be verie doubtful . and therefore to conclude all this speech , seeing there be so great inconveniencies and dangers , in respect both of god and man , body and soul , to advance to the crown a prince of contrary religion ; and considering that in england there is so great diversitie of religions , as the world knoweth , between these parties and factions that have to pretend or admit the next prince after her majestie that now is : calling to mind also the great libertie , scope , and authoritie which the common-wealth hath to determine , even against the clear right of succession : and laying finally before our eies the manifold and different acts of christian realms , before mentioned , in this affair . it appeareth ( as it was propounded in the beginning ) that it is a very doubtful case who shall be the next prince after the queen : and much more , if above all this it be proved also , ( as it shall be in the second book ) that among such as do or may pretend of the blood royal at this day , their true succession , and next propinquitie by birth is also incertain and disputable . finis . cap. i. books written 1. by one hales , sirnamed clubfoot , clerk of the hamp . in which the lord keeper bacon was thought to have a hand ; and sir william cecil a privitie . 2. in favor of the lady katharine gray , daughter of the lady frances , dutchess of suffolk , the daughter of marie , yonger daughter of henry 7. to prefer her before the scot discended of margaret the elder daughter . 3. because he was a stranger or alien ; therefore not to inherit by law . 4. henry 8. had authority given him by two parlaments of 28. and 36. to dispose of the succession by his last will ; and ordained , ( his own issue failing ) that the off-spring of mary should be preferred before that of margaret . 5. against this one morgan a divine of oxford ( with the advice of judge brown , as it was thought ) wrote , first to clear the queen of scots from her husbands death : 2 handled her title to our crown : 3 against the book of knox , of the monstrous government of women . 6. and john leisley , bishop of ross in scotland , confuteth the first point : 1 that the statute that beareth the inheritance of aliens ( made 25 edw. 3. ) is only to be understood of particular men's inheritance : 2 there is express exception of the king's children , and off-spring , in the statute : 3 the practice both before and since the conquest to the contrary . 7. the second : if henry 8. made such a testament , it could not hold in law ; but that he made it not , besides many probabilities , the testimonies of the lord paget , sir edw. montague , lord chief justice ; and william clark , who set the king's stamp to the writing , avowed before the council and parlament in queen maries time , that the testament was signed after the king was past sens and memory . 8. robert heghington , secretary to the earle of north . writeth in favor of the king of spain , as next heir to the house of lancaster . another writeth in the behalf of the dukes of parma , as next heir of portugal ; another for the infanta of spain as the heir of brittanie . cap. ii. of the succession of the crown from the conquest , unto edward the third's time . the issue of vvilliam the conquerer . william the conqueror had four sons , and five daughters . sons , 1. robert , duke of normandie : 2. richard died in his youth : 3. william rufus : 4. henry the first . daughters , 1. sicilie , a nun : 2. constantia , wife of alain fergant , duke of britanie : 3 , adela , or alice , wife of stephen , earle of bloys , &c. the other two died yong . robert , duke of normandie . robert of normandie , and his son william , were ruined by henry 1. robert pined away in the castle of cardiff ; william slain before alost in flanders , whereof he was earl , by an arrow . henry 1. of all the children of henry 1. mande first married to henry 5. emperor , had issue henry 2. by geoffrey plantagenet , duke of anjou , &c. her second husband ; he reigned after king stephen . the beginning of the house of britanie . constantia , the conquerors second daughter , had issue conan 2. le gros ; who had issue hoel , and bettha , wife of eudo earle of porrhet in normandie ( her father made her his heir on his death bed , disadvowing howel ) she had issue conan 3. he , constantia wife to geoffrey third son to henry 2. by whom she had arthur , whom king john his uncle put from the crown of england , and murthered . after which constantia married guy vicount of touars , a britan : and their issue have continued till this , in the infanta of spain , and the dutchess of savoy her sister ; whose mother was sister unto the last king of france . anna the heir of britanie , had by lewis the 12. of france , one daughter , claudia ; of whom and francis the first , came henry 2. whose daughter was mother to the infanta , &c. king stephen . adela , or alice , the conquerors third daughter , had issue stephen earle of bouloyne , chosen king after henry 1. before mande his daughter , because a woman ; and before her son henry 2. because he was but a child , and a degree further off from the conqueros , but especially by force and friends ; whereby he prevented also the duke of britain , son to his mothers eldest sister . he had two sons , who left no issue ; and mary , wife to the earle of flanders , whose right , if any , is discended to the spaniard . henry 2. his sons . henry 2. had issue by eleonora , the heir of aquitaine , william , who died yong . henry crowned in his fathers time , and died without issue : 3. richard coeur de lyon , who died without issue : 4. geoffrey who married constance the heir of britain , as aforesaid : 5. john , the king , who had issue henry the third . henry 2. his daughters . his daughters were , 1. eleonora married to alphonso 9. of castile : 2. to alexis the emperor : 3. to the duke of saxonie : 4. to the earle of tholouse . eleonora had henry of castile , who died without issue ; and blanche , married to lewis of france , of the race of valois , whose issue continueth : and berenguela married to the prince of leon ; whose son ferdinando , by the death of his uncle henry without issue was chosen king of castile , before saint lewis the son of blanche aforesaid , because a stranger . 16. the right which france had to aquitain , poictiers and normandie , came to them by the aforesaid blanche ; who was married thither , on condition to have for her dower all that john had lost in france , which was almost all hee had . henry 3. his issue . henry 3. had edward 1 ; hee edw. 2. hee edw. 3. and edmund crook-back earl or duke of lancaster ; whose heir , lady blanch , married john of gant the third son of edw. 3. from whom came the hous of lancaster . also beatrix married to john 2. duke of britain , from whom descended the infantas mother . that edward crook-back was not elder then edward 1. edward crook-back was not edw. 1. elder brother , and put by onely for his deformitie ; 2. hee was born 18 junii , 1245 ; and edward 16 junii , 1239. ( matth. west . who lived at the same time ; ) 2. hee was a wise prince , and much imploied by his father and brother in their wars ; 3. his father advanced him in england , and would have made him king of naples and sicilie ; 4. having the charge of the realm at his father's death , and his brother absent ; hee attempted no innovation ; nor hee , nor any of his children made any claim to the crown after that ; 5. if hee had been elder , the title of lancaster in john of gant his issue , whose mother was heir unto edmund , had been without contradiction ; nor could the house of york have had any pretence of right . the issue of edward crook-back . henry the second , earl of lancaster and grand-childe to the aforesaid edmund , was created duke of lancaster by edward 3. hee had but one childe , the ladie blanch , wife of john of gant , by whom hee became also duke of lancaster . his three sisters were matched , one to the lord maubery , of whom the howards of norfolk ; joane 2. mary married to the earl of northumberland ; from whom the now-earl : 3. eleonor , married to the earl of arundel , of whom the late earle descended . cap. iii. the succession from edward 3. the houses of lancaster and york . edward 3. his issue . edward the third had five sons ; 1. the black prince ( hee richard second , in whom his line ceased ) 2 lionel duke of clarence ; 3. john of gant , duke of lancaster by his wife blanche ; 4 edward of langley duke of york ; 5. thomas of woodstock duke of glocester . the title of the hous of york . lionel of clarence had one onely daughter and heir , philippe , married to edmund mortimer earl of march ; they roger ; hee anne mortimer , married to richard earl of cambridg , second son of edmund l. of york : his son richard , by the death of his uncle ( slain at agincourt ) came to bee duke of york ( his father of cambridg , beeing executed for a conspiracie against henry 5. ) and was the first of the hous of york that challenged the crown , and died in the quarrel : his son was edward the 4. the issue of the duke of glocester . thomas of woodstock had onely one childe , anne , married to the lord stafford ; whose issue came after , in regard of this marriage ( for thomas was earl of buckingham too ) to bee duke of buckingham , som of whose blood are yet in england . the issue of john of gant by his first wife . john of gant had three wives ; 1 , blanch the heir of lancaster aforesaid , by whom hee had henry 4. and philippe , married to john king of portingal ; from whom are lineally descended such as at this day claim interest in that crown ; and elisabeth , married to john holland duk of exceter ; whose grand-childe henry , left onely anne , married to sir thomas nevil knight , from whom the earl of westmerland is lineally descended . by his second wife . by his second , ladie constance , daughter of peter king of castile , hee had onely one daughter katharine , married to henry the third , king of castile ; of whom the king of spain that now is , is lineally desended . by his third wife . henry 7. his title . his third , katharine swinford , daughter to a knight of henault ; and attending on his wife blanch , hee used as his concubine in his wife constance's time , and begat of her three sons and one daughter ; and after married her to swinford an english knight ; who dead , and his wife constance also , hee married her , anno 1396 , and caused his said children by her to bee legitimated by parlament , anno 1397. henry 7. his title from lancaster . his sons were , 1. john duke of somerset ; 2. thomas duke of excester ; 3. henry bishop and cardinal of winchester : his daughter jane married to the earl of westmerland . the issues of all these were soon spent , except of john of somerset , who had two sons , john and edmund : john one onely daughter , margaret , married to edmund tidder earl of richmond , by whom hee had henry 7. edmund and his three sons all died in the quarrel of the hous of lancaster without issue . the line of clarence , and title of the earl of huntington . george duke of clarence , second brother of edw. 4. had issue edw. earl of warwick , put to death by henry 7. and margaret countess of salisbury , married to sir richard poole of wales , by whom hee had henry , arthur , geoffroy , and reynald ( after cardinal ) henry lo. of montague ( put to death , with his mother , by h. 8. ) had katharine married to the earl of huntington , they the now earl , &c. and wenefred married to sir tho. barrington . arthur , marie , married to sir john stanny ; and margaret to sir tho. fitzherbert . geoffrey , geoffrey poole ; hee arthur and geoffrey , which yet live in italie . henry 7. his issue . the title of scotland , and of the ladie arbella . henry 7. had by the eldest daughter of edw. 4. ( for of all the other three remaineth no issue ) besides hen. 8. margaret , first married to the k. of scots ; they james 5. who mary , mother to the now king . after married to the earl of anguis ; they margaret , married to the earl of lenox ; they henry married to the last queen , and murthered 1566. and charles married to elisa . ca4dish , by whom the ladie arbella . the title of the lord beacham , and his brother . marie the second daughter , first married to lewis 12. of france , without issue ; then to charles brandon duke of suffolk ; they francis , married to henry gray marquis dorset , after duke of suffolk , beheaded by q. mary ; they jane , married to dudley , ( both beheaded ) katharine , first married to the earl of pembroke ; and left by him to the earl of hartfort ( as themselves affirmed ) in the tower : from whom descendeth the lord beacham , and edward seymer his brother . the title of the hous of derbie . eleonor second daughter to ch. brandon and the queen of france , was married to henry clifford earl of cumberland : they had issue margaret , married to henry earl of derbie : who had issue the last and the now earl . cap. iv. the controversie between the houses of lancaster and york . the pretence of the hous of york . by richard duke of york , son of richard earl of cambridg aforesaid , &c. that considering hee had by descent joined in him the right aswell of lionel duke of clarence , second son to edw. 3. as of edward duke of york , the fourth son of edw. 3. hee was to bee preferred before the hous of lancaster , claiming onely from john of gant the third son of edward 3. richard 2. deposed . edward 3. in his old age for the love hee bare to the black prince , confirmed the succession by parlament to richard 2. his son ; and caused the rest of his sons to swear thereunto . richard 2. for his misgovernment was deposed by common consent , and henry 4. chosen in his place ; which himself and his issue possessed about 60 years . the question is , whether king richard were rightfully deposed or no . that a king may bee deposed on just causes . first that a king on just causes may bee deposed , is proved by reason : becaus the rule beeing given by the common-wealth , on condition of just government ; that much violated , the condition is broken , and the same common-wealth may take the forfeiture . this proved by the autoritie of all law-makers , philosophers , divines and governors of common-wealths ; and by example of divers depositions , which god himself hath blessed with good success . proved by reasons and examples of divinitie . an ill prince is an armed enemie , with his feet set on the realm's head ; whence hee cannot bee plucked but by force of arms , object . god may cut him off by sickness , or otherwise ; and therefore wee are to attend his good pleasure . answ. god alwaies bindeth not himself to work miracles , nor often with extraordinary means ; but hath left upon earth , unto men and common-wealths , power to do justice in his name upon offendors . examples hereof are ehud stirr'd up by god to kill eglon , king of the moabites by a stratageme , judg. 3. and the philistins to kill , david to persecute saul ; jeroboam to rebell against roboam the son of solomon , 2 reg. 11. & 12. jehu to depose joram and q. jezabel his mother , 4. reg. 9. the captains of jerusalem at the persuasion of jehoiada the high-priest , to conjure against q. athalia , whom they deposed , and joash chosen in her room , 4. reg. 11. all which hee might have removed without blood-shed , if hee would : but hee appointed men to work his will by these violent means , to deliver that common-wealth from oppression , and for the greater terror of all bad princes . allegations of the lancastrians that king richard 2. was justly deposed . just causes of deposing richard 2. were ; hee murthered his uncle the duke of glocester without form of law or process . hee put to death the earl of arundel , banished warwick , thomas arundel archbishop of canterbury , and henry duke of hereford and lancaster ( and after king ) whose goods and inheritance descending to the said henry from his father , hee wrongfully seized on . hee suffered the earl of oxford , his minion , to put away his wife , a goodly young ladie , daughter of isabell his father's sister , and to marrie another openly to her disgrace . and in the last ( evil ) parlament hee made , would needs have all absolute autoritie granted to 6 or 7 his favorites to determine of all matters . grieved with these exorbitant indignities , the more or better part of the realm called home by their letters henry 4. deposed richard 2. by act of parlament , by his own confession of unworthie government , and his voluntarie resignation of the crown to the said henry by publick instrument . all this without blood-shed : and in almost all this , edmund l. d. of york , ( the head of that familie , together with edward duke of aumale his eldest son , and richard earle of cambridge his yonger ( the grand-father of edward 4. ) assisted the said henry . that henry 4. had more right to succeed unto richard 2. than edmond mortimer heir of clarence ; much more any other . king richard 2. deposed , the question is , whether edmond mortimer then alive ( his father roger being slain in ireland a little before ) nephew removed of lionel duke of clarence ; or henry duke of lancaster , son of john of gant should have succeeded in right . for henry is alleged ; his being neerer to the former king by two degrees , and proximitie of blood ( though not of the elder line ) is to be , ( or hath been ) preferred in these cases . 2. his title came by a man , the others by a woman ( not so much favored by law nor reason . ) 3. the said edmond being offered the crown by richard earle of cambridge ( who had married his sister anne ) and other noblemen , at southampton ; he judged it against equitie , discovered the treason to henry the fifth , by whose command those noblemen were executed , 1415. thirty years after which ; richard duke of york , son of the aforesaid earle , and anne ( for edmond her brother died without issue ) set his title on foot . and whereas roger mortimer , father of this edmond was declared heir apparent by a parlament 1382 , that was done by richard 2. from the hatred he bore to john of gant , and his son henry ; ( rather than for the goodness of the others title : ) the cause whereof was , because immediately after the death of the black prince , divers learned and wise men held opinion , that john of gant , eldest son of edward 3. then living should rather succeed , than richard , jure propinquitatis . this made the old king edward 3. confirm the succession to richard 2. by parlament , and the oaths of his uncles , and made the yong king richard 2. hold first , and his son in jealousie , and hatred ever after , as distrusting the likelihoods of their title . declaration of the heir apparent in the princes life , being partial , no sure president . partial establishing of succession by parlament , is no extraordinary thing with princes , which yet most commonly have been to little purpose . so did richard 3. cause john de la pole , earle of lincoln , and son to his sister elisabeth , dutchess of suffolk , to be declared heir apparent ; thereby excluding his brother edward's four daughters , &c. so did henry 8. prefer the issue of his yonger sister , before that of his elder . so did edward 6. declare the lady jane gray , his cozen germain removed , to be his heir and successor ; excluding his own two sisters : such , say they , was the aforesaid declaration of roger mortimer by richard 2. to as little purpose , as from little equity . uncle preferred before the nephew divers times . contra . sect. 83. that john of gant should have in right succeeded his father , rather than richard himself , as neerer to his father , is proved by the course of divers kingdoms , where the uncle was preferred before the nephew . 1. in naples ( much about the same time ) robert before charles the son of martel his elder brother . 2. in spain , don sancho bravo before the children of prince don alonso de la cerda ( from whom the house of medina celi is discended ) by sentence of don alonso the wise , and of all the realm and nobility , anno 1276. 3. in the earldom of arthois , mande , before robert , son to her brother philip , by sentence of philip le bel of france , confirmed by the parlament of paris , and by his successor philippes de valois , whom he the said robert had much assisted in the recovery of france from the english . 4. in britanie , john breno earle of montfort , before jane countess of bloys , daughter and heir of guy his elder brother , by sentence of edward 3. and the state of england , who put him in possession of that dukedom . 5. in scotland , where albeit edward 1. of england gave sentence for john baliol , nephew to the elder daughter , excluding thereby robert bruse , son to the yonger ; yet that sentence was held to be unjust in scotland , and the crown restored to robert bruse his son , whose posterity holds it to this day . 6. the like whereof in naples , lewis prince of taranto , son to philip , prevailed before joan the neece of robert aforesaid , who was philip's elder brother ( though philip died before robert ) because he was a man , and a degree neerer to his grand-father than joan. 7. and in england it self , henry 1. preferred before william , son and heir of robert of normandie , his elder brother . and king john preferred before arthur , d. of britanie , the son and heir of his elder brother geoffrey , because he was neerer to richard his brother , then dead , than was arthur : which right of his the english inclined still to acknowledge and admit , and thereupon proclaimed him king ; notwithstanding that the french , and other forrein princes of stomach , opposed themselves against it . king john rightfully preferred before his brother arthur . against this last : king richard when he was to go to the holy land , caused his nephew arthur to be declared heir apparent to the crown , thereby shewing his title to be the better . answ . 1. it was not by act of parlament of england , for richard was in normandie , when he made it . 2. richard did it rather to repress the amhitious humor of john in his absence . 3. this declaration was never admitted in england , but renounced by consent of the nobility in his absence . 4. richard himself at his return disadvowed it , appointing john to be his successor , by his last will , and caused the nobles to swear fealtie unto him , as to his next in blood . the opinion of civil lawyers touching the right of the uncle and nephew . contra . sect. 83. this controversie divided all the lawyers in christendom ; baldus , oldratus , panormitanus , &c. for the nephew : bartolus , alexander , decius , alciatus , cujatius , &c. for the uncle : baldus himself at length concludeth , that seeing rigor of law runneth only with the uncle , being properly neerest in blood by one degree , and that only indulgence and custom permitteth the nephew to represent his father's place ; whensoëver the uncle is born before the nephew , and his elder brother dieth before his father ( as in the case of john of gant and richard 2. ) he may be preferred : for the elder brother cannot give or transmit that thing to his son , which is not in himself before his father die ; nor can his son represent what the father never had . the common-law dealeth not with the point of succession to the crown . touching the common law ; the right and interest to the crown is not expresly decided in it , nor is it a plea subject to the rules thereof , but superior , and more eminent ; nor are the maxims thereof alwayes of force in this , as in others . as in the case of dower , copercenars , and tenancie by the courtesie . no more ought they to be in this case of inheritance ; as by the former eight presidents hath been shewed . the common lawyers then refer this point of the crown to custom , nothing being in effect written by them touching it . only the best of our old ones favored that title of lancaster : and chancelor fortescue , and sir tho. thorope , chief baron of the exchequer in henry 6. his time , were much afflicted for it by the contrary faction . the princes of york often attainted . the princes of york forfeited their right by their conspiracies , and attainder thereupon ; as r. earle of cambridge , put to death therefore by the judgment of his peers , his elder brother , the duke of york , being one of the jury that condemned him . his son richard , duke of york , was also attainted of treason ( after many oaths to henry 6. sworn and broken by him ) and his son ed. 4. with the rest of his off-spring to the ninth degree , at a parlament at coventry , anno 1459. but the house of lancaster was never attainted of any such crime . the hous of york came to the crown by violence and crueltie . edward 4. entred by violence , wilfully murthering , besides divers of the nobilitie , henry 6. a good and holy king , and his son prince edward , dispossessing the hous that had held the crown about 60 years together ; in which time their title had been confirmed by many parlaments , oaths , approbations , and publick acts of the common-wealth , and the consent of all forreign nations . all which had been enough to have autorized a bad title . those of lancaster better princes than those of york . the 4 henries of the hous of lancaster were far more worthie princes , then the 4 princes of the houses of york ; as edw. 4. rich. 3. hen. 8. edw. 6. and if the affairs of any the former , especially the 3d , succeeded not , the chief caus thereof was the sedition , rebellion and troubles raised by those of york , and their contention against the princes of the houses of lancaster . the cruelty of the princes of york , one to the other . the princes of york have not been onely cruel to their enemies , but to themselvs too ; embrewing their hands in their own blood : then when they had ruined th'other , george duke of clarence conspired against edw. 4. his own brother ; with whom reconciled , edw. caused him afterwards to bee murthered at calis . rich. 3. murthered his two young nephews ; and henry 8. a great number of that hous , as edmund de la poole his cousin german ; henry duke of buckingham , his great ant 's son : extinguishing that , and ruining this familie . also henry courtney marquis of exceter , his own cousin german , the ladie margaret countess of salisbury , and daughter to george d. of clarence ; and her son the l. montague , &c. the kindness of the princes of lancaster . but the love , union , confidence , faithfulness , kindeness and loialtie of the princes of lancaster towards th'other was very notable , as in the 2 brothers of henry 4 ; and the 3 brothers of henry 5. and in five or six dukes of somerset , their near cosens ; which argueth both a marvellous confidence those princes had in that quarrel , and a great blessing of god unto the whole familie that agree'd so well . the successes of such noble houses as followed either partie . another blessing seemeth to bee bestowed on them ; that no antient great houses are remaining at this day in england , but such as chiefly took their parts ; as , arundel , oxford , northumberland , westmerland and shrewsbury : whereas the chief partakers of the other faction are all destroied ; as , mowbray duke of norfolk , de la poole duke of suffolk , th' earl of salisbury , th' earl of warwick , and many others . cap. iii. examination of the title of the hous of scotland . sect. 28. allegations for the k. of scots . 1. that hee is descended of the eldest daughter of henry 7. without bastardie , or other lawful impediment ; and therefore hath the right of prioritie . 2. the benefit would accrew unto the common-wealth , by the uniting of england and scotland , a point long sought for . 3. the establishing of true religion in england . hee is not of the hous of lancaster , but rather of york . hee is not descended truly of the hous of lancaster , becaus not of the ladie blanch , the true heir thereof : but of kathathine swinford , whose children were unlawfully begotten ; ( though afterwards legitimated by parlament ) so that his best title is by york , inferior to that of lancaster , and therefore is to com in after them of that hous . forrein birth not just impediment in succession to the crown of england . hee is forrein born , and therefore excluded by the laws of england from inheriting within the land . answ . 1. this assertion in an universal sens is fals ; for a stranger may purchase , and inherit by the right of his wife : 7 & 9 edw. 4. 11 & 14 henrie . 7. 2. the statute of 25 edw. 3. is to bee restrained unto proper inheritance onely : viz. that no person born out of the allegiance of england ( whose father and mother were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth ) shall not demand inheritance within the same allegiance . 3. this statute toucheth not the crown , nor any , except express mention bee made thereof . 4. the crown cannot properly bee called an inheritance of allegiance , or within allegiance ; beeing held immediately from god . 5. the statute meaneth inheritance by descent onely ; but the crown is a thing incorporate , and therefore goeth as by succession . now if a prior , dean , &c. or other head incorparate , though an alien , may inherit or demand lands in england , notwithstanding the statute , much more may the inheritor to the crown . 6. express exception is made in the statues of enfants du roi ; which word cannot but include all the king's off-spring , and blood-roial . 7. king stephen and henry 2. born out of the realm , and of parents that were not of the allegiance of england when they were born , were yet admitted to the crown without contradiction : which argueth , that by the cours of the common law there was no such stop against aliens ; and that if the statute would have abridged the antient libertie in this case of succession , it would have made special mention there , which it doth not . the king of scots excluded by the last will of henry 8. henry 8. his will , whereby he excludeth the off-spring of margaret s. 4. which though somwhat infringed by the testimony of two or three . s 7. yet 't is plain it was his own will , because he commanded it to be drawn , written , and sealed , and never revoked it : besides it is subscribed by many witnesses , and inrolled in the chancery by his own command ; enough to make it good against the assertion of those few , who to please the time wherein they spake , ( in queen maries time ) might say and ghess the king was past memory when his stamp was put to it . now to make good what he did , two acts of parlaments , 28 , & 35. of his reign , gave him full authoritie to dispose of this point of succession , as he and his learned council should think best for the common-wealth . by a statute made in the 27th . of elisabeth . 27. elisah . a statute was made , that whosoever shall be convinced to conspire , attempt , or procure the queens death , or is privie , or accessary to the same , shall loose all right , title , pretence , claim , or action , that they , or their heirs have , or may have to the crown of england . now the late queen of scots being attainted and executed by the authoritie of the said parlament , and for breach of the said statute , 't is easie to determine what title her son hath , claiming only by her . the uniting of scotland with england , dangerous to the english , or like to be . 1. only the increase of subjects : but those rather to participate the commodities of england , than to impart any from scotland . 2. the natural hatred of that people unto us , and their ancient inclination to joyn with our enemies the french , and irish against us , are arguments of great mischiefs likely to ensue by that conjunction . 3. the scot must needs hold in jealousie so many englishmen , competitors of the blood royal , and therefore will fortifie himself against them by those forrein nations , of whom he is discended , with whom he is allyed , as the scots , french , danes , and uncivil irish , which will prove intolerable to the english . 4. the king , both for his own safety , and for the love he beareth to his own nation , will advance them , and plant them about him in chief places of credit ; which must needs breed emulations and controversies between them and the english : then must he of force secretly begin to favor and fortifie his own , to the incredible calamitie of the other , as canutus did his danes , and william the conqueror his normans , neither of them enemies to the english blood , nor evil kings , but careful of their own safeties ; for herein it is impossible to be neutral . 5. the romans with all their power and policie could never unite the hearts of england and scotland in peace , nor hold the scots and north-irish in obedience of any authority residing in england : what then are we to hope for of this king herein ? the religion of scotland unpleasing to our state . his religion is neither fit for our state , wherein archbishops , &c. and officers of cathedral churches are of much dignitie ; and there suppressed : nor will be pleasing to our nobilitie , to be subject to the exorbitant and popular authoritie of a few ordinary ministers ; which the king himself is there content to yield unto . and therefore it is likely , that few will be forward to entertain that king for the reforming of religion here , that hath no better order in his own at home . for the ladie arabella . for the ladie arabella , is alleged , her being an equal degree of discent with the king of scots : her being above him , in all hopes for herself , or benefit to the english , that can be expected in an english prince , and a prince born in england . against her . neither she , nor the scot are properly of the house of lancaster : and the title of lancaster is before the pretence of york , ut suprà . 2. the testament of king henry 8. barreth her as well as the scot . 3. her discent is not free from bastardie , for queen margaret soon after the death of her first husband married steward lord of annerdale , who was alive long after her marriage with anguis : and it is most certain also , that anguis had another wife alive when he married the said queen . all this confirmed by the lord william howard ( father to the now admiral ) sent into scotland by henry 8. of purpose to enquire thereof ; who reported it to king henry , queen mary , and divers others . for this cause king henry would have letted the marriage between anguis and his sister ; and chiefly caused him to exclude her issue . 4. she is a woman , and it were perhaps a great inconvenience , that three of the weak sex should succeed one the other . 5. all her kindred by her father is meer scotish . in england she hath none but by her mother , the candishes : a mean familie and kindred for a princess . cap. vi . examination of the title of the house of suffolk : being darby and hartford . sect. 29. 30. the earle of hartford's children , illegitimate . the children of the earle of hartford discending of ladie frances , the eldest daughter of charles brandon , are proved illigitimate . 1. because the ladie katharine gray their mother was lawful wife to the earle of pembroke , ( when they were born ) not separated from him by lawful authority , or for any just cause ; but abandoned by him , because her house was come into misery and disgrace . 2. it could never be lawfully proved that the said earle and ladie katharine were married , but only by their own assertions ; not sufficient in law : therefore was the marriage disannulled in the arches , by publick and definitive sentence of parker , archbishop of canterbury , not long after the birth of the said children . 3. when the marquess of dorset married their grandmother the ladie frances , he had another lawful wife , sister to h. fitz-allen , earle of arundel , whom he put away to obtain so great a marriage as was the lady frances : this bred much hate between the marquess and earle ever after : but the marquess favor with k. henry , deprived the other of all remedy . and therefore may their mother the lady katharine seem illegitimate too . bastardie in the issue of charles brandon . charles brandon had a wife alive , when he married the queen of france , by which wife he had issue the ladie powyse , wife of the lord powyse : and this wife of his lived some time after his marriage with the queen . darby's evasion . this wife ( say the friends of darby ) died before the birth of the lady eleonor the yonger daughter , their ancestor ; though after the birth of the lady francis , hartford's ancestor . hartford's confutation of the first bastardie . to the first bastardy of hartford , their friends affirm , that the contract between the lady katharine , and the earl of pembrook was dissolved lawfully , and judicially in the time of queen mary . hartford's evasion of the second bastardie , in the behalf of his second born , edward seymore . the lady katharine being found with child , affirmed the earle of hartford to be the father : hereupon he being sent for out of france ( where he was with sir n. throgmorton , and had got leave to travel into italie ) confessed it at his return ; and both of them affirmed they were man and wife : but because they could not prove it by witnesses , and for attempting such a matter with one of the blood royal without privitie , and license of the prince , they were both committed to the tower : where they used means to meet afterwards , and had the second son ed. seymore . now the first son may be ligitimate before god , yet illegitimate before men , and therefore incapable of succession . for the second , to be legitimate , whereas there wanteth nothing but witnesses , ( for the presence of minister is not absolutely necessary ) to justifie their marriages by law ; the queen herself , her counsel , and as many as had the examination of these parties , upon their first act , or child-birth , are witnesses unto them ; besides their resolution to continue man and wife protested before them and confirmed by this effect of their second carnal meeting in the tower . cap. vii . examination of the title of the houses of clarence and britanie . against the house of clarence in general . their claim is founded only upon the daughter of george duke of clarence , yonger brother of ed. 4. so that as long as any lawful issue remaineth of the daughters of the elder brother , no claim or pretence of theirs can be admitted . 2. if the pretence of lancast . be better than that of york ( as before it seemeth to be proved , s. 36. 38. 40. 42. &c. ) then holdeth not this of clarence , which is meerly of york . 3. the house of clarence hath been often attainted ; 1. in george himself . 2. in the countess of salisbury his daughter , and heir . 3. in the lord montague her son and heir : whereby their whole interests were cut off . for albeit since those attainders it hath been restored in blood , yet hath not that been sufficient to recover unto that house the ancient lands and titles of honor thereunto belonging : for they were forfeited to the crown , as is also to the next in blood unattainted , the prerogative of succeeding to the crown : unless special mention had been made thereof in their restauration . against the earle of huntington , in favor of the pooles . upon the attainder of the lord montague with his mother of salisbury , all such right as they had , or might had being cut off in them , fell upon geoffrey , brother of the said lord . 1. because he was not attainted . 2. he was a degree neerer unto the duke of clarence , ( and thereby hath the priviledge of an uncle before the neece , ( s. 34. 40. ) than the lady katharine . 3. he was a man , she a woman ( and neither of their fathers in possession of the thing pretended ) which priviledge of sex got the last king of spain the kingdom of portugal . 4. inconvenience of religion ; ( this point altered by the death of the last earle ) . first title of the infant ; as heir unto the house of britain , from william the conqueror . ( sect. 12. ) she is discended of the antient royal blood of england : from the eldest daughter of the conqueror , constance : whereof her friends infer two consequences . 1. when the conqueror's sons died without issue , or were made incapable of the crown ( as henry 1. seemed to be for the violence used to his elder brother robert , and his son william , sect. 11. ) then should the elder sister have entred before king stephen , who was born of alice or adela her yonger sister . the coming of a woman no bar to inher in england . though the salick law seemeth to exclude her from the crown of france ; yet from the inheritance of england , britanie , aquitayne , &c. coming to her by women , and falling ordinarily in women , nor that , nor other law excludeth her . second title of the infant by france , whereof she is heir general , from henry 2. she is lineally descended from eleonor the eldest daughter of henry 2. ( sect. 15. ) by whom she is heir general of france , and thereby of england ( sect. 15. ) for three reasons . 1. king john by the murther of his nephew arthur of britanie , forfeited all his states whatsoever : now this happened four years before his son henry 3. was born ; and therefore the crown by right should have come to the said eleonor his elder sister . 2. arthur being prisoner in the castle of roan , and suspecting that he should be murthered by his uncle john , nominated the lady blanche , daughter and heir to eleonor to be his heir ; which were it not good , yet when he and his sister was put to death , she and her mother were next of kinn unto them , for any more of england , ( s. 12. ) 3. john was actually deposed by the barons and states of the realm , 16 regni sui , and lewis of france the husband of blanche elected and admitted , with their whole consent : to whom they swore fealtie and obedience in london , for him and his heirs , and posteritie , 1217. giving him possession of london , and the tower , and many other important places . now ableit that they chose after his john's son henry 3 ; yet titles and interests to kingdoms once rightly gotten , never die , but remain ever for the posterity to set a foot : so came hugo capetus to the crown of france , odo earle of paris his ancester , being once elected , admitted , and sworn king , though after deposed , and charles the simple chosen . third title of the infanta , from henry 3. she is lineally discended of beatrix , daughter of henry 3. ( s. 17. ) now seeing that the posterity of both her brothers edward and edmond , ( the heads of the two houses of lancaster and york ) have oftentimes been attainted , and excluded from the succession by sundry acts of parliament , and at this day are at contention among themselves ; why may not the right of both houses , by composition , peace , and comprimise , at least , be passed over to their sisters issue ? objections against the infanta . 1. these her claims are very old and worn out . 2. her claims are but collateral by sisters . 3. she is a stranger , and alien born . 4. her religion is contrary to the state . answered by those that favor her title . antiquity hurteth not the goodness of titles to kingdoms ( when occasion is offered to advance them ) which commonly are never presumed to die , & nullum tempus occurrit regi . 2. collateral lines may lawfully be admitted to enter , when the direct either fail , or are to be excluded for other just respect . 3. the point of forrein birth is sufficiently answered before . ( sect. 50. ) 4. the impediment of other religion is not universal , nor admitted in the judgment of all men , but onely of such english as differ in religion from her : to the rest ( and those many ) it will rather bee a motive to favor then hinder her title . cap. viii . examination of the houses of spain and portugal . the dutchie of lancaster belong's to portugal . the king of spain is lineally descended from the two daughters of john of gant , by his two first wives : ( sect. 23 , 24. ) the former whereof , ( the ladie blanche ) beeing heir of the duchie ( sect. 19. ) when the posteritie of his issue male by her came to bee exstinct ( as it was in the children of h. 6. ) there is no reason , but the issue of his daughters ( those that claim by portugal ( sect. 23 ) should succeed ; at least in the inheritance of that duchie . the crown of england to john of somerset , son to john of gant. but for the right and title to the crown of england , which came by john of gant himself ( third son of edw. 3 : and eldest that lived when hee died ) john earl of somerset , though begotten out of matrimonie , yet afterwards legitimated ( sect. 25. ) his eldest son by katharine swinford was to inherit before the ladie philippe his sister , by the ladie blanche . the first reason of portugal against somerset . against which the favorites , of portugal allege divers reasons . 1. beeing born out of wedlock , and in adulterie , ( sect. 25. ) and continuing a bastard many years , hee could not bee made legitimate afterwards by parlament , to that effect of succession to the crown , before q. philippe of portugall , and her children born before his legitimation ; who thereby had vim acquisitam ( as the law saith ) which could not bee taken away by any posterior act of parlament , without consent of the parties interessed . second reason . john king of portugal married the ladie philippe , with condition to enjoy all prerogatives that at day were due unto her ; which was six or seven years before his legitimation . for don alonso and don edwardo , the two sons of the said john and philippe were born in the years 1390 , and 1391. and john of gant married katharine swinford , and legitimated her children in the years 1396 , & 1397. third reason . the marriage of john of gant with katharine swinford helpeth litle to better this legitimation ; ( which by the rules of the common and civil laws is but a bare deposition : ) for their children were spurii , begotten in plain adulterie , not in fornication onely ; and consequently the privilege that the law giveth to the subsequent mariage of the parties , by legitimating such children as are born in simple fornication ( where the parties are single ) cannot take place here ; nor can any legitimation equal , much less prefer the legitimated , before the lawful and legitimate by birth . the fourth reason alleged by the favorers of portugal against the issue of john of somerset . when henry 6. and his son were extinguished , and edw. 4. usurped the crown , there remained of the ladie philippe , alfonse the fift , king of portugal her nephew ; of john of somerset , margaret countess of richmond his neece . the question is , which of these two competitors of the hous of lancaster , and in equal degree from john of gant , and henry 6. should have succession by right immediately after the death of henry 6. alfonso ( say they ) for three reasons . first , hee was a man , and margaret but a woman ( though shee came of the man , and hee of the woman . ) 2. hee descended of the lawful and eldest daughter ; shee of the younger brother legitimated . 3. hee was of the whole blood to h. 6. and shee but of the half : in which regard hee was to bee preferred , at least , in all the interests of succession which were to bee had from henry 4. onely , and were never in his father john of gant , which were many ; as his right gotten by arms , upon the evil government of the former king ; his election by parlament , and coronation by the realm , &c. ( see for the rest sect. 35. 43. ) besides when king richard 2. was dead , hee was next in degree of propinquitie unto him of any man living ; as hath before been proved , sect. 36. cap. ix . the genealogie , and controversies of portugal . 76. the genealogie of portugal . emanuel had by one wife six children . 1. john 3. hee john , that died in his father's time ; hee sebastian , slain by the moors in barbarie . 2. isabel grandmother to the present king of spain . 3. beatrix , grandmother to the duke of savoy . 4. lewis , father of don antonio , lately deceased in england . 5. henry cardinal , and after king. 6. edw. father of mary duchess of parma , who hath two sons , ranuntius duke of parma , and edward a cardinal , and father of katharine , duchess of bragança yet living ; whose issue is , theodosius duke of bragança , edward , alexander and philippe , young princes of great exspectation . five pretenders unto the crown of portugal . sebastian beeing dead , henry son of emanuel succeeded ; who beeing old , unmarried , unlikely to have issue ; before him was debated the right of five pretenders to the succession of that crown ; vid. philippe of spain , philibert duke of savoy , the duke of parma ( his mother beeing then deceased ) don antonio , and the duchess of bragança : the three first by their deputies , the fourth ( anthonio ) by himself , and for himself ; the fift by her husband the duke and his learned council . of these , the duke of savoy was soon excluded , becaus his mother was younger sister to k. philip's mother , and himself younger then philippe . don antonio a bastard , and excluded . don antonio was also rejected and pronounced a bastard by the said king henry , for many reasons . 1. hee was taken to bee so all his father's life time , and that without question . 2. certain decrees coming out from rome , in the time of julius 3. against the promotion of bastards ; hee sued to the said pope to bee dispensed withall . 3 his father don lewis hath oftentimes testified by word and writing that hee was his bastard , and signified asmuch in his last will . 4. it is likely that if lewis had married his mother , who was base in birth , and of the jewish ( as som stories affirm ) hee would have made som of his friends and kindred acquainted therewith , as a matter so much important to them to know ; which hee never did : though the king avowed himself was present with him at his death . 5. if hee had been legitimate , why did hee not pretend the succession before the said king , next after the death of sebastian , beeing son to his elder brother , as well as was sebastian . 6. whereas hee had produced witnesses ( vid. his mother , sister , with her husband , and two others ) to prove , that his father before his death had married with his mother in secret : the said k. cardinal affirmed , that upon their examination hee had found they were suborned by anthonio : becaus they agreed not in their reports , and becaus som of them confessed they were suborned : whereupon hee hath caused them to be punished . if not , why not duke of lanc. seeing that in england wee hold the said don anthonio for true king of portugal , i see not how wee can deny his children their right , at least to the duchie of lancaster : whereof whosoëver is right heir of portugal , should bee rightest heir , ( sect. 70. ) . allegations to prove the duke of parm's right . that hee represented his mother , and shee her father , lo. edward , who , had hee been alive , had carried it from his elder sister elisa . k. philip's 2. mother : consequently his issue to bee preferred before hers . 2. against the duchess of bragança , that his mother was the elder sister , therefore hee who represented her person , was to bee preferred before her . for the duchess of bragança , and against the point of representation . shee was born and bred in portugal : philip and parma were forrein . 2. shee was nearer by a degree unto emanuel , and henry the cardinal , then the duke of parma . 3. against the representation urged by parma , that no representation was admitten in the succession to the crown of portugal ; but that every pretender was to bee taken and preferred according to the prerogatives onely of his person , as the next in propinquitie of blood , or the man before the woman , and the elder before the younger , if they bee in equal degree of propinquitie to the former kings . touching representations . ( contra sect. 40. ) the last king sebastian entred the crown by way of representation , not by propinquitie of blood , the cardinal beeing brother , and hee but nephew unto the former king john 3. ( sect. 82. ) answ. hee was of the right descendant line of k. john 3. and the cardinal but of the collateral ; and all law alloweth the right line to bee served and preferred before the collateral bee admitted : this was the caus of his coming to the crown , and not representation . allegations of king philip's right to portugal . seeing then that representation was not admitted , but every pretendor considered in his own person onely ( sect. 82. ) king philip beeing in equal degree of propinquitie of blood with the duchesses , alleged hee was to bee preferred before them both : becaus a man , and born before them . 2. the inheritance of portugal ( besides that it belonged to the crown of castile , of old evidently belonged to john , king of castile , by the marriage of beatrix , daughter and heir of ferdinand king of portugal : after whose death it was conferred by election of the people on john , m. of avis , bastard-brother of the foresaid ferdinand : & by him the said beatrix , and her posteritie wrongfully debarred and excluded . king philip his own carver in spain . when these contentions were at the hottest , died the k. cardinal , before he could decide them . whereupon the k. of spain taking his right to bee best ; and ( becaus a monarch , and under no temporal judg ) thinking hee was not bound to attend any other , or further judgment in the matter , but might by force put himself in possession of his own ( as hee took it , ) if otherwise hee might not have it ; hee entered upon portugal by force of arms , and at this day holdeth it peaceably . the end of the controversie . an objection in behalf of representation in the succession of england . representation taketh place in england : so as the children of the son , though women , shall ever bee preferred before those of the daughter , though men . therefore seeing the ladie philippes right to the dukedom of lancaster , and crown of england ( mentioned sect. 70 , 72 , &c. ) is to bee preferred according to the laws of england ; onely it followeth , that the right of succession pretended by the princes of portugal from the said ladie philippe , should bee determined onely by the laws of england , which admit of representation . answer to the former objection . the question is not here , by what law this pretence by portugal to the crown of england is to bee tried : but rather who is the true and next heir of john of portugal , and the ladie philippe , heir of lancaster : which once known , it little importeth by what law hee pretendeth his right unto england ; whether of portugal , or england : though to determine this first and chief point of the succession of portugal , the laws of portugal must needs bee the onely judges , and not those of england . cap. x. whether it bee better to live under a forrein or a home-born prince , a great monarch , or a little king . against forrein-government the opinion of law-makers . aristotle , in all the different forms of common-wealths which hee prescribeth in his 8 books of politicks , ever presupposeth , that the government shall bee by people of the self-same nation : the same also do presume all the law-makers therein mentioned ; as , minos , solon , lycurgus , numa pompilius , and the rest . of orators and writerr . demosthenes his famous invectives against philip of macedonia , that desired to encroach upon the state of greece ; and his orations against eschines , who was thought secretly to favor the pretences of the said forrein princes . the books of the italians , when they speak of their former subjection to the lombardes , germanes , french , and their present to the spaniard . the late writings of the french against the power of the hous of guise and lorrain , whom they hold for strangers . of nations by their proceedings and designs . the desperate and bloodie executions of divers nations , to th'end they might rid themselvs from stranger's dominion , are arguments of the very impression of nature herself in this matter : for examples whereof , see q. curtius , lib. 5. & 6. and the sicilians , who at one evensong-tide slew all the french within their iland , whom themselvs had called and invited thither not long before . and the english , who murthered all the danes at one time : and would have don as much for the normans , if themselvs had been strong enough , or the advers partie less vigilant . and the french in the time of charles the 7. when nothing could repress them from revolting every where against the english government , of which at length by hook and crook they wholly free'd themselvs . of holy scripture . the autoritie of holy scriptures is evident in this behalf ; deut. 17. 16. thou shalt make them king over thee whom the lord thy god shall choos out of the number of thy brethren : thou mai'st not set a stranger over thee , which is not of thy brethren . in the behalf of forrein government . this hatred of stranger's government , is but a vulgar aversion of passionate , or foolish men ; passionate by corruption of nature , whereby men are inclined to think evil of others ; especially their governors ; and the more the farther they are from us in kindred or acquaintance ; foolish , as those that weigh not the true reasons , causes , or effects of things ; but onely the outward shew , and popular apprehension , grounded for the most part in the imagination , or incitation of others , who endeavor onely to procure tumults . it importeth not what countrimam the prince bee , so his goverement bee good . all passion against stranger , or unto others laid aside , wee are onely to respect the fruits of good and profitable government ; the peace and proprietie of the subject : which what prince ( bee hee native or forreign ) soëver procureth us , is fittest for ours or any other government : for after a prince is established , the common subject hath no more conversation with him , nor receiveth further personal benefits of him , than of a meer stranger . then if hee govern ill , what is the subject the better by his beeing home-born . home-born princes and tyrants . as in the like case the children of israël said of rehoboam , quae nobis pars in david , vel quae haereditas in filio jesse ? 3 king. 12. 16. whom they abandoned , and chose jeroboam his servant , and a stranger . and what availed it the duke of glocester , tho. of woodstock , that hee lived under his nephew ric. 2. or the duke of clarence the right of his brother ( sect. 4. ) or the de la pooles , staffords , plantagenets , their beeing under their near kinsman henry 8. by whom they lost both their lives , possessions and kindred . many other examples might bee drawn from the romans , sicilians , spanish , english , &c. who have been much the wors for their home-born princes . opinion , and the beeing under several governors , make 's strangers , or no strangers . who bee strangers , and who not , dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each people , and nation the one towards the other : but chiefly their being under the same , or several governments . the hous of guise , and their kindred , were held for strangers in france ; yet came they but out of lorrain , a province bordering upon france ; and of the same nation , language , and manners ; onely under another prince . the florentines are hated and held strangers in siena , where they govern : albeit the one state bee not 30 miles from the other ; and both of one nation , language , and education . on the contrarie , the biscayns hold not the castillians for strangers ; nor the normans and britains the french ; nor the welsh the the english ; a different people , and of different language . three means of coming under forreign government . one nation may becom subject to another , either by conquest , as the welsh were to the english ; the english to the normans and danes , sicilia and naples to the spaniards , &c. or inheritance , as aquitaine and normandie to england ; the 17 provinces to spain ; britanie to france . or by mixt means of force and composition , as milan to spain ; ireland to england ; and portugal in our daies to spain . the condition of conquest , and the wisest conquerors . conquest is of these three the hardest for the subject , all standing at the will and humor of the conqueror , whom either anger , fear , or jealousie of his assurance may often drive to hold a hard hand over the conquered ; at least for a time , until his state be settled : yet have these ever ( at least the wisest ) dealt like physitians , who after a vehement purgation minister lenitives , and soft medicines , to calm and appease the good humors left , and to strengthen the whole bodie again , that it may hold out . commendation of the romane government , best to their forrein subjects . the carriage of the romans was so just , considerate , sweet , and modest towards all forrein nations they had conquered , that it allured divers nations to desire to be under them , and to be rid of their natural kings ; as the subjects of antiochus , and mithridates . other kings to gratifie their subjects , nominated the romane empire for their successor , as attalus of pergamus , and ptolomie of egypt , and others . their manner was to do most favors , and give most priviledges unto the most remote nations , they having the best ability to rebel against them : wherein this circumstance of being most strangers , most helped them . so are the french to the britans , &c. the like rule of police have all great monarchs used ever since . as in france the states of gasconie and guyen ( conquered from the english ) pay far less tribute to the king , than those of the isle of france it self . the britains which were old enemies , and came to the crown by marriage , pay much less than they . the normans somwhat more than either , because they lie somwhat neerer to paris ; yet less than the natural frenchmen . venetians to candia . the candians pay not the third part of the impositions ( unto the state of venice , whereto they are subject ) that do the natural subjects of venice , in italie : because it is an island a part , and standeth further off . spaniards to their subjects of italie . the subjects of naples , scicilie , and milan , pay not the aloavalla ; viz. the tenth penie of all that is bought and sold , and imposed upon the natural spaniards ; nor are they subject to the inquisition of spain ( especially not naples and milan ) nor doth any law , or edict made in spain hold in those countries , except it be allowed by the states thereof ; nor may any of their old priviledges be infringed , but by their own consents : nor are they charged with any part of the extraordinary subsidies , which the king requireth of spain . and of the low-countries . the flemings enjoyed great tranquility under the dominion of spain , before they revolted : having a governor of another nation over them : but his time being but short , he strove principally to get , and hold the peoples good will , thereby to be grateful to his king at his return home : and if he attempted ought against them , they complained by their chancellor residing for them in the spanish court ( for all forrein nations have their particular counsel there about the king ) and by his mediation , obtained many priviledges . now in the space of 28. ( in all which time they have been suffered to traffick freely into spain ) years of their revolt , there hath not a quarter so many been punished by order of justice , as conte lewis their natural prince caused to be executed in one day in bruxells , which were 500. nor had alva any thank of the king , for putting to death count egmont , and horne ; whereas in arragon , a neerer state , there were many heads chopt off upon a late insurrection . so that the circumstance of being strangers , and dwelling far off , doth them great pleasure , and giveth them many priviledges above the home-born , or neer limitting subjects . the states of italie better governed by their late vice-roys , than their former home-born princes . in italie , if you compare the number of the afflicted , and executed by justice , or otherwise , under their home-born kings , with that which hath been since , you shall finde twenty for one , especially of the nobilitie : the reason is , their kings were absolute , and acomptant to no man ; and being but men , and having their passions and emulations with the nobilitie , which they might satisfie without controule ; they pulled down and set up at pleasure , and oftentimes made but a jeast of noblemens lives and deaths . but viceroys have no authority , nor commission to touch principal persons lives , without relation given thereof to your king and council , and their order touching it . then knowing that after their three years government is ended , they must stay forty dayes as private men , under the succeeding governor , to answer their former proceedings against all that shall accuse them ; they take heed what they do , and whom they offend . the late kings of england extreamly cruel to their nobilitie . to come neerer home , and to omit those which in the time of wars , rebellions , and commotions ( occasions somwhat justifiable ) have been cut off , within the space of one five years of henry 4. there were executed in peace by justice , and the princes command , 2 dukes , 1 archbishop , 5 earles , the baron of kinderton , and four knights . within almost as little a space of ed. 4. his time , 2 dukes , 3 earles , 2 barons , 3 knights , and many other afterwards ( for this was but in the beginning of his reign ) but when all doubt of contention about succession ( which moved those two kings , the more excusably , to these cruelties ) was taken away , in henry 8. his time , were either cut off , or clean put down , 2 queens his wives , 3 cardinals , 3 dukes , 1 marquess , 2 earles , 2 countesses , 6 lords , 6 or 7 abbots , knights in great number , gentlemen infinite ; what spaniard could , or durst have done so much ? better to live under a great , than a little monarch . 1 he is best able to defend , and protect his subjects . 2 he hath ordinarily least need to pill , and pole them ; ( for a little king , though never so mean , will keep the state of a king , which his subjects must maintain ) 3 he hath more to bestow upon his subjects , for reward of virtue , or valor . a great prerogative unto every subject , to be born under one that hath much to give ; whereas he that is born in the cities of geneva , or genoa ( let him be of what abilitie , or worth soëver ) can hope for no more preferment than those common-wealths can give , which is all too little ; what then would it be , were there many worthie men born there at one time ? a forrein prince living among us without forrein forces . another manner of living under forrein princes , is when the prince cometh to dwel among us without forces ; as did king stephen and henry 2. who were natural frenchmen , and as king philip in queen maries time here in england ; and the last king of france in polonia ; so should his brother monsieur have done here if the marriage between him and the queen had gone forward . fit for our present state , and beneficial to any . no danger , nor inconvenience can justly be feared from such a king : the benefits are , 1 he subjecteth himself rather to the realm and nation , than they to him , and if he live , and marrie in england , both he and his children will quickly become english : 2 for his assurance , he must be inforced to cheerish the english , thereby to gain , and perpetuate to himself their good-will and friendship ; 3 he entereth with indifferent mind towards all men , having no kindred , or alliance within the land , to whom he is bound , nor enemie against whom he may be incensed ; so as only merit and demerit of each man must move him to favor or dis-favor , a great foundation of good and equal government . 4 he might be admitted upon such compositions and agreement , as both the realm should enjoy her antient liberties , and perhaps more ( for forrein princes upon such occasions of their preferment commonly yield to much more than the domestical ) and the home-born pretenders should remain with more security , than they can well hope for under an english competitor . a forrein prince , with forrein support . a third manner is , when the prince bringeth forces with him for his own assurance , and these either present ; as the danish kings , and after them the three first norman princes ( who either by the help of their first subjects already in england , or by others brought in by them afterwardes , wrought their evil ) or that his forces be so neer , as he may call them in when he listeth , and that without resistance , as may the scot , whom no sea divideth from us . insupportable to our , or any state whatsoever . all danger and inconveniences may justly be feared from such a king ; yea all the mischiefs , either of domestical or forrein governments . for those of a domestical prince are , pride , crueltie , partialitie , pursuing of factions , particular hatred , extraordinary advancing of his own kindred , extreme pinching and punishing of the subject , being sure of his own partie within the realm , by reason of his presence , and therefore the less respective of others . these vices such a forrein prince is the more subject too , than the domestical , as having both external counsel of a people that hate us , to incense him , and their external force to effect his and their designs . the mischiefs of forrein government are , tyrannie of the prince , the servitude of the people ; filling and planting the realm with strangers , and dividing among them the honors , dignities , riches , and preferment thereof . all which are incident ( in all probabilitie ) to the third kind of government , and to be feared in the succession of the king of scots , whose case is within the second branch thereof , and may hereafter be within the first . forrein princes affected by some countries . best romane emperors , strangers . where kings go by election , commonly they take strangers ( in the second kinde sect. 105. ) so did the lacedemonians and romans in their first monarchie ; and of late the polonians in the succession of their three last kings ; and the venecians by way of good policie , have made a perpetual law , that when they are to war , and must needs chuse a general , he be a stranger ; to wit , some prince of italie , who is out of their own states ; thereby to have him the more indifferent , and equal to them all . among the latter romans , their best , and most famous emperors were strangers , as trajan and adrian , spaniards : septimius severus , an african ; constantine , english : their worst romans , as caligula , nero , heliogabalus , commodus . forrein government : which best , which worst . this second then ▪ ( s. 105. ) is the best : in the first kinde , of being under forrein government , and as a province to be ruled by deputies , viceroy's , &c. as the states mentioned ( s. 19. ) and as all the provinces of the old roman's states were , all things considered ▪ and one taken with another , the commodities and securities are more , and the damages and danger less , than in the government of domestical princes : and all the mischiefs of forrein government are only incident to the third and last ( s. 105. ) other imputations to the other two proceeded , from the blindness and passion of the vulgar , and some private men most likely to be interessed therein . ( s. 91. ) an answer to the former objection ( s. 89. ) against forrein government . upon other occasions and humors , the vulgar will do as much against their own country-men and princes , as the sicilians did against the french , &c. ( s. 89. ) and often have , both in england and else where , when they have been offended , or that seditious heads have offered themselves to lead them into tumults . aristotle answered , ( s. 89. ) aristotle in his politicks never handled expresly this our question , and consequently weighed not the reasons on both sides , and so left it neither decided nor impugned ; and he that was alexander's master , the master of so many forrein countries , could not well condemn it . demosthenes answered , ( s. 88. ) demosthenes was well feed by the king of asia , to the end he should set athens , and other grecian cities at ods with philip . on the other side , if athens a popular government wherein the force of his tongue made him have greatest sway and authoritie , were to have come under a monarch , he should have been in like credit : as he fell out to be : for all the time that alexander lived , he continued in banishment . answer to the objection out of deut. ( s. 90. ) when the command was given in deut. no nation besides the jews had true religion among them ; the chiefest and highest think to be expected in the admission of any magistrate ; for that it concerneth the true and highest end of a common-wealth , and of all humane society : but christ's coming into the world took away this restraint : so that all christian nations are alike , for so much as belongeth unto government . cap. xi . examination of the likelihood of each pretender to the crown of england . whereby a pretender may soonest prevail . the prevailing , or not prevailing consisteth either in the religion of the pretender , or in the strength of his particular familie , friends and allies , both at home and abroad . every one will prefer a prince of his own religion . religion ( being at this day threefold , viz. protestancy , puritanism , and papistrie ) is likely to be of much respect in the advancement or depression of each pretender . and albeit in the entrance of king ed. 6. queen mary and her majestie , divers men of different religions , for other respects concurred together in those princes advancement , ( which many of them repented after at better leisure ) yet t is now likely to be otherwise . 1 because the titles of pretenders are now more doubtful . 2 men are become more resolute in matters of religion , and by long contending , the greater enemies . 3 ▪ men of a good conscience will hold it a point of little zeal at least , if not of atheism , to set their hands to the advancing of a prince of contrary religion to themselves . 4 men of discretion hold it to be against all rules of policie , to promote to a kingdom in which themselves must live , one of a contrary religion : for let what bargains , agreements , vain hopes , promises soever be made before hand ; yet the princes once settled , they are sure to be opprest by degrees : so that they must either dissemble , or suffer persecution . the likelihoods of the protestant partie . the protestant , that hath the power and authority of the state in his hands , is likely to do much ; especially if he can conceal for a time the decease of her majestie , until he may put his affairs in order : but this is held to be either impossible , or very hard ; so ardent are men's minds in such occasions , and so capable of new designments , impressions , and desires are all kinde of subjects upon such great changes . the most wealthy , and strong member of this bodie is the clergie , as bishops , &c. and their followers : the nobilitie and privie council are uncertain . the house of hertford was wont to be in their favor , but of late they are the more devoted to arabella , and the house of derby . privie council out of office during the vacancie of princes . though the authority of the privie council be supreme during the prince's life ; yet it is not so afterwards : nor have they any publick authority at all , but according to their several former callings of noblemen and gentlemen . then is every man free , until a new prince be established by the common-wealth , which establishment dependeth not upon the appointment or will of any few , or upon any man's proclaiming of himself ( for divers are like to do so ) but upon a general consent of the whole bodie of the realm . the strength and affection of the puritans . the puritans , whose profession seemeth to be the more perfect , are more generally favored throughout the realm , ( if not of papists ) than the protestant ; which make's even all those protestants , who are less interessed in ecclesiastical livings , or other preferments depending on the state , very much affected to them . their side is held to be the most ardent , quick , bold , resolute of any other : as those which have a great part of the best captains , and souldiers , and great towns ( where preachers have made the more impression in the artificers , and burgesses ) much devoted to them : nor want they probabilities of having the city of london , the tower , and most part of the navie much enclined to them : their forrein partie will be the reformed churches of france ( now not many ) and of the low ▪ countries . the earle of huntington was the lord beacham ( by reason of his marriage ) is most affected by them . the king of scots , if not a stranger ) would also be for his religion very plausible . the strength and affection of the papists . the papists , least in shew , because held under , yet are of small consideration in respect of their home and forrein partie . at home they are either recusants , or such as accommodate themselves , for wordlie respects , unto all external proceedings of the time and state ; of which sort are the most part of the countrie people , of whom the contrarie preachers are not so frequent . to them such as are discontented do easily joyn also , & omnes qui amaro animo sunt cum illis se conjungunt . 1 reg. 22. 2. as the most afflicted by the present state . besides , there is ever likely a certain natural compassion in most men towards those that suffer , and of compassion cometh affection , of affection desire to help . moreover the persecution against the papists hath much stirred them up to far more eager defence of their cause , and hath wrought a great impression in their hearts . their affection is thought indifferent towards any one , be he stranger or domestical , who is likest to restore their religion ; not much inclined to any one of the pretenders in particular : a point of great consequence , by reason of the incertainty , and likely to give them great sway , wheresoever they shall bend at that day . the forrein strength of the papists very great and important . the forrein helps are ( besides the exiled english , who have both friends and kindred at home ) the affections of forrein princes , & states favorers of their religion ; whose ports , towns , and provinces be near upon england round about ; and for such a time and purpose cannot want commoditie to give succor ; which thing weighed together with the known inclination that way of ireland , and the late declaration made by many of the scottish nobilitie and gentrie , to favor that cause , are arguments that this bodie is also great and strong , and likely to bear no small sway in the deciding of this countroversie . for , and against the king of scots . likelihoods of the scot , besides the prioritie of his title in vulgar opinion , are his youth , his being a king , his moderate nature , having shed little blood hitherto , his affection in religion to such as like thereof : on the other-side , the reasons of state before alleged against him , especially his alliance with the danes , and dependance of the scottish nation seem to weigh much with englishmen ( s. 53. ) for , and against the lady arabella . for arabella is alleged her being a yong ladie , and thereby fit to procure affections ; and that by her marriage she may joyn some other title with her own , and therby friends . against her , her being nothing at all allied with the nobilitie of england ; her title as doubtful as the rest , if not more ( s. 56. ) her religion can be no great motive either for , or against her : for by all likelihood it is as tender yet , green and flaxible , as is her age , and sex . the kindred and power of beacham and derbie . the lord beacham and earle of derbie have had their titles examined before , ( cap. 6. ) their difference in mean and kindred is great : for derbie far exceedeth the other in both : for the kindred of hertford are but few , his father being the first raiser of his house : but derbie hath , besides the stanleys ( which are many , and of good power ) the lords sturton , monteagle , morley , dacres of the north , the earle of cumberland , some of the arundels , poynes of glocester , and many others ; besides lancaster , cheshire , and north-wales ; which for the most part depend upon him . the likelihoods of the earle of huntington . the earle of huntington his alliance is not great ; in the last earl it was , the earle of leicester , and warwick , and sir philip sidney living ; besides he was like to have the whole power of london ( a matter of great importance and which advanced ed. 4. two several times ) by which means , and by all the forces and affection of the puritan , and much of the protestant , he was thought to be in great forwardness . but now these great pillers failing , no man can assure himself what the success of this earle or his issue will be . a short survey of all forrein pretenders . the infanta pretendent of the house of britain is a princess of rare parts , both for beautie , wisdom , and piety . the two yong princes of parma were imps of great expectation , and divers waies neer of kin to the spaniard ; as near to whom are the children of the duchess of bragança , who are all princes of rare virtue and valor ; and of singular affection to the english nation ; which divers of them , travelling portugal , have tasted . what the means of the spaniard is , all the world may see ; what his , or any of their success will be in this matter , no man can determine . that there will be wars about the succession . this affair will not be ended by any possibilitie moral without some war , at least wise , for some time at the beginning ; and that for divers reasons . the first reason . the matter cannot be disputed and determined during her majesties life without evident danger of her person , for many causes in the like case , and especially now , that she groweth to be old , and without hope of issue . the second reason . the declaration of an heir arparent now made , would move infinite humors and affections within the realm , and stir coals , and cast firebrands over all the kingdom ( perhaps further ) which now lie raked up and hidden in the embers . the third reason . the declaration , though it were now made by parlament or authoritie of her majestie , would not fully end the controversie : for albeit some pretenders that should be passed over or put back , would perhaps be silent for the present ; yet afterwards 't is certain they would both speak and spurn when occasion were offered . the fourth reason . this declaration would be dangerous to him were declared : for on the one side it would make her majestie very jealous of him ; on the other side , unite and arm all other pretenders , and their followers , against him : and of all recounted by our histories , to be declared in this manner none ( being not kings children ) ever came to reign . the fifth reason . the pretenders being so many , and their pretences so ambiguous as they be , it is to be thought , that none , or few will presently at the beginning abandon their hopes and titles , but prove at least what friends will stand to them , and how matters will go for , or against them ; especially seeing they may do it without danger of law , their rights and pretences being manifest : and for this first assay arms are necessary . the sixth reason . if any would in process of time forgo their titles ( as divers will at length , and many must , for one only can speed ) yet that they be not seased or oppressed on a suddain , and at first by the adverse partie , as the course is in such cases , t is likely each one will arm himself and friends at the beginning : for better conditions will be granted them being armed , than being naked ; and the more that stand together on their guard , the easier and sooner peace may they procure of him that prevaileth : for a displeasure is sooner pardoned to a multitude , or potent adversary , than to one , or a weak one . now the common peril of the not prevailers , knitting them together for their own defence , besides their own safegard , will be the ground of much securitie to him also that reigneth : they being not likely to conspire against him , because they are many , and by consequent not easily drawn to agree among themselve , whom to prefer , where he pulled down . no main battel , but rather a composition . this matter is not like to come easily to any great or main battel , but rather to be ended at length by some composition and general agraement : and that for this reason . the reason . the pretenders are many , and their power and friends lying in divers and different parts of the realm ; they will one fear the other , and seek to fortifie themselves where their strength lieth , especially towards the ports and seafide , for receiving of succor . therefore will they not much urge nor press one the other in the beginning , but every part attended rather to strengthen it self for the time . which of the pretenders are likeliest to bear it . there be two sorts of pretenders , the one forrein , the other english : of forrein , the infanta it likest to bear it , or some other by her title , laid upon him by her friends good-will . of domestical , the earle of hartford's second son . of forrein , the infanta , and why . 1 she is a woman , and may easilie joyn ( if her father will ) the titles of britanie and portugal together . 2 she is unmarried , and by her marriage may make some other composition , either at home or abroad , that may facilitate the matter . 3 she is a great princess , and fit for some great state ; and other princes of christendom would perhaps more willingly concur in such a composition of matters by her , and by casting all forrein titles on her , than that the king of spain should add this kingdom unto his monarchie : a thing which those princes his neighbors in reason of state , would not so well allow of . 4 some such moderation would take away much of the aversion of the english from forrein government : for hereby no subjection would be feared to any forrein realm , but rather divers benefits to the realm of england . ( s. 106. ) of domestical , the earle of hartford's second son , and why . he seemeth to be cleared of the bastardie that lieth nearest of all upon those children ; and therefore to be preferred before his elder brother ( s. 62. ) 2 he is unmarried , a point of no small moment for the joyning or fortifying of titles , and for making of compositions of peace and union with the opposite parties . 3 his religion is not 〈◊〉 , and consequently every partie may hope to draw him to their sides ; being free to follow what he shall think most expedient for his own advancement , without knot or obligation to follow other men's affections or judgements ; as he would be presumed to be , were he married , or much obliged to any other familie . finis . this manuscript treatise of broken successions of the crown of england , coming from the hands of a popish priest , and comprehending the substance of what was written and published by father parson 's the jesuit , under the name of doleman , for ends best known to themselves ; but justly suspected , to be no way for the freedom of the english nation , may give the greater occasion for the wisdom of latter times , to prevent those commotions towards confusion , as might seem to threaten a second part of that horrid design of the gun-power treason , novemb. 5. 1604. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91489e-240 plato de repub. cic. de repub. arist. pol. pompon. mela. lib. 3. cap. 3. 4. tacit. l. 8. arist. l. 1. polit. c. 12. 3 , 4. theoph l. de plant. plutarch . cō de fortuna ; & l. de pietare in parentes . cic. lib. de ami citia . genes . 2. v. 18. job 10. v. 22. cic. lib. 1. de natura deorum . lib. 1. digest . tit. 2. prov. 8. rom. 13. aristotle lib. 2. polit. the jews . lib. gen. lib. exod. lib. job . lib. judg. lib. 1 reg. lib. machab. 1 reg 8. dionys . halic . lib. 5. cornel. tacit. lib 3. cie. lib. 1. offic. hierom. lib. 2. epist 12. chrysost. ho . 23. 1 pet. 2. tit. liv. l. 30. eutrop. l. 3. oros. l. 5. & 6. arist. l. 3. pol. cap. ult. lib. 3. pol. c. 12 lib. 1. pol. c. 2. arist. lib. 4. pol. cap. 10. tit. liv. lib. 1. dec. 1. * numa pompilius . tullius hostilius . tarquinus priscus . tit. liv. lib. 1. dec. 1. arist. lib. 2. pol. cap. 8. plut. in lycur . sleidan , lib. 8. anno 1532. blond decad. 2. l. 3. crant . l. c. 25. herbert . lib. 9. hist. polon. cromerus l. 3. hist polon. council plet . 4. c. 74. & council s. c. 3. anno 1340. * the fourth . anil . hist. france lib. 2. gerard du haillan . lib. 14. hist. france . franc. bellef . lib. 5. c. 1. anno 1327. gerard du haillan , lib. 13. hist. france . & anno 1317. & lib. 14 anno 1328. & lib. 3. del estat . de france . * in that he may lawfully command . halic . lib. 7. tertul. lib. de praescrip. . contra haeres . justin martyr . apol. tit. liv. lib. 1. dec. 1. eutrop. lib. 1. dyon . in caes. suet. in caes. * which was the first judicial sentence that ever the senate gave against emperors . corn . tac. lib. 20. & 21. egesip . lib. 5. eutrop. in vita caes. anno 124. aelius lamp . vita heliog . herod in vita seven . * wherby followed the change of the empire from the east to the west . bels . lib. 1. gerard . lib. 3. aemil . lib. 2. clem. baudin . en la chronique des roys de fran. anno 988. isid. in hist. hispan . estevan . de garibay . l. 13. de la hist. de espan . cap. 15. garibay . l. 14. cap. 40. 41. garibay . l. 4 de hist. portug . cap. 19. garib . in hist. de portug . lib. 34. c. 20 , & 21. glicas in annal. part 4. zon . annal. co . 3. invita mick . calaph . in liceus rep. polon. ad henricum valessum . p. 182. 184. gagneus , part 1. de rebus polon. poilin . lib. 32. hist de france anno 1568. sleydan . lib. 4. hist. an. 1532. munst . lib. 3. cosmogr. in descript. david . paulus jovius in viris illust. polid. hist. angl. lib. 15. anno 1212. anno 1216. anno 1216. polyd. lib. 18. hist. angl. anno 1326. polyd. lib. 20. hist. aug. 1399 * henry 4. polyd. lib. 23. hist. angl. * specially of london . anno 1487. du belay . apol. cath. part 2. paragr. 9. & apol pro reg. cap. 9. 1 reg. 8. 1. bellay apol. part 2. parag. 7 & apol. pro rege cap. 6. & 24. & 26. 1. 2. 1. 2. arist. lib. 1. pol. cap. 4. 5. 3. 3 reg. 28. cap. innovam . 10. de casibus , & cap. super quibusdam 26 §. de verborū . signif. in regulis utriusque juris . vide in finem sent . decret. reg. 75. 69. matth. 24. reg. 68. in fine 6. decret. aemil . l. 2. hist. france . belf. in vita child . gerard . lib. 3. plato . dial. 1. de repub. arist. lib. 2. pol. cap. 3. cic. lib 3. de legibus . cod. l. 1. tit. 14. §. digna . suet. cap. 23. in caligula . zon . tom. 2. in trajan . the occasion of the next chapter . zon . com . 3. annal. in vita anast . niceph. l. ib. cap. 29. evagr. l. 2. c. 3 zon tom. 3 in vita michaelis . anno 820. anno 940. witichindus gest . saxon. lib. 1. blend . decad. 2. lib. 3. crant . l. 4. c. 25 sleydan lib. 1. hist. anno 1519. ambros mor. lib. 11. cap. 17. hist. hisp. praef. ejusdem concilii . conc. tol. 4. cap. 74. cap. 74. conc. 5. c. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. & con. 6. cap. 16 , 17 , 18. conc. tol. 6. cap. 9. amb. morales lib. 13. cap. 2. lib. 3. de lib. estat . fol. 238. belf. hist. fran. lib. 3. c. 20. in vita phil. 1. memoures du fillet c. du sacre des roys . belf. l. 3. c. 20. * nephew to philip 1. anno 1179. belf. in vita augusti . estev . garibay lib. 22. c. 1. holinsh . in his chron. page 476 & 1005. stow in vira richard 2. in fine . 13. oct. 1359. stow in vita h. 6. pag. 709. written ( as it is thought ) in the favor of the king of navarra . bell. apol. bell. apol. cath. par . 2. §. 7. apol. cath. par . 1. §. 7. apol. pro . rege . c. 6. & . 34. apol. cath. par . 2. §. 7. et pro rege cap. 9. apol. pro . rege cap. 20. gen. 15. & 49. deut. 21. & 15 2 paral. 21. & 3. exod. 3. & 2. rom. 9. & 13. gen. 28. & 27. ger. du haillan lib. 3. de l'estat . p. 241. polyd. lib. 22. hist. angl. in vita henr. 5. stow in the beginning of the life of k. henry 5. sir tho. moor and stow. du hail . l. 6. h. anno 1001 anno 1032. anno 1061. anno 1131 anno 1180. 3 reg. 1. pol. & stow in vita hen. 2. anno 1170 2 reg. 2. & 22. 2 reg. 2. & 5. psal. 131. 2 paral. 6. 3 reg. 1. * which though it seemeth to be wrought by humane means and policy , yet was it principally by the special instinct of god himself . 3 reg. 12. ambr. morales l. 11. hist. c. 12. ambr. morales lib. 3. cap. 2. moral . lib. 37. cap. 42 , 43 , 44. garibay lib. 20 cap. 1. concil. tol. 5. cap. 5. concil. tol. 4. cap. 74. episc. tuyens lib. 1. hist. lud. de molin lib. du hared . * favila . amb. mor. l. 23 cap. 6. 9. & 10. sebast. . episc. salam . in hist. hisp. anno 768. moral . lib. 13. cap. 17. moral . cap. 21. * who was of the ecclesiastical order , having been made deacon . mor. cap. 21. & 29. anno 791. anno 924. mor. lib. ib. c. 1 anno 924. mor. l. 19. c. 20. anno 930. anno 954. mor. l. 16. c. 24. moral . lib. 17. cap. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. * suprà . anno 1201. garib . lib. 11. cap. 12. & 37. * married to the prince of leon , by whom he had fernando the st. of castile . gar. l. 13. c. 10. anno 1207. * sirnamed , de la cerda , for that he was born with a great gristle hair on his breast . * by blancha , st. lewis of france his daughter . * for his valor . anno 1276. anno 1284. garibay lib. 15 cap. 1. anno 1363. garibay lib. 15 cap. 22. & l. 34 cap. 39. 1 anno 419. 2 anno 751. 3 anno 988. ger. du hail . l. 3 anno 768. belf. lib. 2. c. 5. paulus aemil . hist. franc. an. 814. gerard lib. 5. an. 834. an. 840. an. 678. * louys the 3d and carloman the first . an. 881. an. 886. * nephew to charls le chauve . an. 88. * son to louys le begue . an. 927. son to charls le simple . * that sirname was given him when hee was a boy , for that hee was wont to snatch away his fellows caps from their heads . belf. lib. 3. cap. 1. anno 988. gerard . lib. 6. anno 988. gerard lib. 6. anno 1032 & 1037. gerard lib. 7. anno 1110. belf. lib. 4. cap. 1. & lib. 5. comineus in comment . l. 1. in vita lud. xi . polyd. lib. 4. hist. angl. in fine an. 802. 872. hee erected the universitie of oxford polyd. lib. 5. hist. angl. stone pag. 130 anno 924. polyd. l. 6. an. 946. an. 959. an. 978. by his first wife . * he had two more , and one daughter , wch died all without issue . by his second wife , imma , sister to rich. pake of normandie , she had edw. the confessor and alured , who at the coming of sweno , fled with their father into normandie . anno 1018. anno 1038. anno 1041. polid. lib. 8. anno 1066. anno 1066. * and the same testified by his last will . ger. du hail . l. 6 anno 1065. ger. chron. cassin lib. 3. cap. 34. anton. part . 2. chron. tit. 16. cap §. 2. polyd. in vita gal. conq. an. 1087. an. 1100. 1135. an. 1153. * called commonly , by the frenchmen jean sans terre . * together with two daughters of his . 1216. * henry 3. ger. lib. 3. de l'estat . p. 242. gen. 8. job . 1. geneb . lib. 1. cronal . de 1. aetate . gen. 25. & 29. deut. 21. 2 parel . 21. cic. l. 1. quaest. tuscul. & de natura deorum . lib. 1. plut. adversus colotem . arist. lib. 7. polit. cap. 8. * in the fourth chapt. an. 560. collat. 2. novel . constit . justin . 8. tit. 3. 1 cor. 7. dig. l. 23. tit. 1 lib. 8. & 10. act. 23. 1 cor. 8. 2 cor. 5. 1 pet. 3. rom. 4. 1 cor. 8. & 10. s. chryst . hom 36. in h. epist. orig. l. 10. theod. in hunc locum . notes for div a91489e-15810 1. 1. 2. ii. iii. iv. v. vi . notes for div a91489e-24750 answered ( s. 112 ) . answered ( s. 113 ) . answ . ( s. 111 ) answ ( s. 114. ) an ansvver to the first part of a certaine conference, concerning succession, published not long since vnder the name of r. dolman hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. 1603 approx. 301 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02848 stc 12988 estc s103906 99839648 99839648 4088 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02848) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4088) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1105:07) an ansvver to the first part of a certaine conference, concerning succession, published not long since vnder the name of r. dolman hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. [168] p. imprinted [by eliot's court press, r. bradock, p. short, t. snodham, r. field, and j. harrison] for simon waterson, and cuthbert burbie, at london : 1603. dedication signed: io: hayvvard. a reply to: a conference about the next succession to the crowne of ingland. "eliot's court press pr[inted]. pia, bradock a-c, short d-g, snodham h-l, field m-p, and harrison q-v"--stc. signatures: a⁴ ² a-v⁴. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". quires d-g are paginated 17-48. some copies have slip-cancels on f2r line 5, i2v lines 24,25, and i4r line 16. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng conference about the next succession to the crowne of ingland -controversial literature -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -succession -early works to 1800. great britain -kings and rulers -succession -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-03 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ansvver to the first part of a certaine conference , concerning svccession , pvblished not long since vnder the name of r. dolman . at london imprinted for simon waterson , and cuthbert burbie . 1603. to the kings most excellent maiestie . most loued , most dread , most absolute both borne and respected soueraigne , to offer excuse for that which i needed not to haue done , were secretly to confesse , that hauing the iudgement to discerne a fault , i wanted the will not to commit it . againe , to seeke out some coulers to make it more plausible , were to bring in question the sufficiencie thereof . therefore without further insinuation either for pardon or for acceptance , i here present vnto your maiestie this defence , both of the present authoritie of princes , and of succession according to proximitie of bloud : wherein is maintained , that the people haue no lawfull power , to remoue the one , or repell the other : in which two points i haue heretofore also declared my opinion , by publishing the tragicall euents which ensued the deposition of king richard , and vsurpation of king henrie the fourth . both these labours were vndertakē with particular respect , to your maiesties iust title of succession in this realme : and i make no doubt , but all true hearted englishmen wil alwaies be both ready and forward to defend the same , with expence of the dearest drops of their bloud . the lord vouchsafe to second your honorable entrance to the possession of this crowne , with a long & prosperous continuance ouer vs. your maiesties most humble and faithfull subiect . io : hayvvard . qui tibi nestoreum concessit pectus e● ora , nestoreos etiam concedat iupiter annos . to r. doleman . you will thinke it strange maister doleman , that hauing lien these many yeares in quiet harbour frō the tempest of mens tongues , you should now feele a storme to breake vpon you ; peraduenture you were perswaded ( as euery one suffereth himselfe to be beguiled with desire ) that this silence did growe , eyther vpon acceptance of your opinion , or from insufficiencie to oppose against it . i assure you neither ; but partly from contempt , and partly from feare . th● contempt proceeded from the manner of your writing , wherein you regarde not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not how eyther truly or pertinently , but how largelye you do wright : endeauouring nothing else , but eyther to abuse weake iudgements , or to feede the humors of such discontented persons , as wante o● disgrace hath kept lower then they had set their swelling thoughts . the feare was occasioned by the nimble eare which lately was borne to the touche of this string : for which cause our english fugitiues did stand in some aduantage , in that they had free scope to publish whatsoeuer was agreeable to their pleasure ; knowing right well , that their bookes could not be suppressed , and might not be answered . it may be you will question , wherefore i haue not answered your second part : it is ready for you , but i haue not now thought fit to divulge the same ; partly because it hath beene dealt in by some others ; but principallie because i know not how conuenient it may seeme , to discusse such particulars , as with generall both liking and applause are now determined . i forbeare to expresse your true name ; i haue reserued that to my answere to some cast pamphlet which i expect you will cast forth against mee : and i make little doubt but to driue you in the end to such desperate extremitie , as ( with achitophell ) to sacrifice your selfe to your owne shame , because your mischieuous counsaile hath not bin embraced . an ansvvere to the first chapter ; whereof the title is this . that succession to gouernement by neerenesse of bloude is not by lawe of nature or deuine , but onely by humane and positiue lawes of euery particular common wealth : and consequently , that it may vpon iust causes , be altered by the same . here you beginne , that other conditions are requisite for comming to gouernement by succession , besides propinquitie or prioritie of bloude ; which conditions must be limited by some higher authoritie then that of the king , and yet are they prescribed by no law of nature or deuine . for otherwise , one that wanteth his wits or sences , or is a turke in religion , might succeed in gouernment ; which you affirme to be against al reason , law , religion , wisdom , cōsciēce , & against the first end of institutiō of cōmō wealths . and that byllay , who maintaineth the contrarie , doth it in fauour and flattery of some particular prince . what cōditiōs are requisit in succession besides priority of bloud , & by what authority they are to be limited , i w●l thē examin whē you shal propoūd : but for your reason of this assertiō , you must heaue other men thē billay out of credit , for reason , law , cōsciēce , & wisdom , before you cary it for cleare good . as for entire cōtrariety in religion , or differēce in some particular points therof , whether it be a sufficient cause of exclusion , or no , i wil refer my selfe to that place , where you do strain your strength about it . in disabilities to gouern , baldus a doth distinguish , whether it be naturall , or accidentall ; affirming , that in the first case it sufficeth to exclude , because he that is incapable of gouernmēt frō his birth , had neuer any right of successiō setled in him : in the other it doth not suffice ; because he that is once inuested in right of succession , cānot be depriued therof without his fault . many do follow this distinction ; io : igneus b doth limit it , to such dignities as are not absolute : but i●son c , angelus d & diuers others do indistinctly hold , that the eldest son of a king or other gouernor , although he be borne either ●urious , or a foole , or otherwise defectiue , cānot therfore be excluded frō his successiō . these affirm , that any end of institution of common wealths is , if not fully , yet better satisfied , by appointing a protector of the state ( as vpō diuers occasions it hath bin vsuall ) then by acknowledging another prince ; as wel for other respects , as for that by continuāce of succession in one discent , a faire & ordinary occasion is remoued , both of mutiny & inuasion . for enemies wil not readily attempt , & subiects do most willingly obey that prince , whose ancesters haue worn out those humors both of hatred & contempt which do commonly accompany new raised estates . i wil not confirm this last opinion , by the exāple of neptune the son of saturn ; who , althogh he was lame on both his legs , yet had the gouernment of the sea allotted to him : but i wil cōfirm it by the practise of athens & laced●mon , the two eyes of graecia , as leptines e & iustine f do aptly term thē . herodotu : g reporteth that whē alexandrides king of sparta left 2 , sons , cleomenes the eldest , distracted in wits , & dorieus the yongest , both of ability & inclination to all actions of honor , the lacedaemoniās acknoledged cleomenes for their king . agesilaus also the famous king of lacedaemon was lame , as plutarch & probus aemilius h do report . paul. orosius i saith , that the lacedaemonians did chose to haue their k. halt rather thē their kingdom . herodotus k also writeth that after the death of codrus king of athens , medon his eldest son , & neleus the next , did contend for the kingdom , because neleus would not giue place to medon , who was by reason of his lame legs , if not vnable , yet vnapt to gouerne . the matter being almost brought to the sentence of the sword , it was mediated between thē , that the cōtrouersie should be decided by the oracle of apollo-apollo was consulted ; by whose iudgement medon was declared king . iosephus l hath left recorded , that aristobulus & hircanus , after a long & cruel contētion for the kingdom of iury , made pompeie the iudge of that right which by arms they wer vnable to decide . hircanus alleaged that he was eldest brother ; aristobulus excepted , that hircanus was insufficient to gouern a realme . hereupon pompei gaue sentence , that aristobulus should giue ouer the kingdome which he did vsurp , & hircanus be restored to his estate . the like iudgement doth liuy m write , that annibal gaue for the kingdome of that country , which is now called sauoy restoring brancus vnto his right , from which he had beene by his younger brother expelled . and although pyrrus did appoint that sonne to succede , whose sworde had the best edge , yet was the eldest acknowledged , who bare the least reputation for valour . lisander moued the lacedaemonians to decree , that the most sufficient , & not alwais the next in bloud of the ligne of hercules , should be admitted to the kingdome ; yet plutarch n saith , that he found no man to second his aduise . i will adde an example of later times . ladislaus , a man more famous for the sanctitie of his life , then for his kingdom of hungary , left by his brother grisa two nep●ewes ; colomannus the elder , who was dwarfye , lame , crooke-backt , crab-faced , blunt and bleare-eyed , a stammerer , and ( which is more ) a priest : and almus the younger , a man free from iust exception . yet these respectes set aside , a dispensation was obteined from the pope , and colomannus , notwithstanding his deformities and defectes , was accepted by the people for king . girarde writeth , that the custome of the french was to honour their kings whatsoeuer they were , whether foolish or wise , able or weake : esteeming the name of king to be sacred , by whomsoeuer it should be borne . and therfore they supported in estate , not onely charles the simple , but charls the 6. also , who raigned many years in open distēperature & disturbance of minde . so you see , that the practise of many nations haue beene contrary to your conceipt : and that the interpreters of the ciuill and canon lawe ( good arbitrators of naturall equitie ) either beare against you , or stand for you onely when disabilitie is naturall : adding further , that if the excluded successor hath a sonne , before or after succession doth fall , free from any such defect , the right of the kingdome descendeth vnto him . this affirmeth baldus q , socinus r , cardinall alexander , and before them , andreas iserna . t because the inhabilitie of parents doth not preiudice the children , especially in regard of their naturall rightes u : neither is it any impediment wherefore they should not enioy either priuiledge or dignitie from the person of their grandfather . magis est ( saith vlpian x ) vt aui potius dignitas prosit , quam obsit casus patris . it is fitter that the son should receiue profit by the dignitie of his grandfather , then preiudice by his fathers chaunce . and this ( we may thinke ) is a reasonable respect , wherefore other interpreters haue not allowed their principall opinion , in repelling him who is disabled by birth . for if another be once possessed of his place , it will be hard for any of his children to attaine their right : wherevpon difunion , factions , warres may easily arise . it is inconuenient ( i grant ) to be gouerned by a king , who is defectiue in body or in minde : but it is a greater inconuenience , by making a breache in this high point of state , to open an entrance for all disorders , wherein ambition and insolencie may range at large . for as mischiefe is of that nature that it cannot stand , but by supportaunce of another euill , and so multiplieth in it selfe , till it come to the highest , and then doth ruine with the proper weight : so mindes once exceeding the boundes of obediēce , cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another , vntil they haue inuolued the whole state in confusiō . we find that gabriel the yongest brother of the house of saluse kept his eldest brother in close prisō , vsurped his estate , and gaue forth for satisfaction to the people , that hee was mad . i could report many like examples : but i shal haue occasion to speake more hereof in the further passage betwixt vs. after this you conclude three points . 1 that inclination to liue in companie is of nature . 2 that gouernement and iurisdiction of magistrates is also of nature . 3 that no one particulare forme of gouernement is naturall ; for then it should be the same in all countries , seeing god and nature is one to all . but before i ioyne with you , either in contradiction or consent , it shall not be amisse to declare briefly , what we vnderstand by the lawe of nature , and by what meanes it may best be knowne . god in the creation of man , imprinted certaine rules within his soule , to direct him in all the actions of his life : which rules , because we tooke them when wee tooke our beeing , are commonly called the primarie lawe of nature : of which sort the canons x accompt these precepts following . to worship god : to obey parents and gouernours , & therby to conserue common society : lawful coniunction of man & woman : succession of children : education of children : acquisition of things which pertaine to no man : equall libertie of all : to communicate commodities : to repell force : to hurt no man : and generally , to do to another as he would be done vnto : which is the sum and substance of the second table of the decalogue . and this lawe thom. aquine y affirmeth to be much depraued by the fall of man ; and afterwards more , by errour , euill custome , pertinacie , and other corrupters of the mind : and yet doth it yeeld vs so large light , that saint paule z did esteeme it sufficient to condemne the gentiles , who had no other law written . out of these precepts are formed certaine customes , generally obserued in all parts of the world : which , because they were not from the beginning , but brought in afterward , some as a consequence or collection , others as a practise or execution of the first naturall precepts , are called the secondarie lawe of nature , and by many also the law of nations . gaius , ' saith : that which naturall reason doth constitute among all men , is obserued by all alike , and termed the lawe of nations : and the same is called by iustinian a ; the lawe of nature . cicero b likewise saith : the consent of al nations is to be esteemed the lawe of nature . but this is to be takē , not as though al natiōs haue at any time obserued one vsage alike : it is not necessary faith baldus c , that the word al● should cary so large a sēce : neither hath it euer bin brought into knoledge what customes all nations haue held in vse . and it is most certain , that ther is not one point or precept of the law of nature , but , by reasō , partly of the weaknes , partly of the corruption , which the fal of adam fasten in his posteritie , some people haue at all times , either neglected or els depraued : some being so dull as they could not perceiue , others so malicious as they would denie , that which nature did lay before them . yea , such is either the weakenesse or wilfulnesse of our iudgement , that they who are not onely admitted but admired for wise men , doe many times disagree in determining what is most agreeable to nature : much lesse may we either expect or imagine , that al natiōs , so differēt , so distāt , neuer so much as now , and yet not now fully discouered , should iūpe in one iudgemēt for vniform obseruatiō of any custome : neither is that no natural right , as zenophon d noteth , which many dayly doe transgresse . and therefore donellus e did vniustly reiect the discription which gaius gaue of the law of nations , by taking the word al in the amplest sence . s. ambrose f and s. hierome g did in this sort declare it ; that we are to take that for a decree of natiōs , which successiuely and at times hath beene obserued by all . but as for any one time , as it is to be iudged the decree or custome of a whole citty , which hath passed by consent of the most part , although al haue not allowed , and some perhaps haue opposed against it h ; so is it to be esteemed the lawe of nations , the common lawe of the whole world , which most nations in the world are found to imbrace . and because gouernment was not from the beginning , but induced as a consequēce of the primary precept of nature ; to maintaine humane societie : therefore whensoeuer wee speake of naturall gouernment , we are intended to meane the secondary lawe of nature , which is the receiued custōe , successiuely of al , & alwaies of most nations in the world . out of this we may gather , that three rules doe chiefly lead vs to the knowledg of this law . the first is that which cicero i in the like case giueth : to appeale vnto sēce : because there is no man but by the light of nature , hath some sence of that which nature doth allowe . s. augustine k saith , i know not by what inward conscience we feele these things : and likewise tertullian l : nature hath tainted all euill eyther with feare or with shame . wherto agreeth that which s. ambrose saith : although they deny it , they cannot but shew some tokens of shame . herupō the authors of the ciuill lawe n do reiect that for vniust , which is not demaunded without shew of shame . for , as cassiodorus o writeth ; god hath giuē●l men such a sence of iustice , that they who know not the lawes , cannot but acknowledge the reason of truth . but because this light of nature , in many men is exceeding dimme ; the next rule is to obserue what hath bin allowed by those who are of greatest both wisedome and integrity , in whom nature doth shew her selfe most cleere . for as aristotle saith ;? ; that is probable which prooued men do approue . among these , the first place pertaineth vnto them , who by inspiration of god , haue compiled the books of holy scripture : to whom as attendants we may adioyne the anciēt counsailes & fathers of the church . the next place is to be giuē to the authors of the ciuill lawe ; whose iudgement hath bin these many hundred yeers , admired by many , approoued by all , and is at this daie accepted for lawe , almost in all states of the christiā common wealth . to these also we may adioyne , as attendants , their interpreters of most approued note . the third place is due to philosophers , historiographers , orators and the like ; who haue not vnprofitably endeauoured to free nature of two cloudes , wherewith shee is often ouercast : grosse ignorance , and subtill errour . but because naturall reason , as alciate p affirmeth , doth sometimes varie , according to the capacitie of particulare men ; euen as the sunne , beeing in it selfe alwaies the same , giueth neither heate nor light to all alike : the third rule followeth , to obserue the common vse of all nations , which cicero q calleth ; the voice of nature : because as aristotle r hath written , it is not done by chance which euery where is done . plato s saith , this shall be the proofe hereof , that no man doth otherwise speake : and likewise baldus t , i dare not disalow that which the world alloweth . and in this cōmon lawe or custome of the world , three circumstancies are to be considered : antiquitie , continuance , and generalitie . now then your first position is so cleerelie true , that you doe but guild gould in labouring to prooue it : for man is not onely sociable by nature , but ( as aristotle u affirmeth ) more sociable then any other liuing creature . these notorious pointes , the more we prooue , the more we obscure . your second is also true , for as tullie saith x without empire , neither house , nor citty , nor nation , nor mankinde can stand , nor the nature of all things , nor in a word , the world it selfe . whereto agreeth that of aristotle y : gouernment is both necessary and also profitable . but whereas you bring in proofe hereof , that there was neuer people founde , either in auncient time , or of late discouerie , which had not some magistrate to gouerne them , neither is it necessarie , and yet false . it is not necessarie to haue so large a consent of nations , as i haue declared before : and it is false that in all times and nations there haue beene magistrates . after the deluge , magistrates were not knowne vntil kings did arise , as hereafter it shall appeare . the iewes were often without either magistrates or gouernement : whereupon in certaine places of the booke of iudges z it is thus written : in those dayes there was no king in israell , but what seemed right to euery man that did hee . sometimes democraticall gouernement doth drawe to a pure anarchie ; and so doth the interregnum of electiue principalities . leo aser reporteth , that in guzala , a countrie of africke , the people haue neither king nor forme of gouernement ; but vpon dayes of mart , they elect a captaine to secure their trafficke . the same authour deliuereth , that the inhabitantes of the mountaine magnan , vpon the frontiers of fez , haue noe forme of common wealth , but doe stay trauailers ( vnpartiall iudges ) to decide their controuersies . leo himselfe was arrested to bee their iudge , and when hee had spent many dayes in determining their debates , hee was in the end presented with hennes , ducks , geese and other of their countrie commodities , which serued onelie to discharge his host . and if this your reason should bee of force then were not sociabilitie naturall , because many men haue made choise to liue alone . but how thē , wil you say , is nature immutable ? it is in abstracto , but it is not in subiecto . or thus : in it selfe it is not chāged : in vs , by reasō of our imperfectiōs , it is . or els more plainely , it is not changed , but it is trāsgrested . but nature , you say , is alike to al. not so , good sir : because all are not apt alike to receiue her : euen as the sun beames doe not reflect alike vpon a cleane and cleare glasse , and vpon a glasse that is either filthy or course : and in many , not onely men , but nations , euill custome hath driuen nature out of place , and setteth vp it selfe in steade of nature z . your third conclusion , that no particulare forme of gouernement is naturall , doth not finde so easie acceptaunce . your onely proofe is , that if it were otherwise , there should be one forme of gouernement in all nations ; because god and nature is one to all . but this reason i haue encountred before : and yet you take paines to puffe it vp with many waste words ; howe the romanes changed gouernment ; how in italie there is , a pope , a king and many dukes ; how millaine , burgundie , loraine , bavier , gascoint , and britaine the lesse were changed from kingdomes to dukedomes ; howe germanie was once vnder one king , and is now deuided among dukes , earles , and other supreme princes ; how castile , aragone , portugall , barcelona and other countries in spaine , were first earldomes , then dukedomes , then seuerall kingdomes , and now are vnited into one ; how b●eme and polonia were once dukedomes , and now are kingdomes ; how fraunce was first one kingdome , then deuided into fower , and lastly reduced into one . how england was first a monarchie , vnder the britaines , then a prouince vnder the romaines , after that diuided into seauen kingdomes , and lastly reduced into one ; how the people of israell were first vnder patriarkes , abraham , isaac , and iacob , then vnder captains , then vnder iudges , thē vnder high priests , then vnder kings , and then vnder captaines and high priests againe . i will not followe you in euery by way whereinto your errours doe leade ( for who would haue aduentured to affirme , that the childrē of israell were vnder abraham and isaac ; and that the britaine 's at the first were vnder one king , whereas caesar reporteth that hee found fower kings in that country which is now called kent ) but i will onely insist vpon the principall point ; in regard whereof , all this bundell of wordes is like a blowne bladder , full of winde , but of no weight . for first you doe but trifle vpon tearmes , in putting a difference betweene kings , dukes , and earles , which holde their state with soueraigne power . wee speake not of the names , but of the gouernement of princes . supreme rulers may differ in name ; they may change name also , either by long vse , or vpon occasion : and yet in gouernment neither differ nor change . secondly , it is a more vaine ieast to put a difference ( in this regarde ) beweene a great territorie and a small . if a kingdome bee enlarged or streight●ed in limites , the gouernement is not thereby changed : if many kingdomes bee vnited into one ; if one bee diuided into many ; the nature of gouernment is no more altered , then is the tenure of lande , either when partition is made , or when many partes accrewe into one . the knot of doubt is , whether it bee not naturall , that one state , bee it great or small , should rather bee commaunded by one person , howsoeuer intitled , then by many . and if wee descende into true discourse , wee shall finde , that the verie sinewes of gouernment doe consist , in commaunding and in obeying . but obedience can not bee performed , where the commaundementes are , eyther repugnant or vncertaine : neither can these inconueniences bee any waies auoided , but by vnion of the authoritie which doth commaunde . this vnion is of two sortes ; first , when one commaundeth ; secondly , when many doe knit in one power and will. the first vnion is naturall ; the seconde is by meane of amitie , which is the onely bande of this collectiue bodie : and the moe they are who ioyne in gouernment , the lesse naturall is their vnion , and the more subiect to dissipation . for as tacitus saith ', : aequalitie and amitie are scarce compatible . naturall reason teacheth vs , that all multitude beginneth from one , and the auncient philosophers haue helde , that from vnitie all thinges doe proceede , and are againe resolued into the same . of which opinion laertius a reporteth that musaeus of athens was authour , who liued long before homer : but afterwardes it was renewed by pythagoras , as plutarch b alexander c , and laertius d doe write : who added thereunto , that vnitie is the originall of good , and dualitie of euill : and of this opinion saint hierome e was also , whose sentence is repeated in the canonicall decrees f but vnder the title and name of saint ambrose . hereupon homer doth oftentimes call good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and applyeth the terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to affliction and trouble . hereupon galen g also writeth , that the best in euerye kinde is one . plato produceth all thinges from one h ; measureth all thinges by one i ; and reduceth all thinges into one k . the whole worlde is nothinge but a greate state ; a state is no other then a greate familie ; and a familie no other then a greate bodye . as one god ruleth the worlde , one maister the familie , as all the members of one bodye receiue both sence and motion from one heade , which is the seate and tower both of the vnderstanding and of the will : so it seemeth no lesse naturall , that one state should be gouerned by one commaunder . the first of these arguments was vsed by soliman , lord of the turkes l . who hauing strangled sultane mustapha his sonne , because at his returne out of persit , he was receiued by the soldiers with great demonstrations of ioy ; hee caused the dead bodie to be cast forthe before the armie , and appointed one to crye ; there is but one god in heauen , and one sultane vpon earth . the second was vsed by agesilaus , to one that moued the spartans for a popular gouernment ; goe first ( saide hee ) and stablish a popular gouernment within your owne doores . to the third tacitus m did allude , when hee saide : the body of one empire seemeth best to be gouerned by the soule of one man. in the heauens there is but one sunne ; which serinus n also applyeth vnto gouernement , in affirming , that if wee set vp two sunnes , we are like to set all in combustion . many sociable creatures haue for one company , one principall either gouernour or guide ; which al authors take for a natural demonstration of the gouernment of one . and if you require herein the testimonie of men , you shall not finde almost any that writeth vpon this subiect , but hee doth , if not alleage , yet allow that of homer : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one lord , one king. plutarch declareth both his owne iudgement concerning this point , and also the consent of others , in affirming o that all men did acknowledge , that the gouernment of a king is the most excellēt benefit that god hath giuen vnto men . callimachus saith , p that kings proceede from god : homer affirmeth , q that they are cherished by god . your selfe doe shew r out of aristotle , seneca , plutarch , s. hierome , s. chrysost●me and s. peter , that monarchie is the most excellent and perfect gouernement , most resembling the gouernement of god , and most agreeable vnto nature . but what doe you meane to acknowledge all this , and yet to denie that monarchie is naturall ? doe you take it to be aboue nature ? or how els is it most excellent and perfect ? how is it most agreeable to nature , and yet not naturall ? can any action be most agreeable to iustice , and yet not iust ? i know not by what strategeme , or cunning cranck of the schools , you can be made agreeable to your selfe . but now if we consider the generall custome of al people , we shall find that all the ancient nations in whom the laws of nature were least corrupt , had no other gouernment : as the assyrians , medes , persians , parthians , indians , scythians , sirians , phoeniciās , arabiās , aegyptians , africans , numidiās , mauritaniās , britās , celtes , gaules , latines , hetruscanes , siciliās , atheniās , lacaedemoniās , corinthiās , achaeās , sicyonians , candiās , & in one word , all . tullie saith s : it is certaine , that al anciēt nations were vnder kings : with which opinion salust t consenteth ; & iustine also , where he saith u ; the ēpire of natiōs at the first was in the hands of kings . and whē the people of israel desired a king , they alleged that al other nations were gouerned by kings x . the athenians were the first ( as plinie affirmeth ) who set vp the gouernment of many , whose exāple certaine other towns of greece did follow , rather blinded by ābitiō , thē led by iudgemēt . amōg these , if the highest authority were in the least part of the citisens , it was called aristocracy ; if in the most or in all , it was termed democracy ; wherin you confesse x that neither they did nor could any long time continue ; but after many tumults , seditions , mutinies , outrages , iniusticies , banding of factions , and inundations of bloud , they were in the end either dissolued or vanquished , and reduced againe vnder gouernement of one . the state of rome began vnder kings ; it atteined the highest pitch both of glory and greatnes vnder emperors : in the middle time , wherin it neuer inioyed x. yeeres together free frō sedition , polybius saith that is was mixed ; the consulls represēting a monarchie , the senate , an aristocracie , & the cōmon people a democracy : which opinion was likewise embraced by dionysius halicarnasseus , cicero , cantarine and others . but many do hold that the state of rome at that time was populare : which seemeth to be confirmed by the famous lawier & coūsailer vlpian , where he saith y that the people did grāt al their power & authority to the prince . whatsoeuer it was in shew , in very deede it was alwayes gouerned by some one principall man. liuie wrighteth of scipio z , that vnder his shadow the city was protected , & that his looks were in stead of lawes : & likewise of papirius cursor ,' ; that he sustained the romane affaires . so said thucidides , that athens was in appearance populare , but aristides was the true monarch thereof : & plutarch a also affirmeth , that pelopidas and epaminondas were no lesse then lords of the populare state of thebes : but after the death of these mē , both the states of athens and thebes floated in tumults , as the same authour obserueth b , like a ship in a tempest without a pilot . so did peter sodarine gonsalonier of florence giue forth , that the title of popularity was vsed as a maske , to shadow the tyrāny of laurence medices : but florence did neuer so florish both in honor , wealth , and quiet , as vnder that tyranny . also in actions of weight , in great dangers and necessities the romans had recourse to one absolute and supreme commāder , which liuie calleth c the highest refuge ; whose authority as the romans did most reuerētly respect , so was it many times fearefull to their enemies . of the first , liuie saith d ; the dictators edict was alwayes obserued as an oracle : of the second e , so soone as a dictator was created , such a terror came vpon the enemies , that they departed presently from the walles . likewise in cases of extremity the lacedaemonians had their high gouernour whom they called harmostes ; the thessalonians had their archos ; and the mytilenians also their great aezymnetes . lastly , tacitus reporteth f that certaine wise men discoursing of the life of augustus after his death , affirmed rightly , that ther was no other meane to appease the discordes of the state , but by reducing it vnder the gouernement of one . let vs now take a view of our present age . in al asia , from whence tullie saith , g ciuility did first spread into other parts of the world , no gouernment is in vse but by a monarch , as appeareth by the tartarians , turks , persians , indians , chinans & cataians : no other gouernmēt is found to be foūded in al the cuntries of affrick : in america also and all the west parts of the world , no other is yet discouered : in europe only , vpō eyther declining or chāg of the empire , a few towns in germany & italy did reuiue againe the gouernment of many : som are alredy returned to a monarchy , and the residue in their time will do the like , euen as all others haue done which haue bene before them . what then shal we say of this so ancient , so continuall , so generall consent of all nations ? what can we say , but cōclude with tertullian . these testimonies , the more true , the more simple ; the more simple , the more common ; the more common , the more natu●all ; the more naturall , the more deuine . but because ambition is a most firy affection , and carieth men blindfold into headlong hopes , wherby many do aspire to beare rule , neither they good , nor with any good either means or end ; the custome or lawe of nations hath by two reines endeauored to keep in this raging desire : by succession & by election . and yet againe , because election is most often , if not alwaies , entangled with many inconueniences ; as first , for that the outragies during the vacancy , are many & great ; euery one that is either grieued or in wāt , assuming free power both for reuēge & spoile . secondly , for that the bouldest winneth the garlād more often then the best ; because the fauour of the people doth alwayes tast more of affection then of iudgement . thirdly , for that they who do not leaue their state to their posterity , wil dissipate the domain and worke out of it either profit or friends ; for so we see that the empire of germanie is pluckt bare of her fairest feathers . fourthly , for that occasions of war are hereby ministred ; & that , either whē one taketh his repulse for indignity ; vpō which ground frauncis the first , king of fraūce , could neuer be driuē out of practise against charles the 5. emperor ; or els whē by means of factiōs many are elected , as it happened in almaine when lewes of bauier , and albert of austria were elected emperors , wherupon eight yeers warre betweene them did ensue ; and as it often happened in the empire of rome , when one emperour was chosen by the senate , and another by the soldiers , and sometimes by euery legion one ; whereby such fiers were kindled , as could not bee quenched without much bloude . for these warres are most cruelly executed ; because the quarrell leaueth no middle state inter summum & praecipitium ; betweene the highest honour and the deadliest downefall . for these and diuers other respectes , it hath bin obserued , at most times in all nations , and at all times in most , that the roialtie hath passed by succession , according to propinquitie of bloud . we read that ptolomie , who after the death of alexander the great seazed vpon aegypt , and part also of arabia and of africk , left that state to his youngest sonne : but trogus saide , and out of him iustine i , that it was against the lawe of nations , and that vpon this occasion one of them did worke the death of the other . and therefore when afterward ptolomie surnamed physcon , at the importunitie of his wife cleopatra , would haue preferred his youngest son to the succession of his kingdom , iustine saith k , that the people opposed themselues against it ; but pausanias l more probably affirmeth , that they reuersed his order after his death . the same course was held in italy by the hetruscanes , latines , and those albanes from whome the romanes tooke their originall . liuie m writeth that procas king of the albanes appointed numitor to succeede in his estate , but amulius his yonger brother did vsurpe it by force : hereupon dionysius halicarnasseus n saith ; that amulius held the kingdome against right , because it appertained to his elder brother . among the graecians , during the space of six hundred yeares , wherein they were gouerned by kings , we finde but timondas and pittacus who were elected , the one of corinth , the other of negropont ; the residue held their states by order of successiō , as thucidides affirmeth , encoūtring therein the opinion of aristotle . liuy writeth o , that perseus king of macedon said , that by the order of nature , the law of nations , and the ancient custome of macedony , the eldest sonne was to succeede in the kingdome . diodorus siculus p , and iustine q doe report , that by this custom alexander succeeded his father amyntas , before his yonger brother phillippe . herodotus declareth that the same order was obserued amōg the troianes ; affirming , that after the death of priamus , the kingdom was not to deuolue vnto alexāder , because hector was before him in years . the same also doth appeare by that which virgil writeth : praeterea sceptrum ilione , quod gesserat olim , maxima natarum priami . the scepter vvhich ilione , vvhen she the state did stay , the first daughter of priamus , vvith royall hand did svvay . out of which place seruius maurus doth collect , that women also did vse to gouerne . but more plainely this custome of the troianes doth appeare , by that which messala coruinus t writeth , that troius had two sonnes , ilus and assaracus ; and that ilus by priuiledge of his age succeeded in the kingdome . the persians also , who for a long time held the reines of all the nations neere vnto them , had the same order of succession , as zenophon u witnesseth ; which is also confirmed by two famous histories ; one between artaxerxes & cyrus , wherof plutarch x maketh mention , the other between artabazanes & xerxes , reported by herodotus y & iustine z ; wherin artabazanes alleaged , that it was a custome among all men , that the eldest son should first succeed . agathocles , & out of him athenaeus do write , that the persians had a golden water ( for so they terme it ) whereof it was capital for any man to drinke , but only the king and his eldest son . whither this water were drawen out of the riuer euleus , which inuironeth the tower susis , & the temple of diana , wherof pliny a writeth , that only the kings of persia did drink ; or whether out of choaspis , whose waters herodotus doth report to haue bin boiled , & caried after the king in siluer vessels ; or whether both these were one riuer , i will neither determine nor discourse . in siria , which is called assiria ( as herodotus , writeth ) & also phoenicia , palestina , & mesopotamia , as appeareth by pliny b eusebius c & diuers other , the same custome is proued by that which iustine d , & l. florus doe write , that demetrius , hauing bin deliuered by his brother antiochus , king of siria , for an hostage to the romanes , & hearing of the death of antiochus , declared to the senat in open assēbly , that as by the law of nations he had giuen place to his elder brother , so by the same law , the right of succession was then cast vpon him . the parthians , who being thrice attempted by the romans , in the time of their chiefest both discipline and strength , were able to beare themselues victorious , did alwaies acknowledge for their king , the next of the bloud of their first king arsaces e . among the germaines also , who were of force to defeate fiue consulare armies of the romanes , tacitus f affirmeth that the eldest sonne did intirely succeede , onely the horses did fall to the most valiant . and that this was likewise the custome of the iewes , it is euidēt by the whole history of their kings , especially where it is said g , that ioram succeeded iosaphat ; & the reason added , because he was the eldest . i should but burne day ( as the saying is ) in running further vpon particulars . herodotus h doth aduow it to be a general custome among al men , that the first in birth is next in succession . certaine ages after him s. hierome i said , that a kingdom is due vnto the eldest . in late ages our selues may see , that the tartars turks , persians , & all the asiaticks haue no other form of cōstituting their kings . no other is folowed in all the countries of africk . in the west indies no other is yet discouered ; insomuch as when frances pizaire , in the conquest of peru , had slain atibalippa the king therof , the people brake into shew , some of ioy , all of contentmēt ; because he had made his way to the kingdom , by murthering of his elder brother . in europe it is not long since all the monarchies were successiue . when the empire of almaine was made electiue , it became in short time so either troblesom or base , that diuers princes refused to accept it : of late it hath bin setled in one family , but hath as yet litle increased either in dignity or in power . the people of denmarke , sweden , hungary , and b●eme , doe chalenge to themselues a right of election , but they accept their king by propinquitie of bloud . so they did in polonia , vntill the line of iagello was worne out , and then they elected for king , henry duke of aniou in france : since which time , they haue alwaies in the change of their kings , exposed their state to faire danger of ruine . vpon this both generall and continuall custome baldus k saith , that kingdomes are successiue by the law of nations ; affirming further , l that alwayes it hath beene , & alwayes it shall bee , that the first borne succeedeth in a kingdome : wherein he is either followed or accompanied with open crie of al the choise interpreters of both lawes ; as namely the glossographer , iohan. andreas , hostiensis , collect. pet. anchoranus , antonius , imola , card. florentinus , abb. panormitanus m , oldradus n , albericus o , angelus p , felinus q , paul. castrensis r , alexander s , barbatius t , franc. curtius u , guido pape x , card. alexander y , philip . francus z , iason a , philippus decius , carol . ruinis c , anto. corsetta d , ripa e , calderine f , alciate g , and manie other of somewhat more ordinarie name . who all with full voice do agree , that in kingdomes and other dignities , which cannot bee either valued or diuided but they are dismembred , the eldest son doth entirely succeed . and this manie of them do call the law of all nations , deriued from the order of nature , and from the institution of god ; and confirmed by the canon , ciuil and other positiue lawes . for the succession of children , is one of the primarie precepts of nature h : whereby his mortalitie is in some sort repaired , & his continuance perpetuated by his posteritie . but among al the children , nature seemeth to preferre the first borne , by imprinting in the mind of parents the greatest loue and inclination towards them , as diuers of the authors before alleaged do affirm ; & as it may appeare by that of the prophet zacharie i , and they shall lamēt ouer him as men vse to lament in the death of their first borne : and likewise by that which is said of dauid , that he would not grieue his sonne ammon , for that he loued him , because he was his first borne . hereupon lyra l , and before him saint augustin and saint chrysostome n do affirme that the last plague of the egyptians , which was the death of their first borne , was the most sharpe and heauie vnto them . for nothing ( saith saint augustin o ) is more deare then the first borne . aristotle , plinie p , aeltane q , and tzetzes do write , that the same affection is also found in certaine beasts . s and to this purpose is that which herodotus r reporteth , t , that when the lacedaemanians had receiued an oracle , that they should take for kings the two sonnes of aristodemus and aegina , but giue most honor vnto the eldest , and they were ignorant which was eldest , because the mother and the nurse refused to declare it ; they obserued which of the children the mother did wash and feed first , and thereby found out that eristhenes was the eldest . lucian u citeth the loue of the first borne , as growne into a prouerbe . gregorie nazianzene saith x , that all men haue a sense thereof . saint ambrose y writeth , that in this respect god called the people of israel his first borne z , for that they were , not most ancient , but best beloued . lastly s. chrysostome affirmeth that the first borne were to be esteemed more honorable then the rest . and this naturall precedence both in honour and in fauour , seemeth to be expressely ratified by god ; first where he said vnto cain , of his brother abel b , his desires shall be subiect vnto thee , and thou shalt haue dominion ouer him : according to which institution , whē iacob had bought his brothers right of birth , isaak blessed him in these words c bee lord ouer thy brethren , and let the sonnes of thy mother bow before thee : secondly , where he forbiddeth the father to disinherit the first sonne of his double portion ; because by right of birth it is his due d : thirdly , where he maketh choise of the first borne to be sanctified to himselfe . and whereas god hath often preferred the youngest , as abel , isaac , iacob , iuda , phares , ephraim , moses , dauid , salomon , and others ; it was no other then that which christ f said , that manie that were last should be first : and that which saint paul hath deliuered g , that god hath chosen the weak , and base , and contemptible things of this world , least any flesh should glorie in his sight . so hath herodotus written h how artabanus the persian , in complaining maner did confesse , that god delighted to depresse those things that were high . but if the first borne die before succession fall ; or if being possessed of the kingdom , he die without issue ; his right of birth deuolueth vnto the next in bloud : and if he dieth in like maner , then vnto the third , and so likewise to the rest in order . this is affirmed by albericus i ; and may be confirmed by that which baldus saith k , that succession hath reference to the time of death , and respecteth the prioritie which is then extant l . and againe m , he is not said the first borne in lawe , who dyeth before the fee openeth , but he who at that time is eldest in life . and this opinion is embraced by alciate ; because as celsus saith o ; primus is dicitur ante quē nemo sit , he is first who hath none before him . iaco. a retinus , cinus , albericus and baldus doe forme this case p : there is a custome , that the first borne of the first mariage shoulde succeede in a baronnie ; a certaine baron had three wiues ; by the first he had no children , by the other two manie ; the first sonne of the second mariage shall succeede : because ( as the glossographer there saith ) the second mariage in regarde of the thirde is accompted first . baldus p dooth extende it further ; that if hee hath a sonne by the first mariage ; and hee refuse the baronie , the first sonne by the second mariage shall succeede in his right : and so hee saith it was determined in the kingdome of apulia , when lewes the kings eldest sonne was professed a friar . and this decision is allowed by alexander q , oldradus r , and antonius corsetta s : and is prooued by plaine text of the canon law , both where the second borne is called first borne , whē the first borne hath giuen place t ; and also where he is called the onlie sonne u , whose brother is dead y . but because it is a notorius custome that the neerest in bloud doth succeede , although perhaps remoued in degree , i wil labour no more to loade it with proofe : for who wil proclaime that the sunne doth shine ? but if we should now graunt vnto you ( which is a greater curtesie , then with modesty you can require ) that no particular forme of gouernement is naturall : what will you conclude thereof ? what inference can you hereupon enforce ? that there is no doubt but the people haue power to choose and to chaunge the fashion of gouernment , and to limitte the same vvith vvhat conditions they please . what sir ? can you finde no thirde ? but that either one forme of gouernment is naturall , or that the people must alwaies retaine such libertie of power ? haue they no power to relinquish their power ? is there no possibilitie that they may loose it ? whether are you so ignorant to thinke as you speake , or so deceitfull to speake otherwise then you thinke . there is no authoritie which the people hath in matters of state , but it may bee either bound or streightned by three meanes . the first is by cession or graunt : for so the romans by the law of royaltie y yeelded all their authoritie in gouernment to the prince . of this lawe vlpian z maketh mention ; and bodin a reporteth that it is yet extant in rome grauen in stone . so the people of cyrene ; of pergame and of bithynia , did submit themselues to the empire of the romanes . so the tartarians commit absolute power both ouer their liues and their liuings to euerie one of their emperours : & so haue our people manie times cōmitted to their king the authoritie of the parliament either generallie , or els for some particular case . for it is held as a rule , that any man may relinquish the authoritie which he hath to his owne benefit & fauour b . neither is he againe at pleasure to be admitted to that , which once hee did thinke fit to renounce c . and as a priuate man may altogether abādon his free estate , and subiect himselfe to seruile condition d , so may a multitude passe away both their authoritie and their libertie by publike consent . the second is by prescription and custome , which is of strength in all parts of the world , least matters should alwaies float in vncertaintie , and controuersies remaine immortall e . and that this authoritie of the people may be excluded by prescription , it is euident by this one reason , which may be as one in a third place of arithmeticke , in standing for a hundred . euerie thing may be prescribed , wherein prescription is not prohibited f : but there is no lawe which prohibiteth prescription in this case ; and therefore it followeth that it is permitted . and generallie , custome doth not only interpret law g , but correcteth it , and supplieth where there is no lawe h : in somuch as the common lawe of england , as well in publick as priuate controuersies , is no other ( a fewe maximes excepted ) but the common custome of the realme . baldus saith i , that custome doth lead succession in principalities , which martinus k aduiseth to fixe in memorie , because of the often change of princes : and the particular custome of euerie nation is at this day , the most vsuall and assured law betweene the prince and the people . and this doe th● emperours honorius and arcadius l , in these wordes cōmand punctuallie to be obserued : mos namque retinendus est fidelissimae vetustatis : the custome of faithful antiquitie must be retained : which place is to this sense ballanced by pau. gastrensis , frane . aretinus , and phil. corneus ; who termeth it a morall text . the like whereto is found also in the canon lawe , k : and noted by the glossographer l , archidiaeonus m , romanus n , and cepola . neither were the fathers of the nicene councel of other opinion , who thus decreed : let auncient customes stand in strength p : whereto also agreeth that old verse of ennius , o moribus antiquis res stat romana virisque : customes and men of oldest sort ; the romane state do best support : which is cited by saint austin q ; and esteemed by cicero r both for breuitie and truth , as an oracle . to the same sense periander of corinth said s , that old lawes and new meates were fittest for vse : which saying phauorinus in gellius did in this manner a little vary : liue after the passed manner , speake after the present t . hereto also pertaineth that edict of the censors mentioned by suetonius , & aul. gellius x : those things which are beside the custome and fashion of our elders , are neither pleasing , nor to be adiudged right y . of this point i shall haue occasion more particularlie hereafter to write . the third meanes whereby the people may loose their authoritie , is by way of conquest . for howsoeuer saint augustine z , and after him alciate a , doe disallowe ambition of enlarging empire ; and tearme warres vpon this cause great theeueries b : whereupon lucane , and his vncle seneca d , called alexander the great , a great robber of the world e , yet there is no doubte but the sentence of victorie , especiallie if the war was vndertakē vpon good cause ( as the conqueror being made his own arbitrator wil hardlie acknowledge the contrarie ) is a iust title of acquisition f ; reducing the vanquished , their priuileges , liberties and whole estate , vnder the discretion of him that is victorious . caesar sayth ; he geueth all that denieth right g : which sentence is approoued by couaruuias h ; affirming , that the victor maketh all which his sword tou●heth to be his owne . so sayth baldus i , that he doth his pleasure vpon the vanquished : and againe caesar in the speech of ariouistus ; it is the law of armes , that the victorious should commād those whom they haue subdued , euen as they please . clemens alexandrinus saith , the goods of enemies are taken away by right of warre . isocrates hath written , that the lacedaemonians did by title of victorie in this sort maintaine their right . we hold this land giuen by the posteritie of hercules , confirmed by the oracle of delphos , the inhabitantes thereof being ouercome by warre . which was not much vnlike that which iephte captaine of israell expostulated with the ammonites . are not those things thine which chamos thy god hath possessed ? but whatsoeuer the lord our god hath conquered , pertaineth vnto vs. yea , god doth expressely giue to the people of israel , the cities which they should subdue ; some into ful possession , others into seruitude & subiection : by which title iacob also had giuen to ioseph his partage among his brethrē , euen the land which he had taken frō the amorites with his sword and with his bow . it was vsuall to the romans , and as appian saith q , iust , to retaine principall or direct dominion , in al thinges which they brought vnder the sway of their sworde . brissonius r hath collected certaine examples of the forme of yeelding vnto the romans , whereby al prophane & sacred , al humane and diuine matters were submitted vnto them . seeing therefore that the people may so many wayes loose both their power and their right in affaires of state , is not your ignorance aduenturous so generallie to affirme , that if no one forme of gouerment bee naturall , there is no doubt but the people haue power both to alter and limit the same , as they please ? can no lawe , no custome , no conquest restraine them ? your pen doth range , and your iudgement rage beyond al compasse and course of reason . you should haue said , that there is no doubt , but if by al or any of these meanes , the right both of succession and gouernment be setled in one familie , according to propinquitie and prioritie of bloud , the people may neither take away nor varie the same : and if they doe , they commit iniustice , they violate the law of nations , whereby they expose themselues , not onlie to the infamie and hate of al men , but to the reuenge of those who wil attempt vppon them . for it is not onlie lawfull but honourable , for any people , either to right or reuenge the breach of this lawe ; against them which contemne it , as monsters ; against them who knowe it not , as beasts . saint augustine saith s ; if a citie vppon earth should decree some great mischiefes to be done , by the decree of mankind it is to be destroied . and as in the state of one countrey any man may accuse vpon a publicke crime , so in the state of the world , any people may prosecute a common offence : for as there is a ciuill band among all the people of one nation ; so is there a natural knot among al men in the world . you close your conclusion with this conceit , that the word naturall prince , or naturall successor , is to be vnderstood of one , who is borne within the same realme , and that it is ridiculous to take it , as though anie prince had natural interest to succeed . but what construction wil you then make of that which herodian deliuereth s , in the speech of commodus the sonne of marcus ? now hath fortune giuen me vnto you for prince in his stead , not drawen into the state , such as they were , who were before me ; nor as one that glorieth in the purchase of the empire ▪ for i onlie am borne vnto you and brought vp in the court , neuer swathed in priuate cloathes , but so soone as i was borne the imperiall purpure did receiue me , and the sun beheld me at once , both a man and a prince . consider these things , t and honour your prince by right , who is not giuen , but borne vnto you . girard goeth further in writing of charles the simple , that he was king before he was born . say therefore againe , that it is ridiculous to take the word natural prince , for one that hath right of succession inherent in him by birth ; and i wil say that this mirth wil better beseeine a natural indeede , then any man that is wise . but let vs now consider the further passage of your discourse ; both how you are able to fortifie this foundation , and what building it is able to beare . to the second chapter , which is intituled , of the particular forme of monarchies and kingdomes , and the different lawes whereby they are to bee obtained , holden and gouerned in diuers countries , according as each common wealth hath chosen and established . in this chapter you spend much speech in praising a monarchie , and preferring it before the gouernment of manie ; which you doe to no other end , but to insinuate your selfe either into credit , or aduantage to drawe it downe ▪ euen as ioab presented amasa with a kind kisse , to winne thereby opportunitie to stab him a . for in the end b you fetch about , that because a prince is subiect , as other men , not onely to errours in iudgement , but also to passionate affections , in his will ; it was necessarie , that as the common wealth hath giuen that great power vnto him , so it should assigne him helpes for managing the same . and that a prince receiueth his authoritie from the people , you proue a little before c , for that saint peter tearmeth kings humane creatures , which you interpret to bee , a thing created by man ; because by mans free choise , both this forme of gouernment is erected , and the same also laide vpon some particular person . i know not in what sort to deale with you , concerning this interpretation . shall i labour to impugne it by arguments ? why , there is no man that wanteth not either iudgement or sinceritie , but vpon both the naturall and vsuall sense of the words , hee will presently acknowledge it to bee false . shall i go about either to laugh , or to raile you from your errour , as cicero in the like case perswaded to doe ? but this would bee agreeable neither to the stayednesse of our yeeres , nor the grauitie of our professions . i am now aduised what to doe ; i will appeale , as machetes did before philip of macedon , from your selfe asleepe , to your selfe awake ; from your selfe distempered by affection , to your selfe returned to sobrietie of sense . do you thinke then in true earnest , that a humane creature is a thing created by man , or rather that euery man is a humane creature ? is a brutish creature to be taken for a thing created by a beast ? spirituall , angelicall , or anie other adiunct vnto creature , what reference hath it to the authour of creation ? and if it were so , then should al creatures be called diuine , because they were created by god , to whom onely it is proper to create ; and in this verie point , saint paul saith , that all authoritie is the ordinance and institution of god. neither needeth it to trouble vs that saint peter should so generally inioine vs to be obedient to all men , no more then it troubled the apostles , when christ commanded them to preach to all creatures d ; according to which commission , saint paul did testifie , that the gospell had beene preached to euerie creature vnder heauen : but saint peter doth specifie his generall speech , and restraine his meaning to kings and gouernours ; in which sense saint ambrose citeth this place , as it followeth : bee subiect to your lords , vvhether it bee to the king , as to the most excellent , &c. this interpretatiō not only not relieuing you , but discouering very plainly either the weaknesse or corruption of your iudgement , it resteth vpon your bare word , that kings haue receiued their first authoritie from the people ; which although i could denie , with as great both countenance & facilitie , as you affirme , yet will i further charge vpon you with strength of proofe . presently after the inundation of the world , we find no mention of politike gouernement , but onely of oeconomical , according as men were sorted in families : for so moses hath written g , that of the progenie of iapheth , the iles of the gentiles were deuided after their families . the first , who established gouernment ouer manie families , was nimrod the sonne of cush , accounted by saint chrysostome h the first king : which authoritie hee did not obtaine by fauour and election of anie people , but by plaine purchase of his power . heereupon moses calleth him a mightie hunter i , which is a forme of speech among the hebrues , whereby they signifie a spoiler or oppresser . and this doth also appeare by the etymologie of his name ; for nimrod signifieth a rebell , a transgressour , and as some interpret it , a terrible lord : and names were not imposed in auncient times by chance or at aduenture , as plato k , one of natures chiefe secretaries , and among the latin writers aul. gellius l doe affirme . many hold opiniō , that this nimrod was the same , whom the grecians cal ninus : which seemeth to be confirmed by that which moses saith m , that hee did build the citie of niniue . of this ninus , iustine writeth n that he was the first who held that which hee did subdue ; others , satisfied with victorie , aspired not to beare rule . nimrod foūded the empire of the assyrians , which continued by succession in his posterity , vntil it was violently drawn frō sardanapalus to the medes . from them also cyrus by subuersion of astyages did transport it to the persians ; and from them againe the grecians did wrest it by conquest . after the death of alexander , his captaines without any consent of the people , made partition of the empire among them ; whose successors were afterwards subdued by the armies and armes of rome . and this empire , beeing the greatest that euer the earth did beare , was in the end also violentlie distracted , by diuers seueral either conquests or reuolts . leo after writeth , that it is not a hundred yeares , since the people of gaoga in africk had neither king nor lord , vntill one hauing obserued the greatnesse and maiestie of the king of tombute , did enterprise to attaine soueraigntie aboue them ; which by violence he effected , and left the same to his posteritie . and because i will not bee tedious in running through particulars , giue you an instance of anie one people , which hath not diuers times receiued , both prince and gouernment by absolute constraint , et phillidasolus habeto ; and i will yeeld to all that you affirme . but failing herein , you shall bee enforced to confesse , that in manie , yea in most , if not in all countries , the people haue receiued libertie , either from the graunt or permission of the victorious prince , and not the prince authoritie from the vanquished people . what helpes nowe doe you imagine , that the people haue assigned to their prince ? the first , you affirme to be the direction of lawes . but it is euident , that in the first heroicall ages , the people were not gouerned by anie positiue lawe , but their kings did both iudge and commaund , by their word , by their will , by their absolute power ; and , as pomponius saith * , omnia manu a reg●bus gubernabantur : kings gouerned all things : without either restraint or direction , but onely of the lawe of nature . the first lawe was promulged by moses ; but this was so long before the lawes of other nations , that iosephus writeth * , it was more ancient then their gods : affirming also , that the word law is not found in homer , or in orpheus , or in anie writer of like antiquitie . of this law of nature homer maketh mention in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and they who keepe the lawes which god hath prescribed . and againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vnciuill and vniust is he , and wanting priuate state , who holdeth not all ciuill war in horror and in hate . and of the iustice of kings he writeth in this maner . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in which verses chrysostome affirmeth q by the iudgment of alexander , that homer hath delineated the perfect image of a king : but that hee maketh mention of anie positiue lawes , i doe rather doubt then assuredlie denie . for kings in auncient times did giue iudgment in person , not out of any formalitie in lawe , but onlie according to naturall equitie . virgil saith r : hoc priami gestamen erat cumiura vocatis more daret populis . this was the robe which priamus did alwaies vse to weare , when he the people to him called , their causes for to heare . which he doth also affirme of aeneas s , dido t and of alcestes u . the like doth herodotus report * of midas king of phrygia , who consecrated his tribunall to apollo : and the like also dooth plutarch x of diuers kings of macedonia : philarchus affirmeth in athenaeus , that the kings of persia had palme trees and vines of goulde , vnder which they did sit to heare causes . but because it grew both troublesome & tedious , for al the people to receiue their right from one man y ; lawes were inuented , as cicero saith , and officers also appointed to execute the same . another original of lawes was thus occasioned : when anie people were subdued by armes , lawes were laid like logs vpon their necks , to keepe them in more sure subiection : which both because it is not doubtful , and to auoid prolixitie , i will manifest onlie by our owne example . when the romans had reduced the best part of this iland into the forme of a prouince ; as they permitted libertie of lawe to no other countrie vnder their obedience , so here also they planted the practise of their lawes : and for this purpose they sent ouer manie professors , and among others papinian , the most famous both for knowledge and integritie , of all the authors of the ciuill lawe . againe , when the saxons had forced this realme , and parted it into seauen kingdomes , they erected so manie settes of law ; of which onelie two were of continuance , the mercian lawe ; and the west saxon law . after these the danes became victorious ; and by these newe lordes new lawes were also imposed , which bare the name of dane-lawe . out of these three lawes , partlie moderated , partlie supplied , king edward the confessor composed that bodie of lawe , which afterwardes was called saint edwards lawes . lastly , the normans brought the land vnder their power ; by whom saint edwards lawes were abrogated , and not onlie new lawes , but newe language brought into vse ; in somuch as all pleas were formed in french ; and in the same tongue children were taught the principles of grammar . these causes wee find of the beginning of lawes ; but that they were assigned by the people for assistance and direction to their kinges , you bring neither argument , nor authoritie for proofe ; it is a part of the drosse of your owne deuise . the second helpe , which you affirme that common wealthes haue assigned to their kings , is by parliaments and priuie councelles . but parliaments in al places haue bin erected by kings ; as the parliament of paris and of montpellier in fraunce , by philip the faire ; the parliament in england by henrie the first ; who in the sixteenth yeare of his raigne a , called a councell of all the states of his realme at salisburie , which our historiographers do take for the first parliament in england ; affirming that the kings , before that time , did neuer call the common people to counsell . after this the priuie councell at the instance of the archbishop of canterburie , was also established ; and since that time , the counsellors of state haue alwaies bin placed by election of the prince . and that it was so likewise in auncient times , it appeareth by tha● which homer writeth : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first hee established a councell of honorable old men : and likewise by virgill . — gaudet regno troianus acestes . indicitque foru , et patribus dat iura vocatis : acestes of the troiane bloud in kingdome doth delight , he sets a court , and councell cals , & giues ech man his right . i will passe ouer your course , foggio , drowsie conceite , that there are few or none simple monarchies in the world , ( for it would tire : any ●to toyle after your impertinent errours ) and wil now rip vp your packet of examples , whereby you indeuour to shew , that the power of kings hath bin brideled by their subiects . but what do you infer hereby ? what can you inforce ? will you rake ouer al histories for examples of rebellion , and then argue , a facto ad ius ; that euerie thing is lawful which you finde to haue bin done ? iustinian sayth : non exemplis , sed legibus iudicandum * : we must iudge facts by lawe , and not lawe by facts , or by examples : which alciate and deciane do terme a golden lawe ; because there is no action either so impious or absurd , which may not bee paralleled by examples . will you prooue it lawful to vse fleshlie familiaritie with the sister , with the mother in law , with the natural mother ? you haue the example of cambyses for the first , caracalla for the second , dionysius and nero for the third . the iewes vppon whom god had setled his choise , did at times ( beside many other enormities ) erect male stewes . of the two nations , whose examples you vse , the romans and the lacedaemonians , the first did the like vnder diuers emperours , as lampridius writeth ; and in more auncient times allowed also parricide of children d : the other would sort themselues by fifteene and twentie families together , and hold both wiues and goods in common . i omit the vnnatural customes of diuers other nations ; and will now declare , how in straining a fewe examples to countenance your conceit , you are constrained to beare your selfe no lesse cunning in concealing truthes , then bold in auouching things which are , not only vncertaine , but plainely false . it is true which you write , that the kings of sparta , by the institution of lycurgus , were obedient to the officers called ephori ; but these were titular kings , hauing no other power but a single voice among the senators : and because all affaires were caried by consent of the people , the estate was then esteemed popular . afterwards theopompus , by pretence of an oracle , drew this authoritie from the people , to a senate of thirtie ; whereby the gouernment did change into an aristocracie ; & yet the naked name of kings was retained . by this shuffling of rule the lacedaemonians were continually tossed with tempests of sedition , ceasing not to wade in their owne bloud ( as before you haue acknowledged ) vntill in the end they were brought into subiection ; first , by the macedonians ; afterward by the achaeans ; and lastly by the romans . i will not say now what reason haue we ? but what a shame is it for vs , to open our cares to these vtopicall state-writers ? who being mellowed in idlenesse , & hauing neither knowledge nor interest in matters of gouernment , make new models vpon disproportioned ioints , borrowed from nations most different in rule . you affirme by the testimonie of liuie , that for offence taken against romulus , because hee raigned at pleasure , and not by law , the senators did cut him in peeces : in which short assertion many base vntruths are included , beneath the degree of anie vile word . liuie writeth that he sorted the people into order , and gouerned them by lawes e , and that hee was also both aduised and valiant in the field ; euen such a one as homer describeth : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both a good king , and couragious commander . concerning his end , liuie writeth , that in taking muster of his armie , a thicke tempest did arise , after which he was neuer seene ; wherein he is seconded by solinus , eutropius and the rest : only liuie addeth , that there was a rumor , but verie obscure , without any certaine either authour or ground ; i will adde also without probabilitie , that he was torne in peeces . for howe probable is it , that such a fact , in the open view of his armie , could bee verie obscure ? how probable is it also , that the people would first teare him in peeces for his iniustice , and then worship him for a god ? further , with what either confidence or conceit doe you alleage this report of liuie , for his opiniō ? i find your fetch ; you apprehend euerie thing which may , if not confirm , yet countenance that doctrine , which lately you haue drawne out of cerberus denne ; that it is lawfull to contriue the death of kings . that the people were grieued against seruius tullius for raigning without election : it is a meere fantasie , a dreame , a deuise . liuie faith f , that hee was declared king with such a consent , as no man had bin before him . that tarquinius neglected the lawes of gouernment prescribed to him by the common wealth , it is an ougly vntruth . liuie saith , that he brake the auncient manner of kings before him : but for lawes pomponius affirmeth g , that at that time the romans had no lawes but from their kings , and that sextus papirius reduced them into one volume , which was called the ciuill law of papirius h , and that when the people expelled their kings , they abrogated their lawes also , and remained twentie yeares without any law . lastly you adde , that the romans did expell their kings , and erect consuls in their steed : but you suppresse that which followed , which i hold for a common consequence of the like disorder : first , that for this cause , they were presently almost ouerwhelmed with warres : secondly , that in this state , they neuer enjoyed long time free from sedition : lastly , that as tacitus saith , i there was no meanes to appease these tumults , but by returning to a monarchie againe . all this i write , rather to manifest the maner of your dealing , then that i hold it much regardable what romans did . your examples of our present age i will wrap vp in these few words . all nations , very few excepted , do consent in this forme of gouernment ; first , to bee vnder one prince ; secondly , to accept him by succession , according to propinquitie of bloud : in other circumstances , either for in augurating their prince , or for the maner of managing and executing his gouernment , not two nations in the world in all points do agree . and yet is not this diuersitie raised , by any lawes which the people doe prescribe vnto their prince , as you doe most grossely , yea peeuishly , yea maliciously affirme ; but by the particular lawes and customes of euerie nation , in which the consent of the prince , either secret or expresse , sometimes onely is sufficient , alwayes principally doth concur . vpon this diuersitie of customes you conclude , that it sufficeth not to alleage bare propinquitie of bloud . what ? not where that custom is established ? as i haue declared it to bee in most nations of the world ? doth difference of customes make all custom void ? doth diuersitie of custome in some circumstances take away the principall custome of succession by bloud ? this cleaueth together no surer then sand ; you loose both labour and credit in obtruding vnto vs these weake and loose arguments , without either force of reason or forme of art. your instance of the lawe salicke in france , doth offer occasion to enter into a large fielde , wherein i could plainlie prooue , that there was neuer anie such lawe made to bind the discent of the crowne of fraunce ; and that it hath bin the custome in most parts of the world , not to exclude women from succession in state : in so much as beda k and before him eusebius l , and plinie m do● write , that certaine people were gouerned onlie by princes of that sex . but because this is a matter both of long discourse , and not proper to our purpose , i wil conteine my selfe within this obseruation ; that the exclusion of king edward the third from the crowne of fraunce , vppon this pretence , was the cause of the effusion of their brauest bloud , and of the spoile , wast , and conquest of all that realme . i acknowedge that the english haue lost the possession of that conquest ; and that was by meanes of domestical warres , for excluding the neerest in bloud from the crowne ; into which vnquiet quarrell , you doe now endeuour againe to imbarke vs. yet no man can assure that the miseries of fraunce for this cause are at an end . rammes recoile to strike harder : we are gone rather backe then away : i will not presage , but anie man may coniecture , that our minds and our meanes will not alwaies want the fauour of time . after all this you proceede a degree further : that it is lawfull vpon iust considerations , not only to put backe the next inheritour of the crowne , but also to remoue him who is in full possession thereof . and y● is plaine ( you say ) not onely by the grounds before by you alleaged , but also by example of the romans & graecians : & because god hath commonlie concurred in such iudiciall actions of the state ; not onely in prospering them , but in giuing them also some notable successour . and yet you protest you are far from their opinion , who vpon euerie mislike are readie to band against their prince ; and that you esteem the tenure of a crown , if once it be setled , the most irregular , whereto euery man is bound to settle his conscience , without examination of title or interest ; but onely by the supreme law of gods disposition , who can dispence in what he listeth : and that notwithstanding you are as farre , from the abiect flatterie of billaie and others ; who affirme , that princes are subiect to no law or limitation at al , and that they succeed by nature and birth onely , and not by admission of the people ; and that there is no authoritie vnder god to chasten them . these you call absurd paradoxes ; and herewith you settle your self to shewe in the next chapter , what good successe hath insued the deposition of princes . concerning your protestation , wee may say vnto you as isaac said to his sonne iacob n . the voice is iacobs voice , but the hands are the hands of esau : you speake faire , and therewith also well ; but the maine drift of your discourse , is nothing else but a tempestuous doctrine of rebellion and disorder : you being therein like the boatman , who looketh one waie and pulleth another ; or rather like the image of ianus , which looked two contrarie waies at once . it is a rule in lawe ; that a protestation contrarie to a mans act , will not serue to relieue him o : onlie this shal serue to conuince you , either of false or of forgetful dealing , when we come to that place where in flat words you maintaine the contrarie . concerning the querele which you lay against billaie ; as i haue not seene what he hath written , so wil i not interpose betweene him and you . i neuer heard of christian prince who challenged infinite authoritie without limitation of any law , either natural or diuine . but where you terme it an absurd paradoxe , that the people should not haue power to chasten their prince , and vpon iust considerations to remoue him ; i am content to ioine with you vppon the issue . and first i note the maner of your dealing , in that you haue omitted to expresse what these iust considerations may be . for seeing there hath bin no king , who is not noted of some defects ; and againe , no tyrant , who hath not manie commendable partes ( as plutarch writeth p that dionysius excelled most princes in diuers pointes of iustice and vertue ) it is a matter of dangerous consequence , to leaue these considerations vndetermined and at large . but who seeth not , that you do it out of pollicie , that you may vpon euerie particular occasion , declare such causes to be sufficient as you please ? how then doe you proue , that vpon anie cause , the people haue power to dispossesse their prince ? this is plaine ( you say ) not onlie by the groundes before by you alleaged , but also by example of y● romans & graecians . the grounds by you alleaged , are two . one in your first chapter , that because no one forme of gouernment is natural , the people haue power both to choose , and to change , and to limit it as they please . the other ground is in this chapter ; that because there are diuers lawes and customes in matters of principalitie , it sufficeth not to alleage bare propinquitie of bloud . why ; but had you no text of scripture , no father of the church to alleage ? no lawe ? no reason ? no better example ? no surer grounde ? it is more then this which you bring against your selfe , in citing out of saint peter q ; the lord knoweth to reserue the vniust vnto the daie of iudgement ; and especiallie them that despise gouernment , and speake euill of those that are in dignitie . and out of saint iude r : likewise these dreamers despise gouernment , and speake euill of them that are in authoritie . besides also , you haue alleaged out of saint s paule : let euerie soule be subiect vnto the higher power ; for there is no power but of god : whosoeuer therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist shall receiue to themselues iudgment . and likewise out of s. peter : t submit your selues to euerie humane creature , whether it be to the king , or vnto gouernors ; for so is the will of god. to which places we maie likewise ad that , which s. paule did write vnto titus u : put them in remembrance that they be obedient to the principalities & powers . and writing to timothy * he exhorteth vs also to praie for them , that we may leade vnder them a peaceable life . but perhaps you wil say , that the apostles did not meane this of wicked princes . trifler : the apostles spake generallie of al : saint . peter x maketh expresse mention of euil lords . and what princes haue euer bin more either irreligious or tyrannical , then caligula , tiberius , nero , the infamie of their ages , vnder whose empire the apostles did both liue and write . bellarmine the great master of controuersies perceiuing this to be vnanswerablie true , did in another sort rather cut then vntie the knot : affirming y that at that time it was necessarie to admonish the christians to performe obedience to their kings , least the preaching of the gospel might otherwise be hindred : which is as if in direct tearmes he should haue saide . sir kings : whilest our heads were vnder your girdle , we were content to curry fauour , by preaching obediēce vnto the people : but now we haue got the wind of you ; we must plainlie tel you , that you hold your crownes at their curtesie and fauour ; and haue no power in effect , but as lieutenants general . i know you wil make a sower face at this ; it will go very much against your stomackes ; but there is no remedie , you must take it down ; they are your good lords ; they may dispossesse you . prophane bellarmine : is christian religion a meere policie ? doth it applie it selfe onlie to the present ? doth it turne alwaies with the time ? may the principal professors thereof say , as an infidel moore did , whē he violated the faith which he had giuen vnto christians ? we haue no bone in our tongues that we cannot turne them which way we please . wee seee plainlie that you say so : and it is as plaine , that it was far from the true meaning of the apostles . s. iude z writeth sharpelie against those , who had mens per●ons in admiration because of aduvntage . s. paul also saith * : goe i about to please men ? if i should please men , i were not then the seruant of christ. i wil giue you an example of another time . nabuchadnezzar king of assyria , wasted al palestina ; tooke hierusalem ; slew the king ; burnt the temple ; tooke away the holy vessels and treasure : the residue he permitted to the crueltie and spoile of his vnmerciful soldiers ; who defiled al places with rape , ruine and bloud . after the glut of this butcherie , the people which remained , he led captiue into chaldaea , and there commaunded , that whosoeuer refused to worship his golden image , should be cast into a firie furnace . what crueltie , what impietie is comparable to this ? and yet the prophets ieremiah a and baruch b did write to those captiue iewes , to praie for the prosperitie and life of him , and of baltazar his sonne , that their daies might be vpon earth as the daies of heauen : and ezechiel c both blameth and threatneth zedechia , for his disloialtie in reuolting from nabuchadnezzar , whose homager and tributarie he was . what answere wil you make to this example ? i am wiselie busied to cast forth this question ; what answere can you make , which your owne knowledg will not conuince ? many other places there are in holy scripture , whereby not onely our actions are tied to obedience ; he that doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shal die d : but also our words , thou shalt not speake euill against the ruler of the people e ; yea , our secret thoughts : detract not from the king , no not in thy thought ; for the foules of the aire shall carie thy voice f . the reason hereof is not obscure : because princes are the immediat ministers of god g ; & therefore he called nabuchadnezzar , his seruant h ; & promised him also hire & wages for the seruice which he did i . and the prophet esay k calleth cyrus , a prophane & heathen king , the lords annointed . for , as salomon saith l , the harts of kings are in the hands of the lord : & he stirreth vp the spirit , euen of wicked princes to do his wil m : & ( as iehoshaphat said to his rulers n ) they execute not the will of man , but of the lord. in regard hereof dauid calleth thē gods o ; whereof plato also had some sense , when he said p , a king is in steed of god . and if they do abuse their power , they are not to be iudged by their subiects , as being both inferiour and naked of authoritie , because all iurisdiction within their realme is deriued from thē , which their presence only doth silence & suspend : but god reserueth them to the ●orest trial : horribly and sodainly ( saith the wise man q ) will the lord appeare vnto thē , and a hard iudgment shal they haue . you iesuits do yeeld a blindfold obediēce to your superiours , not once examining either what hee is , or what he doth commād : & although the pope should swarue frō iustice , yet by the canons r , men are bound to performe obedience vnto him , and god only may iudge his doings : and may a king , the lords lieutenant , the lords annointed in the view of his subiects , nay , by the hands of his subiects , bee cast out of state ? may he , as was actaeon , be chased and wooried by his own hounds ? wil you make him of worse conditiō , then the lord of a manor ? then a parish priest ? then a poore schoolemaster , who cannot be remoued by those that are vnder their authoritie and charge ? the law of god cōmandeth that the child should die , for anie contumely done vnto the parents . but what if the father be a robber ? if a murtherer ? if for all excesse of villanies odious & execrable both to god and man ? surely hee deserueth the highest degree of punishment ; & yet must not the son lift vp his hand against him : for , as quintilian saith s , no offence is so great , as to be punished by parricide . but our country is dearer to vs then our selues : & the prince is the father of our country u : whose authoritie , as baldus noteth * , is greater then of parents : and therfore he must not be violated , how impious , how imperious soeuer he be . if hee commaundeth those things that are lawfull , we must manifest our obedience by readie performing . if he inioine vs those actions that are euill ; we must shew our subiection by patient enduring . it is god only who seateth kings in their state ; it is he only who may remoue them . the lord wil set a wise king ouer the people which he loueth , as himselfe doth testifie x . and againe , for the sins of the land the kings are changed y . as therefore wee endure with patience vnseasonable weather , vnfruitful yeares , & other like punishments of god ; so must wee tolerate the imperfections of princes , and quietly expect either reformation , or els a change . this was the doctrine of the ancient christians , euen against their most mortall persecuters . tertullian saith z , for what warre are we not both seruiceable and readie , although vnequall in number , who doe so willingly endure to be slaine ? neither want we strength of number : but god forbid , that religion should be maintained with humane fire . from him also saint cyprian , a most studious reader of tertullian , as saint hierome * noteth , in like maner writeth a : although our people bee exceeding copious , yet it doth not reuenge it selfe against violence : it suffreth . saint augustin saith b : it is a generall paction of humane societie to obey kings . which sentence is assumed into the body of the canon law c . in a word , the current of the ancient fathers is in this point concurrent ; insomuch as among thē all there is not one found , not anie one ; one is a small number ; and yet i say confidently againe , there is not anie one , who hath let fall so loose a speech , as may be strained to a contrarie sense : how then are you of late become , both so actiue & resolute to cut in sunder the reines of obedience , the verie sinewes of gouernment & order ? whence had benedetto palmto , a iesuite , his warrant , to incite william parrie to vndertake the parricide of our queene ? whence did annibal codretto , another iesuite , assure him , that the true church made no question , but that the fact was lawfull ? whence did guignard , a iesuite , terme the butcherie of henry late king of fraunce , an heroicall act , and a gift of the holy ghost ? whence did he write of the king , who now there raigneth : if without armes he cannot be deposed , let men take armes against him ; if by warre it cannot be accomplished , let him bee murthered ? whence did ambrose verade , rector of the colledge of the iesuits in paris , animate barriers ( as he confessed ) to sheath his knife in the kings breast ; assuring him by the liuing god , that he could not execute anie act more meritorious ? whence did the commenter vpon the epitome of confessions , otherwise the seuenth booke of decretals , commend all the iesuits in these termes d , they set vpon tyrants , they pull the cockle out of the lords field ? it is a rule in nature , that one contrarie is manifested by the other . let vs compare then your boisterous doctrine with that of the apostles , and ancient fathers of the church , and we shall find that the one is like the rough spirit , which hurled the heard of swine headlong into the sea ; the other like the stil & soft spirit which talked with elias f . neither was the diuel euer able , vntil in late declining times , to possesse the hearts of christians with these cursed opinions , which doe euermore beget a world of murthers , rapes , ruines & desolations . for tel me , what if the prince , whom you perswade the people they haue power to depose , be able to make & maintaine his partie , as k. iohn and king henry the third did against their barons ? what if other princes , whom it doth concerne , as wel in honor , to see the law of nations obserued , as also in policie , to breake those proceedings which may form precedents against themselues , do adioin to the side ? what if whilest the prince and the people are ( as was the frog and the mouse ) in the heate of their encounter , some other potentate play the kite with them both ; as the turke did with the hungarians ? is it not then a fine peece of policie which you doe plotte ? or is it not a grosse errour to raise these daungers , and to leaue the defence to possibilities doubtfull . goe too , sirs , goe too , there is no christian country , which hath not by your deuises ben wrapped in warres . you haue set the empire on swim with bloud : your fires in france are not ye : extinguished : in polonia & all those large countries , extending from the north to the east , you haue caused of late more battels to be fought , then had ben in 500 yeers before . your practises haue heeretofore preuailed against vs : of late yeers you haue busied your selues in no one thing more , then how to set other christian princes on our necks ; stirring vp such store of enemies against vs , as , like the grashoppers of egipt , g might fill our houses , and couer our whole land , and make more doubt of roome then of resistance . our owne people also you haue prouoked to vnnaturall attempts : you haue exposed our country as a pray , to them that will either inuade or betray it ; supposing belike that you play christs part well , when you may say as christ did , h thinke not that i came to send peace , i came not to send peace but a sword . but when by the power & prouidēce of god , all these attempts haue rather shewen what good hearts you beare towards vs , then done vs any great harme ; when in all these practises you haue missed the mark , now you do take another ●ime : now hauing no hope by extremitie of armes , you indeuour to execute your mallice by giuing dangerous aduise : now you goe about to entangle vs with titles , which is the greatest miserie that can ●all vpon a state . you pretend faire shewes of libertie & of power , sed timeo danaos & don● ferentes : wee cannot but suspect the courtesies of our enemies : the power which you giue vs will pull vs downe ; the libertie whereof you speake will fetter vs in bondage . when themistocles came to the persian court , artab●nus captaine of the guard , knowing that hee would vse no ceremonie to their king , kept him out of presence , and said vnto him : you grecians esteeme vs barbarous , for honouring our kings , but we persians esteeme it the greatest honour to vs that can be . the like answere will we frame vnto you : you iesuits account it a bondage to be obedient vnto kings ; but wee christians account it the greatest meanes for our continuance both free and safe . to the third chapter , which is intitledof the great reuerence and respect due to kings , and yet how diuers of them , haue ben lawfully chastised by their common wealthes for their misgouernment , & of the good & prosperous successe that god commonly hath giuen to the same , and much more to the putting back of an vnworthie pretender . that princes may bee chastised by their subiects , your proofes are two : one is drawen from certaine examples ; the other from the good successe and successors which vsuallie haue followed . surely it cannot be but that you stand in a strong conceite , either of the authoritie of your woord , or simplicitie of our iudgement ; otherwise you could not bee perswaded , by these slender threds to draw any man to your opinion . of the force of examples i haue spoken before ; there is no villanie so vile which vvanteth example . and yet most of the examples which you doe bring , are either false , or else impertinent . for there haue beene diuers states , wherein one hath borne the name & title of king , without power of maiestie . as the romanes in the time of their consulate estate , had alwaies a priest , whom they entitled king , whose office consisted in certaine ceremonies & sacrifices , which in former times could not be performed but by their kings . likewise the lacedaemonians , after licurgus had formed their gouernment retained two kings , who had no greater stroke in matters of state , then a single voice as other senators . such were in caesars time many pettie kings of gaule , who ( as ambiorix king of leige confessed ) were subiect to their nobilitie , & iusticeable by them . such are now the emperours of almaine ; because the puissance & maiestie of the empire pertaineth to the states , who are sworne to the empire it selfe , and not to the person of the emperour . such are also the dukes of venice , the soueraignetie of vvhich state is setled in the gentlemen . in these and such like gouernments , the prince is not soueraigne , but subiect to that part of the common wealth , which retaineth the royaltie and maiestie of state , whether it be the nobilitie , or common people : and therefore your examples drawen from them is nothing to our purpose . concerning successe , it cannot bee strange vnto you , that by the secret , yet iust iudgement of god , diuers , euill actions are carried with apparance of good successe the prophet dauid said , a that his treadings had almost slipt , by seeing the wicked to flourish in prosperitie : the prophet ieremiah b seemed also to stagger vpon this point & it hath alwaies ben a dangerous stone in the way of the godly , whereat manie haue stumbled , and some fallen . besides , it ordinarily happeneth that good princes succeede tyrants ; partly because they are so indeede , as being instructed to a better mannage of gouernment , both by the miserable life of their predecessors , and by the o●gly infamie which remaineth after their death : partly because by meanes of the comparison they both seeme , and are reported to bee farre better then they are . heerevpon lampridius saith of alexander seuerus : c i may also say , that alexander was a good prince by feare ▪ for that heltogab●lus his predecessor was both an euill prince , and also massacred and slaine . seing therefore the reason is so manifest , wherefore good princes should succeede tyrants , is it not rashnesse ? is it not impudencie ? is it not impietie for vs to wade with vncleane feete into gods secret counsells , vnknowne to the angells , and to iustifie vpon this euent the paricide of any prince ? for my part , i know not whether you shew your selfe more presumptuous in entering into this obseruation , or in pursuing it more idle and impure . i will passe ouer your protestation of respect and obedience due vnto princes : protest what you please , wee will take you for no other then a vile ●inde of vermine , which , if it bee permitted to creepe into the bowels of any state , will gnaw the hart strings thereof in sunder . this you manifest by the course comparison which presently you annexe , that as a naturall body hath authoritie , to cure the head if it be out of tune , and reason to cut it off oftentimes , if it were able to take another ; so a body politick hath power to cure or cut off the head , if it be vnsound . but what either will or power hath any part of the body in it selfe ? what either sence for the one , or motion for the other , which proceedeth not altogether from the head ? where is the reason seated which you attribute to the body , both in iudging and curing the infirmities of the head ? certaine it is , that in your cutting cure you deale like a foolish phisition , who finding a body halfe taken and benummed with a palsie , cutteth off that part to cure the other , and so make sure to destroy both . you suppose belike that to enter into greater perills , is the onely remedie of present dangers . i omit to presse many points of this comparison against you , because comparisons do serue rather to illustrate then inforce : and i know not what assertion you might not easely make good , if such sencelesse prating might goe for proofe . i come now to your particular examples , wherof the first is of king saule ; whom you affirme to be depriued and put to death for his disobedience . saule depriued and put to death ? i neuer heard that any of his subiects did euer lift vp one thought against him . dreamer , you will say , hee was slaine by the philistimes : good ; but who depriued him ; it was god ( you say ) who did depriue him ? you must pardon vs if vpon the sodaine wee doe not conceiue the misterie of your meaning : your vvords of depriuation and putting to death , doe rather import a iudiciall proceeding against him , thē that god deliuered him to be vanquished , by his enemies in the field . but vvhat is this to dispossessing by subiects ? yes , you say , because vvhat soeuer god hath put in vre in his common vvealth , may be practised by others . why , but then also good princes may be deposed by their subiects ; because god deliuered iosiah to be slaine by the aegiptians . you firebrands of strife , you trumpets of sedition , you red horses vvhose sitters haue taken peace from the earth , d how impudently doe you abuse the scriptures ? how doe you defile them vvith your filchie fingers ? it is most certaine that dauid knew , both because samuel tould him , and because he had the spirit of prophesie , that god had reiected saul , and designed him to be king in his place : yet his doctrine was alwaies , not to touch the lords anoin●ed , wherto his actions vvere also answerable . for vvhen saul did most violently persecute him , he defended himselfe no otherwise then by flight . during this pursuit , saul fell twice in to his power ; once he dyd not onely spare but protect him , and rebuke the pretorian soldiers for their negligent vvatch : the other time his hart did smite him , for that he had cut away the lappe of his garment . lastly , he caused the messenger to be slaine , vvho vpon request , and for pittie , had furthered ( as he said ) the death of that sacred king. wee haue a precept of obedience , vvhich is the mould vvherein vvee ought to fashion our actions . god onely is superiour to princes ; vvho vseth many instruments in the execution of his iustice , but his aucthoritie he hath committed vnto none . your second example is of king amon , vvho vvas slaine ( as you vvright ) by his owne people ; because he vvalked not in the vvayes of the lord. this is somewhat indeed if it be true ; let vs turne to the text . f amon was xxii . yeeres ould when he began to reigne &c. and he did euill in the sight of the lord &c. and his seruants conspired against him , & slew him in his house , and the people smote all those who conspired against king amon , and made iosiah his sonne king in his stead . but this is very different from that which you report . amon was slaine by his seruants , and not by the people ; who were so far from working , that they seuerely reuenged his death . and although amon was euill , yet the scripture laieth not his euill for the motiue whervpon his seruants slue him . the diuell himselfe in alleaging the scripture , vsed more honestie & sinceritie ( if i may so terme it ) then you : for he cited the very vvords , vvresting them onely to a crooked sence : but you change the vvords of the scripture ; you counterfeit gods coine , you corrupt the recordes vvhich he hath left vs. i vvill now shake of all respect of ciuilitie towards you , and tell you in flat and open termes ; that as one part of your assertion is true , that good kings succeeded saul and amon ; so the other part , that either they vvere , or in right could haue bene depriued and put to death by their subiects , it is a sacrilegious , a logger-headed lye . of your example of romulus i haue spoken before . i haue declared also how the romanes , presently after the expelling of their kings , & for that cause , were almost ouerwhelmed with the weight of warre ; being beaten home to the very gates of their citie . and had not chocles by a miracle of manhood susteined the shock of the enemies , whilest a bridge was broken behind him , the towne had bene entred and their state ruined . and wheras you attribute the inlargement of the empire , which happened many ages after , to this expelling of their kings , you might as well haue saide , that the rebellion against king iohn was the cause of the victories which wee haue since had in france . i haue before declared , that the state of the romanes vnder their consulls , was popular , rather in shew , then in deede : this shew began also to end , when by the law valeria , l. sylla was established dictator for foure and twentie yeares . after this , the empire did mightely encrease , vntil the reigne of traian● ; at which time all authors agree that it was most large ; and yet far short of your wandring suruey , not halfe fifteene thousand miles in compasse . in your example of caesar , i neuer saw more vntruthes crowded together in fewer words : you say he brake all lawes , both humane and deuine : that is one ; his greatest enemies did giue of him a most honorable testimonie . you say he tooke all gouernment into his hands alone : that is two ; the people by the law seruia elected him perpetual dictator . you make his death to be an act of the state : that is three ; for they who slew him , were both declared & pursued by decree of the state for publicke enemies ; of whom , not any one , either died a naturall death , or liued three yeeres after ; it was further decreed , that the court where he was slaine should be stopped vp , that the ides of march should be called parricidium ; & that the senate should neuer be assembled vpon that day . you say that augustus was preferred in his place : that is foure ; and all within the compasse of sixe lines . augustus was neuer chosen dictator ; suetonius writeth g that hee entreated the people vpon his knee , not to charge him with that office . but augustus , antonius and lepidus did first knit in armes by the name of triumuiri , to reuenge the death of iulius caesar ; whervpon a long cruell and doubtfull warre was set vp , which continued the space of xx . yeers ; first , betweene these three , and the murtherers of caesar ; then , betweene lepidus , and the other two ; lastly betweene augustus & antonius : and this was the sweet successe of the murther of caesar. augustus , after his victorie was made perpetuall tribune , as suetonius hath written h dio. saith , i that he was freed from the power of the lawes ; as pompeie also had beene before him . tacitus addeth , k that the people hauing their hearts broken with broiles , permitted him to rise into rule , and to draw by degrees the whole authoritie of the state into his handes . and so it seemeth that the royall law was not yet established , l by which the people gaue ouer their power in gouernment : wherevpon some make good the sentence which the senate gaue against nere ; because the soueraigntie was not then by any expresse act setled in the emperour . but where you bring the succession of vespasian as a good successe of this sentence against nero , it is a vvilde and witlesse vntruth . galba succeeded next after nero ; who was slaine in a sedition raised by otho . otho againe was ouercome in field by vitellius ; whervpon hee slue himselfe . lastly , vitellius was ouerthrowne and slaine by the captaines of vespasian ; who was the fourth emperour after nero. these intestine warres , these open battailes fought to the full , this slaughter of emperours , which you terme interludes , vvere the immediate successe after the death of nero. you furies of hell , whose voices are lightening and thunder , vvhose breathing is nothing but sword , fire , rages and rebellions : the encountring of armies , the butcherie of millions of men , the massacre of princes , you accompt enterludes : these are your pleasures ; these your recreations . i hope all christian common vvealthes vvill beare an eye ouer your inclination , and keepe out both your persons and perswasions , from turning their state into an open stage for the acting of these enterludes . you continue your base bouldnesse in affirming , that the senate procured the death of domitian ; that they requested the soldiers to kil heliogabalus ; that they inuited constantine to come & doe iustice vpon maxentius : this broken kinde of disguising is familiar vnto you , to make such violencies as haue often preuailed against excellēt princes , to seeme to be the act of the vvhole state . and vvheras you bring the succession of alexander seuerus for a good successe of the murther of heliogabalus , being the rarest prince ( you say ) that euer the romanes had ; you might haue alleaged any author in proofe thereof better then herodian , vvho vvriteth of him in this manner . m alexander did beare the name and ensignes of the empire ; but the administration of affaires & gouernment of the state did rest vpon wemen . and further he vvriteth that by his slacknesse and cowardice , the romane armie vvas defeated by the persians ; & finally , that for his vvant of courage , he vvas slaine by his owne soldiers . by this vve may see that you goe blindfold ; being so far from caring , that many times you scarce know vvhat you vvright . your markable example ( as you terme it ) of the change o● the empire , frō the west to the east ; frō cōstantin the sixt , to charles king of france , doth mark out nothing more vnto vs , then your foūdred iudgemēt . the questiō is not what one forren prince may do against another , but what subiects may do against their soueraign : this is the point of cōtrouersie , heete you must cloase ; and not trauerse about in discourses impertinent . the change of the kingdome of france from childeric to pepin , your owne authour girard n affirmeth to be , both an ambitious & fraudulēt vsurpation , wherin pepin vsed the reuerēce of religiō as a mantle to couer his impietie & rebelliō . the matters which he obiected against childeric were two ; first , his insufficiēcie , the ordinarie pretence of most rebellions ; but girard , o saith , that the auncient custome of the french was , to loue & honor their kings , whether sufficient or vnable , worthie or weake ; & that the name of king vvas esteemed sacred , by whomsoeuer it was borne . secondly he obiected , that his subiects were condicionally sworne vnto him ; & this also girard writeth to be a forced and cautelous interpretation , violently streining the words of their oath to his aduantage : and in deede , if the oath of the people had ben conditionall , vvhat needed they to procure a dispensation for the same ? this vvas the first act ( saith he ) wherby the popes tooke occasion to set in their foot of authoritie , for transporting of kingdoms from one race to another : which growing to strength , hath filled all christian countries with confusion and tumult . likewise the change of that kingdome from the line of pepin to the line of capet , vvas a meere violence & intrusion , & so vvas it acknowledged by eudes earle of paris , the first of that family vvho did vsurp : & for that cause he was constreined after two yeares reigne , to quit the crowne , & to giue place vnto charles the lawfull heire . and vvhen robert , brother vnto eudes , did enter into armes to recouer that vvhich his brother once held , he vvas beaten downe and slaine by the faithfull subiects of king charles . hugh , the sonne of robert nourished this ambition : but hugh capet his sonne vvith better both opportunitie & successe , but no better right , did accomplish the enterprise . for girard q calleth him an vsurper , & charles duke of lorrane the true heire to the crowne . between these two ( as in all vsurpations it is vsuall ) vvar vvas raised ; but by the vnsearchable iudgement of god the duke of lorraine vvas cast to the ground . and there is little doubt , but , if he had preuailed , lorraine had bene at this day a member of the crowne of france . the like answer may be giuen to your example of suintilla : & this beside ; that the kingdom of the gothes in spaine , vvas not then setled in succession , & chiefly during the reigne of victeric , gundemir , sisebuth , suintilla , sicenand , cinthilla , and tulca . the historie of alphonso , another of your examples , standeth thus . alphonso had a sonne called ferdinand , who died during the life of his father , & left two yong sons behinde him . after the death of ferdinand , his yonger brother sancho practised with d. lope diaz de haro lord of biscay , to procure him to be aduanced to the successiō of the kingdom , before his nephewes . d. lope vndertoke the deuise ; & drawing some other of the nobilitie to the partie , they so wrought with the king , that in an assembly of the states at segouia , sancho was declared successor , & the childrē of ferdinand appointed to be kept in prison . but sancho , either impatiēt to linger in expectatiō , or suspicious that his father grew inclinable towards his nephewes , made league with mahomed mir , king of granado , a moore ; by whose ayde , & by the nobilitie of his faction , he caused him selfe to be declared king . heerevpon , alphonso was enforced to craue assistance of iacob aben ioseph king of maroco , who before had bene an enemie to alphōso : but vpon detestatiō of this vnnatural rebelliō , he sent forces to him , protesting notwithstāding that so soone as the war should be ended , he wold become his enemie againe . so alphonso by help , partly of the marocco moores , & partly of his subiects which remained loyall , maintained against his sonne both his title & state during his lyfe , but not without extremitie of bloudshed ; & opportunitie for the moores , being assistāt to both parties , to make themselues more strong within the countries of spaine . for this cause alphonso disinherited his sonne by his testament , and cast a cruell cursse vpon him & his posteritie : & afterward it vvas ordeined in an assembly of the states holden at tero , that the childrē of the elder brother deceased , should be preferred before their vnckle . how then will you verifie your two points by this historie ? first , that alphonso vvas depriued by a publick act of parlament : secondly , that it turned to the great cōmoditie of the state . it is not a milliō of masses that are sufficiēt to satisfie for all your deceitful & malicious vntruthes . i meruaile how the rebellion of absolon , against king dauid his father escaped you : oh ; it wanted successe ; & you could not so easily disguise the report . you write that the common wealth of spaine , resoluing to depose d. pedro the cruell , sent for his brother henry out of france , & required him to bring a strength of frenchmen with him : but hereby you make it plain , that the common wealth was not fully agreed . the truth is , that this was a dangerous deuisiō of the state , between two concurrents ; some holding for henry , & some for pedro. henry obtained forren asistance by the french , pedro by the english . in the meane time , whilst peter was throwen out of state by the forces of france , & after that henry by the armes of england ; & againe peter deiected both from dignitie and life by his brother henry ; the poore country became a spectacle for one of your enterludes . your example of don sancho capello king of portugal , containeth many intollerable vntruthes . for neither was he depriued of his dignitie , neither did the pope & counsell of lions giue either authoritie or consent that he should be depriued ; neither was he driuen out of his realme into castilla ; neither died he in banishmēt ; neither was alphonso his brother king during his life . these fiue vntruths you huddle into one heape . the counsaile of lions wholy opposed against the deposing of don sancho , notwithstanding many disabilities were obiected against him : in regard wherof they gaue directiō , that alphonso his brother should be regent of the realme ; as in that case it is both vsuall & fit . but sancho taking this to dislike , did seeke aide of the king of castile ; & in that pursuite ended his life without issue : wherby the right of succession deuolued to alphonso . to your examples of greeke emperours , i will answer by your words ; which are ; r that for the most part they came not orderly to the crowne , but many times the meanes thereof were tribulent and seditious . the deposing of henry king of polonia , i acknowledge to be both true & iust ; i haue nothing to except against it . when the crowne of france did discend vnto him , he forsooke polonia , & refused to return again to that swaggering gouernment , wherevpon they did depose him . giue vs the like case , & you shal be allowed the like proceeding ; but you esteeme your examples by tale & not by touch : being not much vnlike a certaine mad fellow in athens , who imagined euery ship which was brought into the hauen to be his : for vvhatsoeuer you finde of a king deposed , you lay claime vnto it , as both lawfully done , and pertayning to your purpose , whereas one of these doth alwaies faile . concerning your two examples , one of sueden , and the other of denmarke , i shall haue occasion to speake hereaf●er . the nobility of those countries pretēd , that their kings are not soueraigne , but that the power in highest matters of state pertaineth vnto them . if it bee thus , the examples are not appliable to the question , if it be otherwise , then the princes had wrong . wee are come now to our domesticall examples ; the first whereof is that of king iohn , who was deposed by the pope , you say , at the suite of his owne people . all this people was the archbishop of cant. the bish . of london , and the bish . of ely ; at whose cōplaint , the pope did write to phillip king of france , that hee should expell king iohn out of his realme . if not conscience , if not ordinarie honestie , pure shame should haue drawen you to another forme of writing . hee was also depriued ( you say ) afterwards by his barons . heauy beast ; call you this a depriuation ? the commons were neuer called to consent ; the clergie were so opposite to those that stoode in armes against king iohn , that they procured excommunication against them : first generally ; then by name ; lastly , lewes the french kings sonne was also included : of the nobilitie , which is onely the third state of the realme , i make no doubt but some reserued themselues to bee guided by successe ; others , and namely the earles of warren , arundell , chester , penbrooke , ferrers , salisburie , and diuers barons did openly adhere vnto king iohn ; you may as well call any other rebellion a depriuation , as affirme that the rest either did or might depriue him . and whereas you bring in king henry the third , as a most worthie successour after this depriuation ; i will derogate nothing from his worthinesse : but there was neuer king in england , who without concurrent in the title of the crowne , did draw more bloud out of the sides of his subiects . your second example is of king edward the second , whom many of our histories report to bee of a good and courteous nature and not vnlearned ; imputing his defectes rather to fortune , then either to counsell or carriage of his affaires . his deposition was a violent furie , led by a vvife , both cruell & vnchast ; & can with no better countenance of right be iustified , then may his lamentable both indignities and death , vvhich therupon did ensue . and although the nobilitie , by submitting thēselues to the gouerment of his sonne , did breake those occasions of wars which doe vsually rise vpon such disorders , yet did not the hand of god forget to pursue reuenge . for albeit king edward his son enioyed both a long & prosperous raign , yet his next successor king richard the second , vvas in the like violent manner imprisoned depriued & put to death . i will prosecute the successiue reuenge which heereof also ensued , being a strange matter , & worthie to be rung into the eares of all ages . king henry the fourth , by whom king richard was deposed , did exercise the chiefest acts of his raigne , in executing those who conspired with him against king richard. his son had his vertue well seconded by felicity ; during whose raigne by meanes of the wars in france , the humour against him was otherwise imployed & spent : but his next successor king henry the sixth was in the very like manner depriued , & together with his yong son edward imprisoned and put to death by king edward the fourth . this edward died not without suspiciō of poison ; & after his death , his two sons were in like maner disinherited , imprisoned & murthered by their cruell vnkle , the duke of glocester : who being both a tyrant and vsurper , was iustly encountred and slaine , by king henry the seauenth , in the field . so infallible is the law of iustice in reuenging cruelties and wrongs , not alwaies obseruing the presence of times wherein they are done , but often calling them into reckoning ; whē the offenders retaine least memorie of them . likewise the deposition of king richard the second was a tempestuous rage , neither led nor restrained by any rules of reason or of state ; not sodainely raised and at once , but by very cunning and artificiall degrees . but examine his actions vvithout distempred iudgement , & you will not condemne him to be exceeding either insufficient or euill weigh the imputations that were obiected against him , and you shall find nothing either of any truth or of great moment . hollingshead writeth , that he was most vnthankfully vsed by his subiects ; for although , through the frailtie of his youth , he demeaned himselfe more dissolutely , then was agreeable to the royaltie of his estate , yet in no kings daies , the commons were in greater wealth , the nobilitie more honoured , and the clergie lesse wronged : vvho notwithstanding in the euill guided strength of their will tooke head against him , to their owne headlong destruction afterward : partly during the raign of king henry , his next successor , whose greatest atchiuements were against his owne people ; but more especially in succeeding times , whē vpon occasiō of this disorder , more english bloud was spent , thē was in all the forren wars which had ben since the cōquest . three causes are commonly insinuated by you , for which a king may be deposed ; tyranny , insufficiencie , & impietie : but what prince could hold his state , what people their quiet assured , if this your doctrine should take place ? how many good princes doth enuie brand with one of these markes ? what action of state can be so ordred , that either blind ignorance or set mallice wil not easely straine to one of these heads ? euery execution of iustice , euery demand of tribute or supply shall be claimed tyrannie : euery infortunate euent shall be exclaimed insufficiencie : euery kind of religion shall by them of another sect , be proclaimed impietie . so dangerous it is to permit this high power to a heedlesse and headlesse multitude , who measure things , not by reason and iustice , but either by opinion , which commonly is partiall ; or else by report , which vsually is full of vncertainties and errors : the most part doing because others doe ; all easie to become slauish to any mans ambitious attempt . so dangerous it is to open our eares to euery foolish phaetō , who vndertaking to guid the chariot of the sun will soone cast the whole earth into combustion . you proceede that king henry the sixth was also deposed for defectes in gouernment . let vs yeeld a little to you , that you may bee deceiued ; a little that you may be carried by your affections ; how can you excuse these open vntruthes , wherein it cannot bee but the diuell hath a finger ? you cannot bee ignorant , that the onely cause which drevv the familie of yorke into armes against king henry , vvas the title which they had vnto the crowne : by vertue whereof , it vvas first enacted , that richard duke of yorke should succeed king henry , after his death : but for that hee made vnseasonable attempts , he was declared by parlament incapable of succession , and afterwards slaine at the battaile of wakefield . then edward his sonne , prosecuting the enterprise , & hauing vanquished king henry at the battaile of s. albons , obtained possession of the state , caused king henrye to be deposed , and himselfe to be proclaimed & crowned king . afterward he vvas chased out of the realme , and by act of parlament both depriued and disabled from the crowne . lastly he returned againe , and depriued king henrye both from gouernment & from life . it is true , that some defects vvere obiected against king henry ; but this was to estrāge the harts of the peple frō him . the main cause of the war did proceed , frō the right of the one partie , & possessiō of the other : the contrarietie of the acts of parlament vvas caused , by the alternatiue victories of them both . your last example is of king richard the third , of vvhom you vvright ; first , that although he sinned in murthering his nephewes , yet after their death hee vvas lawfull king : secondly , that he was deposed by the common wealth , who called out of france henry earle of richmond , to put him downe , philosophers say that dreames doe commonly arise , by a reflection of the phantasie vpon some subiect , wherof we haue meditated the daie before . it may be y● your drowsie conceit vvas here cast into a dreame , of that vvheron it had dozed in all this chapter : or at the best , that you are like vnto those , vvho haue so often tould a lie , that they perswade themselues it is true . king edward the fourth left other children besides those that were murthered ; the duke of clarence also , vvho vvas elder brother to king richard , lest issue in life ; all vvhich had precedence of right before him . and as for the second point , tell mee i pray you , by vvhat parlament vvas king richard deposed ? vvher did the states assemble ? vvhen did they send for the earle of richmond to put him down ? by what decree ? by vvhat messengers ? ther is no answer to be made , but one ; and that is , to confesse ingenuously , that you say vntrue ; & that it is your vsuall manner of deceiuing , to impute the act of a few vnto all ; & to make euerie euent of armes , to be a iudicial proceeding of the common wealth . for it is manifest , that the earle of richmond had his first strēgth from the king of france ; & that after his discent into england , more by halfe , both of the nobilitie & common people did stand for king richard , then stirre against him . you adioyne for a speciall consideration , that most excellent princes succeeded these vvhom you affirme to be deposed . i vvill nor extenuate the excellencie of any prince ; but i hould it more vvorthie to be considered , that these disorders spent england a sea of bloud . in the ende you conclude , that all these depriuations of princes vvere lawfull . nay ; by your fauour ; if you sweat out your braines , you shall neuer euince , that a fact is lawfull beecause it is done . yes ( you say ) for othervvise two great inconueniences vvould follow ; one , that the actes of those that vvere put in their place , should be voide and vniust : the other , that none vvho now pretend to these crownes , could haue any tytle , ●or that they descend from them , vvho succeeded those that were depriued . you deserue now to be basted with words vvell stiped in vineger and salt : but i will be more charitable vnto you , and leaue bad speaches to black mouthes . for the first , the possession of the crowne purgeth all defects , and maketh good the actes of him that is in authoritie , although he vvanteth both capacitie and right . and this doth vlpian expressely determine t vpon respect ( as he saith ) to the common good . for the other point , the successors of an vsurper , by course and compasse of time , may prescribe a right ; if they vvho haue receiued wrong , discontinue both pursuit and claime . p●normitane saith : u successor in dignitate potest praescribere , non abstante vitio sui praedecessor is : a successor in dignitie may prescribe , notwithstāding the fault of his predecessor : otherwise , causes of vvar should be immortall , and titles perpetually remaine vncertaine . now then for summarie collection of all that you haue saide ▪ your protestations are good ; your proofes light and loose ; your conclusions both dangerous & false . the first doth sauour of god ; the second of man ; the third of the diuell . to the fourth chapter which beareth tytle . wherein consisteth principally the lawfulnesse of proceeding against princes , which in the former chapter is mencioned , what interest princes haue in their subiects goods or liues ; how oathes doe binde or may bee broken , of subiects towards their princes ; and finally the difference betweene a good king and a tyrant . heere you cloase with billaye vpon two points ; first , vvhether a king is subiect to any law ; secondly , whether all temporalities are in proprietie the kings : but because these questions doe little perteine to our principall controuersie , i vvill not make any stay vpon them ; it suffiseth that vve may say vvith seneca a omnia rex imperio possidet , singuli domino : the king hath empire , euery man his particular proprietie in all things . after this , you proceede further to make good , that the princes before mencioned vvere lawfully deposed ; and that by all law ; both diuine and humane , naturall , nationall and positiue . your cause is so badd , that you haue need to set a bould countenance vpon it . but what deuine lawes doe you alleage ? you haue largely beefore declared ( you saye ) that god doth approoue the forme of gouernmēt vvhich euery common wealth doth choose , as also the conditions and statutes which it doth appoint vnto her prince . i must now take you for a naturall lyer , when you wil not forbeare to bely your selfe : you neuer proued any such matter ; & the contrary is euident , that sometimes entire gouernments ; often , customes & statutes of state ; & very commonly accidentall actiōs , are so vnnaturall & vniust , that ( otherwise then for a punishment and curse ) wee cannot say that god doth approue thē . we haue often heard that the church cannot erre in matters of faith ; but that in matter of gouerment a cōmon wealth cannot erre , it was neuer ( i assure my selfe ) published before . but let vs suppose ( supposall is free ) that god alloweth that forme of gouernment which euery common wealth doth choose : doth it therfore follow that by all deuine lawes princes may be deposed by their subiects ? these broken peeces will neuer bee squared to forme strong argument . but wherefore doe not you produce the deuine canons of scripture ? surely , they abhorre to speake one word in your behalfe : yea , they doe giue expresse sentence against you , as i haue shewed before . well let this passe among your least escapes , in making god either the author or aider of rebelliō : you alledge no other humane law , but that princes are subiect vnto law and order . i vvill not denie but ther is a duty for princes to performe : but how proue you that their subiects haue power to depose them if they faile ? in this manner . as the common vvealth gaue them their authoritie for the common good , so it may also take the same away , if they abbuse it . but i haue manifested before c , both that the people may so graunt away their authoritie that they cannot resume●t ; & also that few princes in y● world hold their state by graunt of the people . i will neuer heereafter esteeme a mans valure by his voice : your braue boast of all lawes , diuine , humane , naturall , nationall and positiue , is disolued into smoake : you busie your selfe as the poets wright of morpheus , in presenting shadowes to men a sleepe . but the chiefest reason ( you say ) the very ground and foundation of all . soft : what reason ? what ground ? if you haue alreadie made proofe by all lawes , humane and deuine , naturall , nationall and positiue , what better reason ? what surer ground will you bring ? tush : these interruptions . the chiefest reason ( you say ) the very ground and foundation of all is , that the common wealth is superiour to the prince ; and that the authoritie which the prince hath , is not absolute , but by the way of mandate and commission from the common wealth . this is that which i expected all this time : you haue hetherto approached by stealing steps , you are now come cloase to the wall , do but mount into credit and the fort is your owne . you affirmed at the first , that princes might be deposed for disabilitie ; then , for misgouernmen● ; now , vpon pleasure and at will. for they who haue giuen authoritie by cōmission , doe alwaies retaine more then they graunt ; d & are not excluded either frō commanding or iudging , by way of preuention , concurrence , or evocation ; euen in those cases which they haue giuen in charge e : the reason is declared by vlpian f . because hee to whom iurisdiction is committed representeth his person who gaue commission , and not his owne . herevpon alexander g , panormitane h , innocentius , and felinus i doe affirme , that they may cast their commissioners out of power when they please , because as paulus saith k ; a man can iudge no longer , when he forbiddeth who gaue authoritie . further , all states take denomination from that part wherin the supreme power is setled ; as if it bee in one prince , it is called a monarchie ; if in many of highest ranck , then it is an aristocracie ; if in the people , then a democracie . whervpon it followeth ; if the people are superiour to the prince , if the prince hath no power but by commission from them , that then all estates are populare : for we are not so much to respect who doth execute this high power of state , as from whō immediately it is deriued . hereto let vs ad that which you haue said in another place l ; that in populare gouernments there is nothing but sedition , trouble , tumults , outragies & iniustices vpon euery light occasiō ; & thē we shall perceiue ; first , that you want the art of a wise deceiuer , not to be entangled in your tale ; secondly , that this is meere poison , which the diuell hath dropt out of your pen , to infect christian coūtries with disobedience & disorder . in a word , to the contrary of this your impudent vntruth , our laws do acknowledge supreme authority in the prince within the realme & dominions of england m , neither can subiects beare thēselues either superior or equall to their soueraigne ; or attempt violence either against his persō or estate , but as well the ciuill law n , as the particulare lawes & customes of all countries do adiudge it high & hainous treasō . i will speake now without passion ; what reason haue we , to accept your idle talk for a kind of authority , against the iudgement & lawes of most nations in the world ? you proceede that the power of a prince is giuen to him by the common wealth , with such conditions & exceptions , as if the same be not kept , the people stand free . that the prince receiueth his power vnder plain conditiōs , you go about to proue afterward : now you hold on , that in all mutual contracts , if one side recede from promise , the other remaineth not obliged ▪ & this you proue by two rules of the law . the first is o ; he doth in vaine require promise to be kept of another man , to whom he refuseth to performe that which he promised : the other is p a man is not bound to performe his oath , if on the other part , that be not performed , in respect whereof he did sweare . poore fellow , had you ben as conuersant in the light of law , and cleere course of iustice , as you are in the smoake & dust of some corner of a colledge , you wold neuer haue concluded so generally so confidētly vpō any of the rules of law , which are subiect , for the most part , vnto many exceptions . alexander q & felinus r doe assigne fiue fallencies vnto these rules : socinus s giueth the cootrarie rule : to him that breaketh his faith or oath , faith ought to bee kept ; & thē restraineth it with seauē limitations . but all affirme , that in those offices which are mutuall between any persōs , by the law of nature or of god ; as between the father & the child , the husband & the wife , the master & the seruant , the prince and the subiect ; although the same be further assured by promise or by oath , the breach of duty in the one , is no discharge vnto the other . and therfore if the father performeth not his duty towards his children , they are not thereby acquitted both of the obedience & care , which god & nature exacteth of them ; howsoeuer solon in his lawes discharged children from nourishing their parents , if they did not traine them in some trade , wherby they might acquire their liuing . much lesse are subiects exempted from obedience , if the prince either erre or be defectiue in gouernment : because the like respect is not due vnto parents as vnto princes ( as i haue somewhat touched before ) insomuch as a sonne that beareth authoritie , hath right both to commaūd and compell the father . t this was declared among the romanes , by that which plutarch u , liuie x , valerius y , and gellius a , doe report of q. fabius : to whome , being consull , when fabius maximus his father , who had bene consull the yeare before , did approch sitting vpon his horse , the sonne commanded him by a sergeant to allight : the father not onely obeyed , but highly commended both the courage and iudgement of his sonne , in maintaining the maiestie which he did beare , and in preferring a publicke both dutie and authoritie beefore priuate . vpon those examples paulus the lawier did wright , z that publick discipline was in higher estimation among the romane parents , then the loue of children . after an impertinēt discourse , that vpon diuers cōsiderations an oath ought not to be performed ; you annex another cause wherefore subiects may withdraw their alleageāce ; & that is , when it should turne to the notable dammage of the common wealth and both these you affirme to be touched , in the depriuation of childeric king of france . but i regard not what was touched in the depriuation of childeric ; i haue answered to that in the chapter next before ; i require either arguments or authoritie of more tough temper . well then let vs turne back the leafe , and there we shall finde a rule of the law ( because by rules onely you will beat down rule ) a in euill promises it is not expedient to keepe faith : which is also confirmed by a sentence of isidorus : b in euill promises , break your word ; in a dishonest oath change your purpose . well fare your vvits , good soule ; doe you accompt the promise of obedience euill ? not so ( i suppose you will say ) but it turneth to be euill vvhen it turneth to the notable detrimēt of the commō wealth . it is one of your peculiar guifts , the further you goe , the more impious you declare your selfe . for if you take the word euill in noe higher sence then for detriment and damage , it would follow vpon your rule , that a man vvere no further tyed to his promise , then the performance thereof were aduantageable vnto him . you vvould inforce also , that if the father doth dissipate his patrimoniall estate , and runne a course to ruine his familie , the children and the wife may thervpon disauow their duties . but if vvee take a true touch of this point , we shall finde , that the vices of any prince are not sufficient of themselues to ouerthrow a state , except therevpon rebellions be raised , vvhich vvill draw all things into confusion . for there is no prince , vvhich either hath liued , or can almost be imagined to liue , in so little sence of humanitie , but generally he both fauoureth and maintaineth some order of iustice ; onely against particuler persons , some of them haue violently bene carried by the tempest of their passion , vvhereby notwithstanding the inordinate desires of one man , can not possibly reach to the ruine of all . so saith suetonius , c that vnder domitian the prouinces vvere vvell gouerned , onely certaine priuate men at rome , felt the euill of his crueltie and other vices . but vvhen the people doe breake into tumult , then all course of iustice is stopped ; then is either assistance made , or resistance vveakned for forren inuasion ; then is euery one raysed into hope vvho cannot flye but vvith other mennes feathers ; then , as vvhen a fierce horse hath cast his rider , the reines are loosed to those insolencies , vvhich a dissolute people , nothing restrained either by honestie or feare doe vsually commit . for as it is the nature of men , vvhen they come out of one extremitie vvherin they haue bene houlden by force , to runne vvith a swift course into another , vvithout staying in the middest ; so the people breaking out of tyrannie , if they bee not helde back , vvill runne headlong into vnbrideled libertie ; and the harder they vvere kept vnder beefore , the more insolently vvill they then insult . i obserue that saint paul alleageth two reasons vvherefore vve should be obedient euen to vvicked and cruell princes : one is for conscience sake , beecause they are the ministers of god d , and in their royaltie doe beare his image : another , for the safetie , and tranquillitie of our selues ; that wee may lead vnder them a quiet and peaceable lyfe e . wherevpon the prophet ieremiah also exhorted the iewes , to ●eeke the peace of the cittie vvhether they should be transported , because in the peace therof their quiet should consist : for by obedience , a few particulars remaine in daunger ; by rebellion , all ; by obedience , vve can be vnder the tyrannie but of one ; by rebellion , vve are exposed to the rapine and crueltie of many ; by the one nothing , by the other all things are permitted . vpon this ground saint augustine saide ; g it is a generall couenant of humane societie to obey kings ; and likewise saint ambrose h it is a great and speciall point of doctrine whereby christians are taught to be subiect vnto higher powers . three vvaies a cruell prince may vvork violence against his subiects ; vpon their goods ; vpon their persons ; and vpon their consciences , by commaunding them to commit that which is euil . of the first , saint ambrose saith : i if the emperour demaundeth tribute , wee doe not deny him ; if he desireth fieldes , let him take them if he please : i doe not giue them to the emperour ; but therewith also i doe not deny them . of the second , tertullian vvrighteth k as i haue alleaged him before : for vvhat vvar are vvee vnseruiceable or vnfit , although vnequall in number , vvho doe so vvillingly suffer death : yea , he vvas so farre from iudgeing it lawfull to resist , that he thought it scarce allowable to flye . in the third case , not your rule of law , but the rule of the apostles taketh place , it is better to obey god then man : l vvhereby the subiect is not bound to yeeld obedience . but how ? hee is not bound to obey by doeing , but by suffering hee is : he is not bound to obey in doing that onely vvhich is euill ; but he is not thereby freed from doing any other thing which is lawfully commanded . s. augustine saith m : iulian was an infidell emperour , an apostata ; an idolater ; christian soldiers did serue this infidell emperour ; when hee would haue them worship idols , and offer frankencense vnto them , th●y preferred god before him : but when hee saide ; bring foorth the armie , march against such a nation ; they did presently obey . all this seemeth to bee confirmed by god himselfe , who after hee had forevvarned the people of israell by the mouth of samuell , what heauie , what open iniustice they should endure vnder some of their kings , hee concludeth in these words : and yee shall cry out in that day because of your king , and the lord will not heare you . as if hee had said : you shall grudge at this burthen , you shall grone vnder it ; but you shall not haue power , either to shrinke from it , or to shake it off . surely , if you had been aduised , you would priuily haue blowen your blasphemies into the eares of those ideots , who adore you for the great penitentiaries of the sea of rome , & esteeme your idle imaginations as the articles of their faith : & not so publikely haue poured forth your self into these paradoxes , both impious & absurd ; not so boisterously haue stepped , like hercules furens , vpon the opē stage of the world , to denoūce depriuation against all princes . you would not thus confidently haue opposed your hot headed assertiō against al the ancient fathers of the church . you would not thus ignorantly haue troubled the waters of true humane wisdom , by corrupting the sence of the ciuell laws : you would not thus profanely haue abused the scriptures in maintaining rebellion , as coniurers doe in inuocating the diuell . for first , you are thereby discouered to be , neither religious , modest , nor wise : secondly , you haue runne your selfe into the compasse of a canon , in the councell of chalcedon . q wherein it is thus decreed against you : if clerkes shall be found to be contriuers of conspiracies , or raisers of factions , let them be degraded . after this you declare , who is a tyrant ; and that is a king , ( you say ) if once he doth decline from his dutie : which is a large description , and fit to set all christian countries on floate with bloud . comines saith , that he is to be esteemed a good king , whose vertues are not ouerballanced by vice . i omit your thicke error in putting no difference betweene a magistrate and a king , with many other of like qualitie , and do come now to a principall point of your strength : that christian princes at this day are admitted vpon conditions , and likewise with protestations , that if they do not performe the same , their subiects are free from all alleageance . this you will prooue by the particular oathes of all princes , if the ouerrunning of your tongue may haue the ful course without encounter . to the fifth chapter , which is entitled : of the coronation of princes , and maner of admitting to their authoritie , and the oathes which they do make in the same vnto the common wealth , for their good gouernment . first i will preface ; that no prince is soueraigne , who acknowledgeth himselfe either subiect or accomptable to any but to god ; euen as marcus aurelius said : that magistrates were iudges of priuate men , and the prince of magistrates , and god of the prince . in regard of this immediate subiection , princes are most especially obliged to the lawes of god and of nature : for r baldus , s alexander , t speculator , u all interpreters , w the lawe it selfe , do affirme , that princes are more strictly bound to these lawes , * then any of their subiectes . whereof x dionysius the tyrant had some sence , when he sayd vnto his mother : that he was able to dispence with the lawes of syracusa , but against the lawes of nature he had no power . if therefore a prince doth professe , that he will beare himselfe regardfull o● the accomplishment of these lawes , he doth not condition or restraine himselfe , but maketh an honorable promise of indeuour , to discharge his dutie ; being tyed thereby to no s●anter scope then he was before . the reason hereof is : y quia expressio eius quod tacitè inest , nihil operatur : the expressing of that which is secretly vnderstood , worketh nothing . againe , when the promise is not annexed to the authoritie , but voluntarily and freely made by the prince , his estate is not thereby made conditionall . for the interpreters of the ciuill lawe do consent in this rule : z pacta conuenta quae contractibus non insunt , non formant actionem : couenants which are not inherent in contracts , do not forme an action . * and therefore although by all lawes , both of conscience and state , a prince is bound to performe his promise ; because ( as the maister of sentences saith ) god himself will stand obliged to his word : yet is not the authoritie , but the person of the prince hereby affected ; the person is both tyed and touched in honour , the authoritie ceasseth not , if performances do faile . of this sort was that which you report of traian , who in deliuering the sword to his gouernors , would say : if i raigne iustly , then vse it for me ; if otherwise , then vse it against me : but where you adde , that these are the very same words in effect , which princes do vse at their coronations , ( pardon me , for it is fit i should be mooued ) you will find it to bee a very base 〈◊〉 lye . of this nature was that also which the same traian did , ( to encourage his subiects to do the like ) in taking an oath to obserue the lawes : which pliny the younger did account so strange , as the like before had not bene seene . but afterward , theodoric did follow that fact ; whereupon cassiodorus saith : ecce , traiani nostri clarum seculis reparamus exemplum ; iurat vobis per quem iuratis : we repaire the famous example of traian ; he sweareth to you by whome you sweare . so when king henry the fifth was accepted for successour to the crowne of fraunce , he made promise , to maintaine the parliament in the liberties thereof . and likewise diuers princes do giue their faith , to mainetaine the priuiledges of the church , and not to change the lawes of the realme : which oath is interpreted by * baldus , a panormitane , and b alexander , to extend no further then when the lawes shall be both profitable and iust : because iustice and the common benefit of subiects , is the principal point , both of the oath and dutie of a prince , whereto all other clauses must be referred . and now to your examples . first , because in all the ranke of the hebrew kings , you cannot find either condition or oath ; not : in the auncient empires and kingdomes of the world ; not vsually in the ●lourishing time of the romaine state , both vnder heathen and christian emperors ; because these times are too pure for your purpose , you fumble foorth a dull coniecture : that forsomuch as the first kings were elected by the people , it is like that they did it vpon conditions and assurances for themselues . that the first kings receiued not their authoritie from the people , i haue manifested before c : and yet your inference hereupon is no other , then if you should sue in some court for a legacie , alleadging nothing for your intent , but that it is like the testator shold leaue you something ; in which case it is like ( i suppose ) that your plea wold be answered with a silent scorne . after a few loose speeches , which no man would stoupe to gather together , you bring in the example of anastasius the first emperour of constantinople ; of whom the patriarch euphemius required before his coronation , a confessiō of the faith in writing , wherin he should promise to innouate nothing . and further , he promised to take away certaine oppressions , and to giue offices without mony . let vs take things as they are , and not speake vpon idle imagination , but agreeable to sence : what either condition or restraint do you find in these words ? condition they do not forme , because in case of failance they do not make the authoritie void : neither do they make restraint , because they containe no point , whereunto the lawe of god did not restraine him . all this he was bound to performe without an oath ; and if he were a thousand times sworne , he was no more but bound to perform it : euē as if a father should giue his word to cloath and feede his child ; or the husband to loue his wife ; or any man to discharge that dutie , which god and nature doth require . it is true , that anastasius was both a wicked man , and iustly punished by god for the breach of his faith ; but his subiects did neuer challenge to be free therefore from their alleageance . the same aunswere may be giuen to the promise , which michael the first gaue to nicephorus the patriarch : that he would not violate the ordinances of the church , nor embrue his hands with innocent bloud ; especially if you take the word ordinances for matters necessarie to be beleeued : but if you take it in a larger sence , then haue i also declared in the beginning of this chapter , how farre the promise doth extend . your next example is of the empire of almaine ; from whence all that you obiect , doth fall within this circle . after the death of charles the great , the empire was held by right of succession , vntill his line was determined in conrade the first . after whose death it became came electiue : first in henry duke of saxony , then in otho his son ; and afterwards in the rest : from whom notwithstanding no other promise was wrested , but the discharge of that dutie , which they were enformed , or rather threatned , that god wold seuerely exact at their hands . but ( as in all electiue states it vsually hapneth ) at euery new change and choise , the emperor was deplumed of some of his feathers , vntill in the end he was made naked of authoritie , the princes hauing drawne all power to themselues . so by degrees the empire was changed from a monarchie to a pure aristocracie ; the emperour bearing the title thereof , but the maiestie and puissance remaining in the states . during which weaknesse of the emperour , some points were added to his oath , which seemed to derogate from the soueraigntie of his estate . but what is this to those princes , who haue retained their dignitie , without any diminution , either of authoritie , or of honour . the like may be said of polonia , which not many hundred yeares since was erected into a kingdome : and although the states did challenge therein a right of election , yet did it alwaies passe according to propinquitie of bloud , and was esteemed a soueraigne monarchie ; vntill after the death of casimire the great , when lodonicus his nephew king of hungarie , rather greedie then desirous to be king also of polonia , did much abase the maiestie thereof . yet falling a●terward into the line of iagello , who maried one of the daughters of lodowicke , it recouered the auncient both dignitie and strength . but when that line also failed in sigismond augustus , the last male of that familie , the states elected henry duke of anjowe for their king , with this clause irritant ; that if hee did violate any point of his oath , the people should owe him no alleageance . but whereas you report this as the vsuall oath of the kinges of polonia , you deserue to heare the plainest tearme of vntruth . in the kingdome of spaine you distinguish two times : one , before the conquest thereof by the moores ; the other , after it was recouered againe by the christians . i acknowledge a difference in these two times ; for that in the one , the right of the kingdome was electiue ; in the other , it hath alwaies remained successiue : insomuch as d peter belluga , a diligent writer of the rights of arragon , doth affirme , that the people haue no power in election of the king , * except in case the line should faile . concerning the matter in controuersie , you affirme , that the kings did sweare the same points in effect , which before haue bene mentioned . this wee must take vpon your forfeited faith , for you alleadge no forme of oath ; onely you write , that the fourth nationall councell of c toledo , with all humilitie conuenient did require , that the present king , and all other that should follow , would be meeke and moderate towardes their subiects , and gouerne them with iustice , and not giue sentence in causes capitall without assistance : declaring further , that if any of them should exercise cruell and proude authoritie , 〈◊〉 they were condemned by christ , with the sentence of excommunication , and separated to euerlasting iudgement . but what pang hath possessed your dreaming braines , to tearme this by a marginall note , conditions of raigning in spaine ? being no other then a reuerent and graue admonition of the dutie of a king , with a feareful declaration of the iudgment of god against wicked princes . and that which was afterward decreed in the sixt councell of toledo : that the king should sweare , not to suffer any man to breake the catholike faith , because it is a principall point of his dutie , his estate was not thereby made conditionall . the rest of this passage you fill vppe with froath of the antiquated lawe of don pelayo , prescribing a forme of inaugurating the kinges of spaine ; whereof there is not one point , either now in vse , or pertaining to the purpose . so miserable is your case , that you can write nothing therein , but that which is either impertinent or vntrue . for fraunce , your first example is taken from the coronation of philip the first : wherein you note , that king henrie his father requested the people to sweare obedience to his sonne ; inferring thereby , that a coronation requireth a new consent , which includeth a certaine election of the subiects . but this is so light , that the least breath is sufficient to disperse it . philip was crowned king during the life of his father : which action , as it was not ordinarie , so was it of such both difficultie and weight , that it could not be effected without assemblie and consent of the states . the oath which he made , is in this forme extant in the librarie of rheimes : i do promise before god and his saints , that i will conserue to euery one committed vnto me canonicall priuiledge , & due law & iustice , and wil defend thē , by the helpe of god , so much as shall lye in my power , as a king by right ought to do within his realme , to euery bishop , and to the church cōmitted to him : and further , to the people cōmitted to my charge , i wil grant by my authority the dispensatiō of laws according to right . ad to this a more anciēt form of the oth of those kings , which it seemeth you haue not seene : i sweare in the name of god almighty , & promise , to gouerne well & duly the subiects cōmitted to my charge , & to do with all my power , iudgement , iustice and mercy . ad also the oath which you alleage of philip the 2. surnamed augustus : to maintaine all canonicall priuileges , law & iustice due to euery mā , to the vttermost of his power ; to defēd his subiects as a good king is bound to do ; to procure that they be kept in the vniō of the church ; to defend thē frō al excesse , rapine , extortion & iniquity ; to take order that iustice be kept with equity & mercy ; & to endeuor to expell heretiks . what doth all this rise vnto , but a princely promise to discharge honorably and truly those points of duty , which the laws of god did lay vpō thē ? what other cōditions or restraints are imposed ? what other cōtract is hereby made ? where are the protestations which in the end of the last chap. you promised to shew , that if the prince do faile in his promise , the subiects are free frō their allegeāce ? what clause do you find sounding to that sense ? but you litle regard any thing that you say ; you easily remēber to forget your word . wel thē , we must put these your vaine speeches into the reckning of mony accōpted , but not receiued : and seeing you cannot shew vs , that the kings of france and of spaine are tied to any condition , whereto the law of god doth not bind thē , i will not vary frō the iudgemēt of ordradus f in affirming thē to be absolute kings . i haue pressed this point the rather in this place , because you write , that most neighbour nations haue takē the forme of annointing & crowning their kings , from the anciēt custome of france ; although the substāce be deduced from the first kings of the hebrews , as appeareth by the annointing of king saule : whereof dauid ( you say ) made great accompt , notwithstanding that saule had bene reiected by god , and that himselfe had lawfully borne armes against him . out atheist ; you would be dawbed with dung , & haue the most vile filth of your stewes cast in your face . did dauid beare armes against his annointed king ? did he euer lift vp his eye-lids against him ? did he euer so much as defend himselfe otherwise then by flight ? it is certaine that shemei did not halfe so cruelly either curse or reuile this holy man , who did so much both by speech and action detest this fact , that he would rather haue endured ten thousand deaths , then to haue defiled his soule with so damnable a thought . what then shall we say vnto you , who to set vp sedition and tumult , abuse all diuine & humane wrightings , in whatsoeuer you beleeue will aduance your purpose ? who spend some speech of respect vnto kings for allurement onely , to draw vs more deepe into your deceit ? shall we giue any further eare to your doctrine , both blasphemous and bloudy ? we will heare you to the end ; and i deceiue my selfe , but your owne tale shall , in any moderate iudgement , condemne the authoritie of your opinions for euer . let vs come then to your last example ( which is neither the last nor the least whereat you leuell . ) and that is of england , which of all other kingdomes ( you say ) hath most particularly taken this ceremony of sacring and annointing from france . well , let the ceremonie be taken from whence you please : if the oath be no other then you do specifie , to obserue peace , honour and reuerence , vnto almighty god , to his church and to the ministers of the same , to administer law and iustice equally to all ; to abrogate euill lawes and customes , and maintaine good ( which was the oath of king richard the first ; the like whereto was that of king iohn , altered only in the first branch : to loue and defend the catholicke church : ) if the oath be no other i say , i do not see what other answer you need to expect , but that it is onely a free royall promise , to discharge that duty which god doth impose . and this is plainely declared by the speech which you alleage , of thomas arundell archbishop of canterbury , to king henry the fourth ; remember ( saith he ) the oath which voluntarily you made : voluntarily he sayd , and not necessarily : it was voluntary in oath , but necessary in duty . that which you report also that thomas becket did write vnto king henry the second , importeth nothing else but an acknowledgement of duty : remember ( said he ) the confession which you made . i cannot omit your description of the manner of the coronation in england . first ( you say ) the king i● sworne ; then the archbishop declareth to the people what he hath sworne , and demaundeth if they be content to submit themselues vnto him vnder those conditions : whereunto they consenting , he putteth on the royall ornaments ; and then addeth the words of commission : stand and hold thy place , and keepe thy oath . and thus you haue hammered out a formall election , supposing that you draw together the peeces of falshood so close , that no man can perceiue the seame . the truth is , that king henry the fourth being not the nearest in bloud to the inheritance of the crowne , did countenance his violence with the election of the people ; not at his coronation , but in a parliament that was holden before . and therefore you do impudently abuse vs ; first , in ioyning them together as one act ; secondly , by falsifying diuerse points in both ; lastly , by insinuating that the same order was obserued by other kings . the points which you falsifie are these : the interrogation of the archbishop to the people : the absurd straining of these words , stand , hold thy place , to be a commission : the alleaging also out of stow , 1. that the archbishop did reade vnto the people , what the king was bound vnto by oath ; 2. that the earle of northumberland did shew a ring vnto the people , that they might thereby see the band whereby the king was bound vnto them ; 3. that the king did pray , that he might obserue his promise . in which composition of conceits , you shew how actiue you are in counterfaiting any thing , that may make to your purpose ; perswading your selfe , that it is no fraud vnto god , to deceiue the world in a lye for aduantage . king edward the fourth also ( because his right was litigious , & another was in possession of the crowne ) strengthened , or rather countenanced his title with the approbation of the people . but where you write , that at the coronation of king edward the sixth , queene mary , and queene elizabeth , the consent and acceptation of the people was demanded : first , we haue no cause to credite any thing that you say ; then , although it be true , yet not being done in parliament , it addeth no right vnto the prince ; but is only a formality , a circumstance only of ceremony and order . hereupon you conclude , that a king hath his authority , by agreement and contract betweene him & the people : insinuating thereby that he looseth the same , if he either violate or neglect his word . the contrary opinion , that only succession of bloud maketh a king , & that the cōsent of the people is nothing necessary , you affirme to be absurd , base and impious , an vnlearned , fond and wicked assertion ; in flattery of princes , to the manifest ruine of common-wealths , and peruerting of all law , order and reason . i did alwayes foresee that your impostumed stomacke would belch forth some loathsome matter . but whosoeuer shall compare this confident conclusion with the proofes that you haue made , he will rather iudge you mad then vnwise . this bold blast , vpon grounds that are both foolish and false , bewrayeth rather want then weaknesse of wits . i am ashamed i should offer any further speech in so euident a truth : but since i haue vndertaken to combate an herisie , since the matter is of so great consequence & import , i purpose once againe to giue you a gorge . learne then , heauy-headed cloisterer , vnable to mannage these mysteries of state : learne of me , i say ; for i owe this duty to all christians : the prophets , the apostles , christ himselfe hath taught vs , to be obedient to princes , though both tyrants and infidels . this ought to stand with vs for a thousand reasons to submit our selues to such kings , as it pleaseth god to send vnto vs ; without either iudging or examining their qualities . their hearts are in gods hand ; they do his seruice , sometimes in preseruing , sometimes in punishing vs : they execute his iudgement both wayes , in the same measure which he doth prescribe . if they abuse any part of their power , we do not excuse , we do not extenuate it ; we do not exempt them from their punishment : let them looke vnto it , let them assuredly expect , that god will dart his vengeance against thē with a most stiffe and dreadfull arme . in the meane season , we must not oppose our selues , otherwise then by humble sutes and prayers : acknowledging , that those euils are alwayes iust for vs to suffer , which are many times vniust for them to do . if we do otherwise ; if we breake into tumult and disorder , we resemble those giants of whom the poets write ; who making offer to scale the skies , and to pul iupiter out of his throne , were ouerwhelmed in a moment with the mountaines which they had heaped together . beleeue it , cloisterer ; or aske any man who is both honest and wise , and he will tell you : it is a rule in reason , a triall in experience , an authority confirmed by the best , that rebellion produceth more horrible effects , then either the tyranny or insufficiency of any prince . to the sixth chapter , whereof the title is : what is due to onely succession by birth ; and what interest or right an heire apparant hath to the crowne , before he is crowned or admitted by the commonwealth ; and how iustly he may be put backe , if he hath not the partes requisite . yov begin ( after your manner ) with a carreir against billay ; but because both i haue not seene what he hath written , and dare not credite what you report , i will not set in foote betweene you . in breaking from this , you preferre succession of princes before free election , as well for other respects , as for the preeminence of auncetrie in birth , which is so much priuiledged in the scripture : and yet not made so inuiolable ( you say ) but vpon iust causes it might be inuerted ; as it appeareth by the examples of iacob , iuda and salomon . and this libertie you hold to be the principall remedie for such inconueniences as do ensue of the course of succession ; as if the next in birth be vnable or pernicious to gouerne : in which cases , if he be not capable of directions and counsels , you affirme that the remedie is to remoue him . and so you make succession and election , the one to be a preseruatiue to the other ; supposing , that the difficulculties of both are taken away : first , if ordinarily succession taketh place ; then , if vpon occasion we giue allowance to election . for the prerogatiue of birth , as also for the speciall choice which god hath often made of the yongest , i will remit my selfe to that which i haue written before g . at once : in those particular actions which god hath either done , or by expresse oracle commaunded , contrarie to the generall lawes which he hath giuen vs ; as in the robberie of the aegyptians , the extirpation of the amalekites , the insurrection of iehu , and such like ; we are bound to the law , and not to the example . god hath giuen vs a naturall law , to preferre the first borne ; he hath often made choice of the yongest , because he commonly worketh greatest effects , by meanes not onely weake , but extraordinary ; as it appeareth by the birth of isaak . but that these speciall elections of god are not proposed for imitation to vs , hereby it is euident ; because they haue bene for the most part , without defect in the one , or demerite in the other . and especially in this example of iacob and esau ; saint paule sayth h that it was not grounded vpon their workes , but vppon the will and pleasure of god ; for before they had done good or euill , before they were borne , god sayd : i the eldest shall serue the youngest . which if we might imitate , the priuiledge of birth were giuen in vaine . for your deuice in ioyning election to succession , whereby one of them should remedie the difficulties of the other , it is a meere vtopicall conceipt : what else shall i tearme it ? an imposture of state , a dreame , an illusion , fit only to surprise the iudgement of the weake and ignorant multitude . these toyes are alwaies hatched by the discoursiue sort of men , rather then the actiue ; being matters more in imagination then in vse : and herein two respects do principally oppose against you . the first is , for that in most nations of the world , the people haue lost all power of election ; and succession is firmely setled in one discent , as before i haue declared k the second is , for that more fierie factions are hereby kindled , then where succession or election are meere without mixture . for where one claimeth the crowne by succession , and another possesseth it by title of election ; there , not a disunion onely of the people , not a diuision in armes , but a cruel throat-cutting , a most immortall and mercilesse butcherie doth vsually ensue . it is somwhat inconuenient ( i grant ) to be gouerned by a prince either impotent or euill ; but it is a greater inconuenience , by making a breach into this high point of state , to open a way to all manner of ambitions , periuries , cruelties and spoile : whereto the nature of the common-people would giue a great furtherance , who being weake in wisedome , violent in will ; soone wearie of quiet , alwaies desirous of chaunge , and most especially in matters of state , are easily made seruiceable to any mans aspiring desires . this i haue manifested before l , by the examples of king edward and king richard , both surnamed the second : who were not insupportable either in nature or in rule ; & yet the people more vpon wantonnes then for any want , did take an vnbridled course against them . and thus is your high pollicie nothing else but a deepe deceipt ; thus whilest you striue with the wings of your wit to mount aboue the cloudes of other mens conceipt , you sinke into a sea of absurdities and errors . after this , you determine two questions ; the first is , what respect is to be attributed to propinquitie of bloud onely . whereto you answer , that it is the principall circumstance which leadeth vs to the next succession of the crowne , if other circumstances and conditions doe concurre , which were appointed at the same time , when the lawe of succession was established . assuredly you can neuer shewe either when , or by whome , this lawe of succession was first instituted , except perhappes by some nimrod , when hee had brought the necke of a people vnder his sword : at which time , what conditions hee would set downe to bee required from his successour , any ordinarie iudgement may coniecture at ease . well , since you set vs to seeke for proofe of this , to that which you haue written before , i will also send you backe to the same place m for your answer . the second question is , what interest a prince hath to his kingdome , before he be crowned . this you resolue by certaine comparisons ; and first you write , that it is the same which the germaine emperour hath before his coronation . but that is so large , that some emperours haue neuer bene crowned ; others haue deferred it for many yeares ; among which n crantzius writeth , that otho the first receiued the crowne of the empire , in the eight and twentieth yeare of his raigne . and yet is not this comparison full to the question propounded ; because in electiue states there is not held one perpetuall continuance of royaltie , as is in those that are successiue . and o panormitane saith , that an argument a similibus is not good , if any difference can bee assigned . much more vnfitly doe you affirme , that it is no greater then a maior of london hath in his office , before hee hath taken his oath : for it is odiously absurd , to compare the authoritie of an absolute prince by succession , to the authoritie of an officer , both electiue and also subiect . but it is the example of mariage ( you say ) whereby this matter is made more plaine : for as in this contract there is an espousall , by promise of a future act , and a perfect mariage by yeelding present consent ; the first is , when both parties doe mutually promise that they will ; the second , that they do take one the other for husband and wife : so an heire apparant , by propinquitie of bloud is espoused onely to the commonwealth , and maried afterward at his coronation , by oathes of either partie , and by putting on the ring , and other wedding garments . but how were kings maried in former ages ? how are they now maried in those countries , where they haue neither ring , nor wedding garment , nor also any oath ? what ? is euery office and degree which is taken with ceremonie , to be esteemed likewise a mariage ? or if you will haue coronation onely to bee a mariage , what else can it resemble , but the publike celebration of matrimonie betweene man and woman ? which addeth nothing to the substance of contract , but onely manifesteth it to the world . these pitifull proofes , naked of authoritie , emptie of sence , deserue rather to be excused then answered : i will helpe therefore in some sort to excuse them . they are the best that your starued both cause and conceipt can possibly affoord : and you haue also some fellowes in your folly . heliogabalus did solemnely ioyne the statues of the sunne and of the moone in mariage together . nero was maried to a man , and tooke also a man to his wife . the venetians doe yearely vpon ascention day , by a ring and other ceremonies , contract mariage with the sea . but now in earnest ; men do dye whensoeuer it pleaseth god to call them : but it is a maxime in the common law of england : rex nunquam moritur ; the king is alwaies actually in life . in fraunce also the same custome hath bene obserued ; and for more assurance it was expresly enacted vnder p charles the fifth : that after the death of any king , his eldest sonne should incontinently succeede . for which cause the parliamēt court of paris doth accompanie the funeral obsequies of those that haue bene their kings , not in mourning attire , but in scarlet ; the true ensigne of the neuer-dying maiestie of the crowne . in regard of this certaine and incontinent succession , the q glossographer vpon the decrees noteth : that the sonne of a king , may be called king during the life of his father , as wanting nothing but administration : wherein he is followed with great applause by r baldus , s panormitane , t iason , u carol. ruinus , w andreas iserna , martinus , card. alexander , x albericus , y fed. barbatius , z philip decius , & ant. corsetta , a fra. luca , b matthe , afflict . and the same also doth sernius note out of c virgil , where he saith of ascanius : regemque requirunt , his father aeneas being yet aliue . but so soone as the king departeth out of life , the royaltie is presently transferred to the next successor , according to the lawes and customes of our realme . all writs go foorth in his name ; all course of iustice is exercised , all offices are held by his authoritie ; all states , all persons , are bound to beare to him alleageance : not vnder supposall of approbation when hee shall be crowned , according to your dull and drowsie coniecture , but as being the true soueraigne king of the realme . he that knoweth not this , may ( in regard of the affaires of our state ) ioyne himself to s. anthony , in glorying in his ignorance , & professing that he knoweth nothing . queene mary raigned three mon●ths before she was crowned , in which space the duke of northumberland and others were condemned and executed for treason : for treason i say , which they had committed , before she was proclaimed queene . king edward the first was in palestina , when his father dyed ; in which his absence , the nobilitie and prelates of the realme assembled at london , and did acknowledge him for their king . in his returne homeward , he did homage to the french king , for the lands which he held of him in france . he also repressed certaine rebels of gascoine ; amongst whom , gasco of bierne , appealed to the court of the king of fraunce : where king edward had iudgement , that gasco had committed treason d ; and therupon he was deliuered to the pleasure of king edward . and this hapned before his coronation , which was a yeare and nine mon●ths after he began to raigne . king henry the sixth was crowned in the eighth yeare of his raigne ; and in the meane space , not onely his subiectes did both professe and beare alleageance , but the king of scottes also did sweare homage vnto him . what neede i giue any more either instance or argument , in that which is the cleare lawe , the vncontroulled custome of the realme ? against which notwithstanding your weather-beatē forehead doth not blush to oppose a blind opinion , that heires apparant are not true kings , although their titles be iust , and their predecessors dead . this you labour to prooue by a few drye coniectures , but especially and aboue all others ( you say ) because the realme is asked three times at euery coronation , whether they will haue such a man to be their king or no. first , wee haue good reason to require better proofe of this question then your bare word : secondly , although we admit it to be true , yet seeing the aunswer is not made by the estates of the realme assembled in parliament , but by a confused concurse ( necessarie officers excepted ) of all sorts both of age and sexe , it is for ceremonie only , & not of force , either to giue or to increase any right . another of your arguments is , for that the prince doth first sweare to gouerne well and iustly , before the subiects take their oath of alleageance ; which argueth , that before they were not bound . and further you affirme , that it happened onely to king henry the fifth , among his predecessors , to haue fealtie done vnto him , before hee was crowned , and had taken his oath . i confesse indeed , that polydore and st●w haue written so ; but you might easily haue found that they write not true ; the one of them being a meere straunger in our state ; the other a man more to be commended for indeuour then for art . king iohn being in normandie when his brother dyed , sent into england hubert archbishop of canterburie , vvilliam marshall earle of strigvile , and geoffrie fitzpeter lord chiefe ●ustice , who assembled the states of the realme at northhampton , and tooke of them an oath of obedience to the new king . also king c henry the third caused the citizens of london , the guardians of the cinque-ports , and diuers others , to sweare fealtie to prince edward his sonne ; who being in palestina when his father died , the nobilitie and prelates of the realme assembled in the new temple at london , and did acknowledge him for their king . and in like manner , king edward the third tooke an oath of all the nobilitie of the realme , of faith after his death to richard prince of wales : and so did king henry the first , for his daughter mawde , and her yong sonne henry . after the death of king henry the fifth , that subiects did often sweare alleageance , before the coronation and oath of the king , you had neither countenance nor conscience to deny : but it was neither of these two which did restraine you ; it proceeded onely from the force of truth , which will manifest it selfe whatsoeuer art we vse to disguise it . for otherwise , what countenance , what conscience had you to affirme , that it is expresly noted by our english historiographers : that no alleageance is due vnto kings , before they bee crowned ? who are these historiographers ? where doe they so write ? you that search euery dustie corner of your braines , for a fewe ragged reasons to vphold your heresie , should not either haue mentioned , or omitted such pregnant proofes : for in that you affirme , and do not expresse them , you condemne your selfe by your owne silence . if you meane that which you alleadge out of polydore and stowe : that an oath of fealtie was neuer made before coronation , vntill the time of king henry the fifth ; it is neither true , nor to any such sence . if you meane that of polydore in tearming henry the fift , prince and not king , before he was crowned ; in writing also , that the states did consult in parliament , f of creating a new king after the custome of their auncestors : it is a sleepie ieast , to straine euery word in such an author to proprietie of speech . you might better haue cited , what certaine cities in fraunce not long since alledged for themselues : that because they had not reputed henry the fourth for their king , because they had not professed alleageance vnto him , they were not to be adiudged rebels : whereupon notwithstanding the chiefest lawyers of our age did resolue , that forasmuch as they were originall subiects , euen subiects by birth ; they were rebels in bearing armes against their king , although they had neuer professed alleageance . and this is so euidently the lawe of the realme , that it is presumption in vs both ; in you , to assay by your shallow sophistrie to obscure or impugne ; in me , to indeuour by authorities and arguments to manifest or defend the same . but the admission of the people ( you say ) hath often preuailed against right of succession . so haue pyrates against merchants ; so haue murtherers and theeues against true meaning trauellers . and this disloyalty of the people hath moued diuerse kings to cause their sonnes to be crowned during their owne liues ; because the vnsetled state of succeeding kings doth giue oportunitie to bouldest attempts ; and not as you dreame , because admission is of more importance then succession . i will examine your examples in the chapters following . in the meane time where you write , that king henry and king edward , both called the fourth , had no better way to appease their minds at the time of their death , but by founding their title vpon consent of the people ; the authors g which you cite do plainely charge you with vnexcuseable vntruth . king edward neuer made question of his right : king henry did , as some other authors report h ; but applied no such deceiptfull comfort : this false skinne would not then serue to couer his wound . to the seuenth chapter , which beareth title : how the next in succession by propinquity of bloud , haue oftentimes bin put backe by the commonwealth , & others further off admitted in their places , euen in those kingdoms where succession preuaileth ; with many examples of the kingdome of israel and spaine . here you present your selfe very pensiue to your audience , as though you had so ouer-strained your wits with store of examples of the next in succession not admitted to the state , that you had cracked the creadite of them for euer . but you are worthy of blame , either for endangering or troubling your selfe in matters of so small aduantage . i haue shewed before , that exāples suffice not to make any proofe ; and yet herein doth consist the greatest shew of your strength . it is dangerous for men to be gouerned by examples though good , except they can assure themselues of the same concurrence of reasons , not onely in generall , but in particularities ; of the same direction also and cariage in counsell ; and lastly , of the same fauourable fortune : but in actions which are euill , the imitation is commonly worse then the example . your puffie discourse then is a heape of words without any waight ; you make mountaines , not of mole-hils , but of moates ; long haruest for a small deale , not of corne , but of cockle ; and ( as one sayd at the shearing of hogges ) great crie for a little , and that not very fine wooll . yea , but of necessitie something you must say : yea , but this something is no more then nothing . you suppose , that either your opinion will be accepted , more for authority of your person , then waight of your proofes ; or else that any words will slide easily into the minds of those , who are lulled in the humour of the same inclination ; because partialitie will not suffer men to discerne truth , being easily beguiled in things they desire . besides , whatsoeuer countenance you cary , that all your examples are free from exception , yet if you had cast out those which are impertinent , or vniust , or else vntrue , you could not haue beene ouer-charged with the rest . your first example , that none of the children of saule did succeede him in the crowne , is altogether impertinent : because by particular and expresse appointment of god i , the kingdome was broken from his posteritie . we acknowledge that god is the onely superiour iudge of supreme kings , hauing absolute both right and power , to dispose and transpose their estates as he please . neither must we examine his actions by any course of law , because his will is aboue all law . he hath enioyned the people to be obedient to their kings ; he hath not made them equall in authoritie to himselfe . and whereas out of this example you deduce , that the fault of the father may preiudicate the sonnes right , although he had no part in the fault ; to speake moderately of you , your iudgement is either deceitfull or weake . god in his high iustice , doth punish indeed the sinnes of parents vpon their posterity k : but for the ordinary course of humane iustice , he hath giuen a law , that the sonne shall not beare the iniquity of the father l : the equity wherof is regularly followed , both by the ciuill m and canon n law ; and by the interpretors of them both o your second example is of king salomon , who succeeded in the state of dauid his father , notwithstanding he was his yongest sonne . but this example in many respects falleth not within the compasse of your case . first , because he was not appointed successor by the people : we speake not what the king and the people may do to direct succession , but what the people may do alone . secondly , for that the kingdome was not then stablished in succession . lastly , for that the action was led by two prophets , dauid and nathan , according to the expresse choise and direction of god p : whereby it is no rule for ordinary right . here many points do challenge you of indiscretion at the least . you write that dauid made a promise to bathsheba in his youth , that salomon should succeed in his estate : but if you had considered at what yeares salomon began to raigne , you should haue found , that dauid could not make any such promise , but he must be a youth about threescore yeares of age . you write also , that dauid adored his sonne salomon from his bed : but the words wherewith dauid worshipped were these q : blessed be the lord god of israel , who hath made one to sit on my throne this day , euen in my sight : whereby it is euident , that dauid adored god and not his son . this i note rather for obseruation of the loosenesse of your iudgement , then for any thing it maketh to the purpose . you are so accustomed to vntruths , that you fall into them , without either aduantage or end . the like answer may be giuen to your example of rehoboam ; because god declared his sentence therein by two prophets , ahijah r and shemaiah s . but for that the ten tribes reuolted from rehoboam , vpō discontentment at his rough answer , and with dispite against dauid and his house , and not in obedience to gods decree , we cannot excuse them from offence , for which it turned to their destructiō . for hereupon , first they were separated both from the place & maner of the true worship of god ; thē , there arose vnappeasable war , betweene them & the tribe of iudah ; then , insolencies following disorders , they were neuer long time free from conspiracies , diuisions and tumults : by which meanes being drained both of wealth and inhabitants , and reduced to a naked weaknesse , they were lastly caried captiue into diuerse farre countries , and strangers were sent to inhabite their cities . i must here also obserue a few of your interpretations , wherein your boldnesse is not limited with any bounds . it is to be noted ( you say ) that before rehoboam went to shechem to be admitted by the people , he was not accompted true king. i desire therefore that you would satisfie vs in these places following . before rehoboam went to shechem , the scripture saith , that salomon died , and was buried , and rehoboam his sonne raigned in his stead t . againe , after the defection of the ten tribes it is sayd , that in the cities of iudah rehoboam did raigne still , u implying thereby , that in the other cities he raigned before . againe , they are sayd to haue rebelled against the house of dauid w . and lastly , rehoboam raised all the strength of iudah and beniamin , to bring the kingdome againe vnto him x . further you write , that ten tribes refused to admit rehoboam ; but the scripture saith that they rebelled y . what ? did god only allow hereof after it was done ? did he only permit the people to do it ? the scripture testifieth that it was his decree , that it was his deed , and that he declared his will by ahijah the prophet z , during the life of salomon , and for his sins . but these speciall warrants do not constitute a law ; they serue onely to make good the particular actions for which they are directed , and not to iustifie another the like . lastly , s. paule saith , that all things happened to the iewes in figure ; vpon which place diuerse expositors haue noted , that the state of the iewes was a figure of the church of christ : but that it was an example and patterne of all other states that should ensue , it shall be ranged among your cast conceipts . i refer me now to the iudgement of any man , who taketh not pleasure to beguile himselfe , whether you do not by art & trumpery manifestly abuse vs ; partly by incapacitie , & partly by deceipt , either corrupting or confounding whatsoeuer you take in hand . your humor both discontented and vnquiet , hath armed your mind with bloudy desires , which haue edged you on to put fewell to those slames , which you shold endeuour to quench , though it were with your bloud . i will not stand vpon the particular examples of spaine , as well for that the matter is both tedious and to litle purpose ; as also for that we haue small conformitie with the customes of that nation . onely thus much in generall : we acknowledge that in auncient times the kingdome of spaine was electiue , and therfore your examples drawne from thence are nothing pertinent . the examples of later times , are both few and vniust , caried onely by faction and by force ; as garabay & testifieth of your example of aurelio , and as by the example of d. sancho el brauo i haue declared before a . but you accompt faction to be the common-wealth , and violence iustice , when it may make to the furtherance of your affaires . the historie of d. berenguela i will briefly report , rather for the respect which guided the castilians , then that i allow it for right which they did . henry had two sisters , donna blanch the eldest , maried to lewes the eight king of fraunce ; and berenguela the yongest , maried to alphonso king of leon. henry dying without issue , the castilians feared , if they should submit themselues vnto blanch , that their state , being lesse then the state of fraunce , would be made a member thereof , and gouerned as a prouince , and not as a kingdome . and therefore they did rather chuse to professe allegeāce to the lady berenguela ; by which meanes , the kingdome of leon was afterwards annexed vnto castile , to the great encrease , both of dignitie and assurance to them both . i haue followed herein your owne authors , not being ignorant that others of better name do write , that berenguela was the eldest sister , as i shall haue occasiō hereafter to declare : but for the present let it be as you please ; and let vs weigh our owne wisdomes , not only in straining , but in forging titles , to incurre those mischiefes , which the castilians reiected , a lawfull title to auoid . and this was also one of the motiues of the reuolt of portugale , which is your last example ; although it had also ( as garabay b writeth ) a concurrence of right . for ferdinand king of portugale , by his procurators , the bishop of ebora and others , did both contract and solemnize espousals with elianor , daughter of peter king of aragon . but being entred into war with henry king of castile , & finding himself at some disaduātage , he forsooke the king of arragōs daughter , & cōtracted himself to elianor , daughter to the king of castile , vpō very beneficiall conditions for his state . afterward , falling into fancy with one of his subiects , named elianor telles de meneses , wife to a noble man called lorenzo vasques de acun̄a , he tooke her as his wife , and enforced her husband to auoid the realme ; & had by her one only daughter , named beatrix , who was ioyned in mariage to iohn king of castile . after the death of the king of portugale her father , the king of castile in the right of his wife , laid claime to that realme , & was accordingly acknowledged by the chiefe of the nobility and prelats ; and in particular , by d. iohn maister of auis , her fathers base brother , who was then the most forward man in her fauour . but afterwards falling into quarrell , and hauing slaine the count de oren , he stirred the people against the queene , & cōpelled her to quit the city . and after diuerse outrages and murthers , committed vpon the bishop of lisbone , an abbesse , and many others , hee was first made gouernour of portugall ; and then proceeding further , in an assembly of his partie gathered at coimbra , he was made king. garrabay writeth , c that the chiefest obiection against beatrix was , because her mother was not king ferdinands lawfull wife . and i beleeue you also , that they had a reflexe , not to loose the dignitie of their kingdome ( as now they haue done ) and be made subiect to the cruell both auarice and ambition of a more potent state . to the eighth chapter , which is entituled , of diuers other examples out of the states of france and england , for proofe , that the next in bloud are sometimes put backe from succession , and how god hath approued the same with good successe . your examples of france ( to which nation wee are more neare both in scituation and lawes ) i will runne ouer with a swift course . of the chaunge which twice hath happened in the whole race of the kings of france , i haue spoken before : d you seeme also either to threaten or presage the third chaunge , from the king who now raigneth , and other princes of the house of burbon . it was your desire , you applyed your endeuour , with all the power and perswasions you could make . you knit diuers of the nobilitie in a trecherous league against him ; you incensed the people ; you drew in forren forces to theyr assistance : by which meanes , the realme fell daily into chaunge of distresse , the men of armes making all things lawfull to their lust . the good did feare , the euill expect ; no place was free , eyther from the rage or suspition of tumult ; fewe to bee trusted , none assured , all things in commixtion ; the wisest too weake , the strongest too simple , to auoyde the storme which brake vpon them : the people ioyning to their miserable condition many complaints , that they had bene abused by you , in whose directions they founde nothing but obstinacie and rashnesse , two daungerous humours to leade a great enterprise . at the last , when lamentable experience had made that knowne vnto them , which they had no capacitie by reason to foresee , they expelled as well your company as counsell out of the realme ; and so the firebrands which you had kindled , were broken vpon your owne heads ; hauing opportunitie by your iust banishment to enter into conscience , both of the weakenesse and wrong of your aduice . the partition of the realme of france between charles the great , and carlomon his younger brother , and also the vniting thereof againe in charles , after the death of carloman , depended vpon the disposition of pepin their father , and not vpon the election of the people . girard saith , that e pepin hauing disposed all things in his new realme which hee thought necessarie for the suretie thereof , hee disposed his estate ; leauing the realme of noion to his sonne charles ; and to carloman his other sonne , that of soissons , & that by the death of carloman , both his place and his power did accrue vnto charles . in this manner , the first of a family , who hath attained a kingdome , hath ordinarilye directed the succession thereof . the contention betweene lewis le debonaire and his sonnes , according to your owne author girard , f proceeded and succeeded after this manner . certaine lords of france taking discontentment at the immoderate fauours , which the king shewed toward berard his great chamberlaine , conspired against him ; and for their greater both countenance and strength , drew his owne sonnes to bee of their faction . but lewis brake this broile , more by foresight then by force ; and doing execution vpon the principall offenders , pardoned his sonnes . yet they , interpreting this lenitie to slacknes of courage , rebelled againe , gathered a greater strength , & drew pope gregorie the fourth to bee a complice of their vnnaturall impietie : whereby it appeareth ( saith girard ) that they are either foolish or mischieuous , who wil affirm , that euery thing is good which the popes haue done . afterward they tooke their father , vnder colour of good faith , and sent him prisoner to tortone , & then at compeigne assembled a parliament , composed of their owne confederates , wherin they made him a monke , & brought his estate into diuision & share . it is easie to coniecture ( saith the same girard ) what miserable conditions the realme then endured ; all lawes were subuerted , all things exposed to the rage of the sworde , the whole realme in combustion , and the people extreamely discontented at this barbarous impietie . in the ende lewes , by the aide of his faithfull seruants was taken out of prison , and restored to his kingdome ; and his sonnes acknowledging their faulte , were receiued by him both to pardon and fauour . his sonne pepin being dead , he diuided his realme among his other three sonnes , charles , lewes , and lothaire ; but lewes rebelled againe , and was again receiued to mercie : lastly , hee stirred a great part of germanie to reuolt , with griefe whereof the good olde man his father died . after his death , lewes and lothaire , vpon disdaine at the great portion which their father had assigned to their brother charles , raised warre against him . the battaile was giuen , wherein charles remained victorious , reducing them both vnder such conditions , as hee thought conuenient to impose . loe heere one of your plaine and euident examples , which is so free from all exception . but mindes corruptly inclined , holde nothing vnlawfull , nothing vnreasonable , which agreeth with their passion . loys le begue , succeded after charles , not as you affirme , by authoritie of the states , but ( as in france at that time it was not vnusuall ) by appointment of his father . and wheras you write , that loys at his first entrance had like to haue bin depriued by the states , but that calling a parlament , he made thē many faire promises to haue their good will ; it is a very idle vntruth , as appeareth by the author whō you auouch . at his death , he left his wife great with childe , who afterward was called charles the simple . but before he had accomplished the age of 12. yeares , there stept vp in his place , first loys and carloman his bastard brothers ; then charles surnamed le gros ; and after him odo earle of paris . then charles the right heire attained the crowne ; and then againe were raised against him , first robert , earle of angiers ; and afterward ralph king of burgūdie . but where you attribute these mutations to the authoritie of the states , girard saith , that they were by faction & vsurpation of such , who frō the weaknes of their prince , did make aduantage to their owne ambition ; affirming plainly , that betweene the death of loys le begue , & charles the simple , not one of them who held the crowne of the realme was lawfull king g , noting further , that the first two races of kings , were full of cruel parricides & murthers ; & that in those times the realme was oftē trauelled with tempests of seditiō . of the vsurpation of hugh capet i haue spoken before : girard writeth , h that althogh he sought many shadowes of right , yet his best title was by force , which is the cōmō right of first vsurpers . and wheras you write , that henry the first was preferred to the crowne of france before robert his elder brother : first , it was not by appointment of the states , but of their father ; secondly , girard maketh the matter doubtfull , affirming , that some said he was the younger brother ; lastly , it set vp a dangerous and doubtfull warre betweene them . further , where you write , that william being a bastarde , succeeded robert his father in the duchie of normandie , notwithstanding the saide robert left two brothers in life , it was at that time a custome in france , that bastards did succeed , euen as lawfull children . thierry bastard of clouis , had for his partage the kingdome of austrasie , now called lorraine . sigisbert bastard of king dagobert the first , parted with clouis the twelfth , his lawfull brother . loys and carloman bastards of king loys le begue , raigned after their father . but in the third race of the kings of france , a law was made , that bastards should not succeed in the crowne ; and yet other bastards of great houses were stil aduowed , the french being then of the same opinion with peleus in euripides . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oftentimes many bastardes excell those that are lawfully borne : which is verified by hercules , alexander the great , romulus , timotheus , themistocles , homer , demosthenes , brutus , bion , bartolus , gratian , peter lombard , peter comesior , io. andreas , and diuers other of most flourishing name . your examples of lewes the 6. and lewes the 11. are not worth a word in answere . in the beginning of their raigne , you affirme that they had like to haue beene disinherited by the state , for the offences of their father . you beare a minde charged with thoughtes vaine , busie and bolde , without any restreint either of honestie or of discretion . for how else could you here also affirme , that king henry the third of england , was condemned by his barons to be disinherited , for the fault of his father ? it is vsuall with you in all your reports , either plainely to breake beyond the boundes of all truth , or grossely , ( for i cannot now say artificially ) to disguise it , with many false and deceiueable termes . but to conclude for the state of france , which is also to exclude whatsoeuer you haue said ; vnder the raigne of charles the fift , l for the better establishment of this right , and for cutting of those calamities which accompanie vsurpatiō , there was a lawe made , that after the death of any king , the eldest sonne should incontinently succeede . we are now come to our english examples , of which you might haue omitted those of the saxon kings ; as well for that there could be no setled forme of gouernment in those tumultuous times , as also for that our histories of that age are very imperfect , not leading vs in the circumstances , either of the maner or occasion of particular actions : they declare in grosse what things were done , without further opening , either how or wherefore . but both these doe make for your aduantage : for who seeth not , that your exāples are chiefly bred in tempestuous times ; and the obscuritie of histories will serue for a shadowe to darken your deceit . well , let vs take both the times and histories as they are . how will you maintaine that egbert was not next successour to briticus by propinquitie of blood ? briticus left no children , and egbert was descended of the blood royall , as polydore affirmeth , m william malmesbury n saith , that he was the only man aliue of the royall blood , being descended of inegild , the brother of king ina. how then is it true which you say , that britricus was the last of the roial descēt ? and if it had beene so indeede , the right of election should then haue bene in the state . and thus you stumble at euery step , you entangle your selfe without truth or ende . you snatch at the words of polydore , where he saith ; he is created king by consent of all : which doe imply no other sense , but that which a little after he saith ; that he was saluted king by all . so we finde also , that the like improper speech was vsed at the coronatiō of philip the second , king of france , whereby the archbishop of reimes did challenge power in the right of his sea , to make election of the king . that adelstane was illegitimate , you follow polydore , a man of no great either industrie or iudgement . william malmesbury o accounted egwina the mother of adelstane , to be the first wife of king edward his father : he termeth her also a noble woman , contrary to that which polydore fableth . henry huntington , roger houeden and others , write no otherwise of him , but as of one that was lawfully borne . and in that you english these words of polydore , rex dicitur ; rex a populo salutatur ; hee was made king by the people : in that you affirme also , that for the opinion of his valure hee was preferred before his brethren which were lawfully borne , whome you acknowledge to be men of most excellent both expectation and proofe ; you doe plainly shewe , that vse hath made you too open in straining of truth . eldred did first take vpon him but as protector , because of the minoritie of the sonnes of edmund his elder brother ; and afterward entred into ful possession of the crowne . but that his nephewes were put backe by the realme , it is your owne idle inuention ; it was no more the act of the realme , then was the vsurpation of king richard the third . that edwin was deposed from his estate , it is inexcusably vntrue . polydore p writeth , that the northumbrians and mercians not fully setled in subiection , made a reuolt . malmesburie q saith , that hee was maimed of a great part of his kingdome , by the stroke of which iniurie he ended his life . and whereas you write in commendation of king edgar his next successor , that he kept a nauie of 6600. shippes for defence of the realme , you discouer your defectiue iudgement in embracing such reports for true . in that you say , that many good men of the realme were of opinion , not to admit the succession of etheldred after the death of his brother , i dare confidently affirme , that you doe not only tel , but make an vntruth ; hauing no author either to excuse or countenance the same . in that you write also , that betweene the death of edmund ironside , and the raigne of william conquerour , it did plainly appeare what interest the common-wealth hath to alter titles of succession ; it doth plainly appeare , that both your reason and your conscience is become slauish to your violent desire . for what either libertie or power had the common-wealth vnder the barbarous rage and oppression of the danes ? when canutus had spread the winges of his fortune ouer the whole realme , none hauing either heart or power to oppose against him , what choise was then left vnto the people ? what roome for right ? what man not banished from sobrietie of sence woulde euer haue saide , that hee was admitted king by the whole parliament and consent of the realme ? it is true , that after he had both violently and vniustly obtained full possession of the realme , slaine the brother of edmund ironside , and conueied his children into sueden , he assembled the nobilitie , and caused himselfe to be crowned king : but neither the forme nor name of a parliament was then knowne in englande ; and if coronation were sufficient to make a title , no king should be accounted to vsurpe . of harold the first , the naturall sonne of canutus , our histories doe verie differently report . saxo grammaticus writeth , that he was neuer king , but that he died before his father . henry of huntington reporteth , that he was appointed but as regent for his brother hardicanutus . others write , that apprehending the opportunitie of his brothers absence , he inuaded northumberland and mercia , by force of the danes who were in englande , wherevpon the realme was diuided , one part holding for harolde , and another for hardicanutus , who was in denmarke . but because hee delayed to come into england , they all fell , rather not to denie then to acknowledge harold for their king . take now which of these reports you please , for all do serue to your purpose alike . hardicanutus after the death of harold , came out of denmarke into englande : and the people hauing their courages broken with bondage , were easie to entertaine the strongest pretender . but after his death , diuers of the nobilitie , especially godwine earle of kent , rising into hope to shake off theyr shoulders the importable yoake of the danes , aduaunced edwarde the sonne of etheldred to the crowne , as being the next of the race of the saxon kings , though not in blood , yet at hand ; for edward the outlawe his elder brother , was then in hungarie : and feare being the only knot that had fastened the people to the danish kings , that once vntied , they all scattered from them , like so many birdes whose cage had bene broken . edward being dead , harold the sonne of godwine vsurped the kingdome : for as malmesburie saith ; r by extorted faith frō the nobilitie he fastned vpon the crowne a forceable gripe : henry huntington also , and out of him polydore doe write , that vpon confidence of his power he inuaded the crowne s : which vsurpation gaue both encouragement and successe to the enterprise of the normanes . this short passage of historie you doe defile with so many vntruthes , that it seemeth you haue as naturall a gift to falsifie , as to eate , drinke , or sleepe . but where you write that william the conqueror formed any title by cōsent of the realme , you grow into the degree of ridiculous . we finde that he pretended the institution of king edward , which had neither probabilitie norforce ; and that he was nearer to him in blood , then harold the vsurper : but that hee euer pretended the election of the people , it is your own clowted cōceit . for whē he had rowted the english armie in the field , when hee had sacked their townes , harried their villages , slain much people , and bent his sworde against the brests of the rest , what free election could they then make ? your selfe acknowlede also in another place , t that hee came to the crowne by dinte of sworde ; and at his death his owne conscience constrained him to confesse , that hee tooke it without right u . and in that the pope and the french king fauoured his enterprise , it is not materiall , this was not the first iniustice which they haue assisted . neither was it the popes hallowed banner ( as you affirme ) but the bowe and the arrowe , the only weapon of aduantage long time after to this nation , whereby hee did obtaine the victorie . one helpe hee had also within the realme , for that king edward had aduanced diuers normans , to high place both of dignitie and charge ; who gaue vnto him muche secret both incouragement and assistance in his attempt . and thus in all these turbulent times , you are so farre from finding fiue or sixe , that you are short of any one , who was made king by free authoritie of the people . king william rufus made no other title to the crowne , but the testament of his father : for often vse hath confirmed it for lawe , that a victor may freely dispose of the succession of that state , which hee hath obtained by the purchase of his sword . * the conquerer disinherited his eldest son robert , for that , knitting with philip king of france , he inuaded , wasted and spoiled normandie , and ioyned in open battell against his father , wherein the father was vnhorsed and wounded , and brought to a desperate distresse of his life . herevpon he cast forth a cruel curse against his sonne , which he could neuer be entreated to reuoke : in so much as vpō his death-bed he said of him w , that it was a miserable countrey which should bee subiect to his dominion , for that he was a proud and foolish knaue , & to be long scourged with cruell fortune . and wheras you write that at the time of his fathers death he was absent in the warre of hierusalem , it is a very negligent vntruth . but it is an idle vntruth that you write , that henry the first had no other title to the crowne , but the election of the people . he neuer was elected by the people ; he neuer pretended any such title . nubrigensis x & after him polydore y do report , that he laid his title , because he was borne after his father was king . malmesburie z saith ; henry , the youngest sonne of william the great , being an infant , according to the desires and wishes of all men was excellently brought vp , & because he alone of all the sonnes of william , was princely borne , and the kingdome seemed to appertaine vnto him . he was borne in england in the third yeare after his father entred into it . and this was the like controuersie to that which herodotus a reporteth , to haue happened betweene the sonnes of darius , the sonne of hystaspis , king of persia , when hee prepared an expedition against the grecians and aegyptians : because by the lawes of persia , the king might not enter into enterprise of armes , before he had declared his successor . darius had three children before he was king , by his first wife , the daughter of gobris : and after he attained the kingdome he had other foure , by atossa , the daughter of cyrus . artabazanes was eldest of the first sort ; xerxes of the second . artabazanes alledged , that he was eldest of all the kings children ; and that it was the custome amongst all men , that the eldest should enioy the principalitie . xerxes alledged , that he was begotten of atossa , the daughter of that king , by whose puissance the persians had gained , not onely libertie , but also power . before darius had giuen sentence , demaratus the sonne of aristo , cast out of his kingdome of sparta , came vnto xerxes , and aduised him to alledge further , that he was the eldest sonne of darius after he was king : and that it was the custome of sparta , that if any man had children in priuate estate , and afterward an other sonne when he was king , this last sonne should be his successor : vpon which ground darius pronounced in the behalfe of xerxes . the same historie is reported by iustine b , and touched also by plutarch c , although they differ , both from herodotus , and one frō the other in some points of circumstance . hereto also agreeth that which iosephus writeth d , in reprehending king herod , for excluding alexander and aristobulus his sonnes , and appointing antipater , borne to him in priuate estate , to succeed in his kingdome . many great lawiers haue subscribed their opinions to this kinde of title ; and namely pet. cynus , baldus , albericus , raph. fulgosius e , rebuffus f ; and anto. corsetta g deliuereth it for a common opinion . but with this exception , if the kingdome be acquired by any other title then by succession , according to proximitie in bloud : for in this case , because the dignitie is inherent in the stocke , the eldest sonne shall succeede , although he were borne before his father was king h . and therefore plutarch writeth i that after the kingdome of persia was setled in succession , when darius the king had foure sonnes , artaxerxes the eldest , cyrus the next , and two other ; parysatis his wife hauing a desire that cyrus should succeede in the kingdome , pressed in his behalfe the same reason wherewith xerxes had preuailed before : affirming , that shee had brought forth artaxerxes to darius , when hee was a priuate man ; but cyrus , when he was a king . yet plutarch writeth , that the reason which shee vsed was nothing probable ; and that the eldest was designed to be king. howsoeuer the right stoode betweene robert duke of normandie , and his younger brothers , the facte did not stande eyther with the quiet or safetie of the realme . for , during the raigne of vvilliam rufus , it was often infested vpon this quarell , both with forren armes and ciuill seditions ; which possessed all places with disorder , and many also with fire , rapine and bloud , the principall effects of a li●entious warre . these mischiefes not onely continued but encreased in the raigne of king henry , vntill robert the eldest brother was taken prisoner in the fielde , which put a period to all his attempts . so dangerous it is vpon any pretence to put bye the next in succession to the crowne . this henry the first left but one daughter , and by her a young sonne named henry , to whom hee appoynted the succession of the realme : and tooke an oath of all the bishops , and likewise of the nobilitie , to remaine faithfull vnto them after his decease . yet you write , that because stephen , sonne of adela , sister to king henry , was thought by the states more fit to gouerne , he was by them admitted to the crowne . in which assertion , you cannot be deceiued , you do not erre ; but your passion doth pull you from your owne knowledge and iudgement . polydore writeth , k that hee possessed the kingdome contrary to his oath , for which cause the mindes of all men were exceedingly mooued : some did abhorre and detest the impietie ; others , and those very fewe , vnmindefull of periurie , did more boldely then honestly allowe it , and followed his part . further he saith , l that he was crowned at westminster , in an assembly of those noble men who were his friendes . nubrigensis affirmeth , that m violating his oath hee inuaded the kingdome . william malmesburie , who liued in king stephens time , saith n ; that he was the first of all lay men , next the king of scots , who had made oath to the empresse mawde ; and that he was crowned , o three bishops being present ( of whom one was his brother ) no abbot , and a very fewe of the nobilitie . henry huntington , who liued also in the same time , saith p ; that by force and impudencie tempting god , he inuaded the crowne . afterward he reporteth q , that being desirous to haue his sonne eustace crowned king with him , the bishops withstood it , vpon commaundement from the pope : because hee tooke vpō him the kingdom against his oath r , roger houeden writeth s , that he inuaded the crowne in manner of a tempest . this is the report of those writers who came nearest , both to the time and truth of this action : whom other authors do likewise follow . polydore t , and after him hollingshead do write , that he tooke vpon him the crowne , u partly vpon confidence in the power of theobald his brother , earle of blois ; and partly by the aid of hen. his other brother bishop of winchester . walsinghame addeth w , that hugh bigot , who had bene king henries steward , tooke an oath before the archbishoppe of canterburie , that king henry at his death appointed stephen to be his successour . wherevpon the archbishop and a fewe others were ouer-lightly ledde , like men blinded with securitie , and of little foresight : neuer considering of daungers , vntill the meanes of remedie were past . you write that they thought they might haue d●ne this with a good conscience , for the good of the realme . but what good conscience could they haue in defiling their faith ? such consciences you endeuour to frame in all men , to breake an oathe with as great facilitie , as a squirrell can cracke a nut. what good also did ensue vnto the realme ? the nobilitie were set into factions ; the common people into diuision and disorder : and as in warres where discipline is at large , there insolencies are infinite ; so in this confusion of the state , there was no action which tended not to the ruine thereof ; the liues and goods of men remaining in continuall pillage . polydore saith x : matrons were violated , virgins rauished , churches spoiled , townes and villages rased , much cattle destroied , innumerable men slaine . into this miserable face of extremities the realme did fall ; & into the same againe you striue to reduce it . but you say , that for the ending of these mischiefes , the states in a parliament at wallingford made an agreement , that stephen should be king during his life , and that henry and his offspring should succeede after his death . a man would thinke you had a mint of fables ; there is no historie which you handle , but you defile it with apish vntruthes . all our histories agree , that king stephen , vnable to range things into better forme , did adopt henry to be his successor . the second huntington faith y , that this agreement was mediated , by the archb. of cant. and the bishop of winchester , who repented him of the furtherance he gaue to the aduancement of king stephen , when he sawe what miseries did therevpon ensue . the like doth houeden report z : and holingshead & setteth downe the forme of the charter o● agreement betweene them ; whereby it is euident , that it was a transaction betweene them two , and no compulsorie act or authoritie of the state. i denie not but some authors affirme , that the king assembled the nobilitie , but neyther were they the states of the realme , neither were they assembled to any other ende , but to sweare fealtie vnto henry , sauing the kings honour so long as hee should liue . after the death of king richard the first , you affirme that the succession was againe broken ; for that iohn , brother to king richard , was admitted by the states , and arthur duke of britaine , sonne to geoffrye , elder brother vnto iohn , was against the ordinarie course of succession excluded . well sir , i arrest your worde ; remember this i pray you , for i will put you in minde thereof in an other place . that which here you affirme to be against the ordinarie course of succession , you bring in an other place for proofe , that the vncle hath right before the nephewe . you do wildely wauer in varietie of opinion , speaking flatte contraries , according as the ague of your passion is eyther in fitte or intermission . the historie of king iohn standeth thus . king richard the first dying without issue , left behinde him a brother named iohn , and a nephewe called arthur , sonne of geoffrye , who was elder brother vnto iohn . this arthur was appointed by king richard to succeede in his estate , as polydore writeth a . nubrigensis saith , that he should haue bene established by consent of the nobilitie , if the britaine 's had not bene so foolishly , eyther suspitious or fonde , that when king richard sent for him , they refused to commit him into his vncles hands . but after the death of king richard , his brother iohn seized vpon his treasure in normandie , came ouer into england , and in an assembly onely of the nobilitie , was crowned king . of these , many he wonne with such liberall protestations and promises , as men carelesse of their word are wont to bestowe : others were abused by the perswasions of hubert archbishop of canterburie , and a fewe others ( saith polydore b ) not well aduised . nic. triuet saith c , that iohn pretended for his title , not the election of the people , but propinquitie of bloud d , and the testament of king richard. the same also is affirmed by walsingham e . and this is the question betweene the vncle and the nephewe , of which i shall haue occasion to speake hereafter . but polydore saith f , that diuers noble men did account this to be a fraudulent iniustice , and therevpon did ominate those euils which afterward did ensue . and when the archbishop was charged , that vnder colour of reason , partly subborned , and partly weake , he had bene the occasion of all those mischiefes . polydore g saith , that he was both grieued and ashamed at nothing more ; rog. wenden affirmeth , that he excused himselfe , that he did it vpon oracles , and by the gift of prophesie . king iohn hauing locked himselfe into the saddle of state , made one wrong which he had done , to be the cause of a greater wrong ; by murthering his nephew , arthur , duke of britane , whose inheritāce he did vniustly vsurpe . for this fact the french king depriued him of all the landes which he helde in fee of the crowne of france , & prosecuted the sentence to effect . after this , as men are easily imboldened against an vsurper , when once he declineth eyther in reputation or in state , diuers of the nobilitie , especially they of the north , confederated against him : but being neither able to endure his warre , nor willing to repose trust in his peace , they cōtracted with lewis the french kings sonne , to take vpon him to be their king . and so it often happeneth in ciuill contentions , that they who are weakest , do runne with a naturall rashnesse to call in a third . lewes being arriued vpon the coast of kent , the nobilitie of that faction h , came and sware alleageance vnto him . the londoners also , many vpon an ordinarie desire to haue new kings , others for feare , and ●ome for company , ioyned to the reuolt . hereof a lamentable presence of all miseries did arise , whereby as well the libertie as the dignitie of the realme , were brought to a neare and narrowe iumpe . the poore people , naked both of helpe and hope , stood at the curtesie and pleasure of the men of armes ; the libertie of warre making all things lawfull to the furie of the strongest . the nobilitie , feeling much , and fearing more the insolencie of the french natiō , who ( as vicount melin a noble mā of france confessed at his death ) had sworne the extirpation of all the noble bloud in the realme , began to deuise , how they might returne into the alleageance of king iohn : in so much as a litle before his death , letters were b●ought vnto him from certaine of his barons , to the number of fortie , who desired to be receiued againe into his peace . but after his death , which happily did happen within fiue moneths after the arriuall of the french , both their hatred and their feare being at an ende , they were all as readie to cast out lewes , as they had bene rash to call him in . this history you corrupt with verie many odious vntruthes , which are more harsh to a well tuned eare , then the crashing of teeth , or the grating of copper . as namely in affirming , that arthur was excluded , and iohn crowned king by the states of the realme ; that god did more defend this act of the common-wealth , then the iust title of arthur ; that by the same states , king iohn was reiected , prince hēry his sonne depriued , and lewes of france chosen to be king ; that the same states recalled their sentence against prince henry , disanulling their oathe and alleageance made vnto lewes . a shamelesse tongue , gouerned by a deceitfull minde , can easily call , faction , the common wealth ; rebellion , a iust and iudiciall proceeding ; open an often periurie , an orderly reuoking of a sentence ; gods secret iudgement in permitting iniustice to preuaile , a plain defence and allowance thereof . of the diuision of the houses of lancastar and yorke , it is but little that you write , whereto i haue fully answered before : you do wisely to giue a light touch to this example , it is so hotte that it will scalde your throate . king henry the fourth , more caried by cursed ambition , then either by necessitie or right , laide an vniust gripe vpon the realme , which afterward he did beautifie with the counterfeit titles of conquest and election . so violent are the desires of princes to imbrace streined titles , by whiche they may disturbe the states of other ; not remembring , that right may be troaden downe , but not troaden out ; hauing her secret both meanes to support , and seasons to reuiue her . for although the lawfull successor did warily strike saile to the tempest , because neither the time running , nor the opportunitie present ( which are the guiders of actions ) did consent as then to enter into enterprise . yet so soone as one heare of occasion was offered , his progenie did set vp a most doubtfull warre , wherein thirteene battailes were executed by english-men only , and aboue fourescore princes of the royall blood slaine . loe now the smiling successe of these vsurpations ; loe what a deare purchase of repentance they did cause ! were it not that passion doth blind men , not only in desire but in hope , they might suffice to make vs aduised , to keepe rather the knowne & beaten way with safetie , then vpon euery giddie and brainlesse warrant to engulphe our selues in those passages , wherein so many haue perished before vs. it belongeth to wise men to auoide mischies ; and it is the reward of fooles to lament them . goe too then , conclude if you please that the people are not bound to admit him to the crowne , who is the next successor by propinquitie of blood ; but rather to weigh , whether it is like that hee will performe his charge , or no. conclude this ( i say ) to be your opinion ; and that it seemeth to you to be conforme to all reason , lawe , religion , pietie , wisedome and policie , and to the custome of all common wealthes in the world : and i wil assuredly conclude against you , that you prate without either warrant or weight . to the ninth chapter , which beareth title , vvhat are the principall points which a common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any prince , wherein is handled largely also , of the diuersitie of religions , and other such causes . in this passage you handle what cause is sufficient , either to keepe in , or to cast the next in blood out of state . in which question you determine , that god doth allowe for a iust and sufficient cause , the will & iudgement of the people . your reason is , for that they are the iudge of the thing it selfe , and therefore they are the iudge also of the cause . your antecedent you proue ; first , for that it is in their owne affaire ; secondly , for that it is in a matter that hath his whole beginning , continuance and substance from them alone . your cōsequence you proue by a whole lump of lawe , in alleaging the entire bodie of the ciuil and canon lawe , assisted also with great reason . diogenes said of a certain tumbler , that he neuer sawe man take more paines to breake his necke . in like sort we may say of you ; it is hard to finde a man that hath more busied his wittes , to ouerthrow the opiniō of his wisedome . for the first proofe of your antecedēt , is not only of no force for you , but strong against you ; because no man is a competent iudge in his owne cause ; no man can bee both partie and iudge : whereto i wil adde , that no inferiour hath iurisdiction ouer the superiour , much lesse the subiect against the soueraigne . your second proofe , that all the power of a king hath dependency vpon the people , i haue sufficiently encountred before h . and if your consequence were true , that whosoeuer is iudge of a thing , is iudg also without controwlment of the cause ; if this were as agreeable to all lawes as you make countenance , then were all iudgements arbitrarie ; then could no appeale be enterposed , for giuing sentence without iust cause ; then were it false which panormitane writeth l , that a false cause expressed in a sentence maketh it voide . what shall i say ? what doe you thinke ? doe you think that these fat drops of a greasie brain , can bring the tenure of a crown to the wil of the people ? what are you who endeuour thus boldly to abuse both our iudgement & conscience ? are you religious ? are you of ciuil either nature or education , who vnder the name of ciuilian do open the way to all maner of deceits , periuries , tumults & treasons ? what are you ? for you shewe your selfe more prophane then infidels ; more barbarous then caniballs , tartarians , moores & mammelucks ; who though they beare themselues in nothing more then hatred and cōtempt , yet do they both loue & honor their kings . i see what you are , the very true follower of the anabaptists in garmanie , who openly professed , that they must ruinate the state of kings . and who can assure vs ( for your corrupt dealing make all suspitions credible ) that you doe not also follow them both in desire and hope , to imbrace the monarchy of the whole world . the difference betweene you is this : they pretended reuelation for their warrant : you worke by deceitfull shewe of reason , by falsly either alleaging , or wresting , or corrupting both humane and diuine authoritie . in what miserable condition should princes liue , if their slate depended vpon the pleasure of the people , in whom company taketh away shame , and euery man may laie the fault on his fellow ? how could they commaund ? who would obey ? what could they safely either doe or omit ? who knowes a people , that knoweth not , that suddain opinion maketh them hope , which if it be not presently answered , they fall into hate ? choosing and refusing , erecting and ouerthrowing , as euery winde of passion doth puffe . what staiednesse in their will or desire ? which hauing so many circles of imagination , can neuer be enclosed in one point . and whereas you write , that god alwaies approueth the will and iudgement of the people , as being properly the iudge of the whole businesse ; and that euery particular man must simply submit himselfe therevnto , without further inquisition , although at diuers times they determine contraries , ( as they did betweene the houses of lancaster and yorke ) because we must presume that they were ledde by different respects . you seeme not obscurely to erect thereby another priuiledged power vppon earth ; which cannot erre , which doth not deceiue . but it may be some honest minded man will say , that howsoeuer you write , your meaning was otherwise ; you write also afterward , that in two cases euery priuate man is bounde to resist the iudgement of the whole people , to the vttermost extent of his abilitie . well then , let vs take you for a man , whose sayings disagree , both from your meaning , and betweene themselues : let vs consider what are your two exceptions . the first is when the matter is carried , not by way of orderly iudgement , but by particular faction of priuate men , who will make offer to determine the cause , without authoritie of the realme committed vnto them . but this exception is so large , that it deuoureth the whole rule : for in actions of this qualitie , the originall is alwaies by faction ▪ the accomplishment by force , or at least by feare , howsoeuer they are sometimes countenanced with authoritie of the state . so sylla , hauing brought his legions within the walles of rome , obteined the lawe valeria to be published , whereby he was created dictator for 24. yeares : by meanes of which force , cicero affirmeth m that it was no lawe . likewise lawrence medices , hauing an armie within florence , caused , or rather constrained the citizens to elect him duke . when henry the fourth was chosen king , ho held fortie thousand men in armes . and this is most euident by your owne example , of foure contrary actes of parliament which at diuers times were made , during the contention betweene the families of lancastar and yorke , not vpon different reasons , as with little reason you affirme , but vpon different successe of either side . in matters of this moment , the orderly course of proceeding is onely by parliament . the parliament must bee summoned by the kings vvrit , and no act thereof hath life , but by expresse consent of the king. if this forme had alvvayes beene obserued , neyther our kinges should haue beene deposed , nor the next successours excluded , nor the title of the crowne entangled , to the inestimable both weakning & waste of all the realme . your second exceptiō is , when such a man is preferred to the crowne , by whō god is manifestly offended , & the realme preiudiced or endangered : in which case ( you say ) euery man , with a free and vntrowled conscience , may resist what he can . it was euen here i looked for you . your broyling spirits do nothing else but fling firebrands , & heape on wood , to set kingdomes in combustiō . what rebellion , what reuolt hath euer bin made , but vnder some of these pretenses ? what princes actions , either by malicious or ignorant interpretation , may not easily be drawen to one of these heades ? you are a nursery of war in the common-wealth : a seminary of schisme & diuisiō in the church : in sum , all your actions , all your thoughts are barbarous & bloody . you write much of right & iustice , but you measure the right & iustice of a cause , by the aduantage of your owne affaires . you speak as hauing a tender touch of the glorie of god ; but you stretch out your throate with high wordes of contradiction against him . you make shew of care to pre●erue the state , but you are like the iuy , which ●eemeth outwardly both to imbrace and adorne the wall , whereinto inwardly it doth both eate & vndermine . for what meanes either more readie or forceable to ouerthrow a state , then faction and intestine quarels ? and what other milke doe you yeelde ? what are your opinions ? what your exhortations ? but either to set , or to holde vp sedition and bloodshead ? saint paule teacheth vs not to resist higher powers n , although both cruel and prophane ; you teach vs to resist them what we can : the apostle is followed of al the auntient fathers of the church ; you are followed of those only who follow the anabaptists . for my part , i had rather erre with the apostle in this opposition , then holde truth with you . but i will speake more moderately in a subiect of such nature ; i wil not say thē that i had rather erre , but that i shall lesse feare to erre in not resisting with the apostle , thē in resisting with you . new councels are alwaies more plausible then safe . after you haue plaide the suffenus with your selfe , in setting the garland vpon your owne head , and making your imaginarie audience to applaude your opinion , as worshipfully wise , you proceede to declare what ought chiefly ●o be regarded , in furthering or hindering any prince towards the crowne . three points ( you say ) are to bee required in euerie prince , religion , chiualrie and iustice ; and putting aside the two last , as both handled by others , and of least importance , you assume onely to treate of religion ; wherein , eyther errour or want doth bring inestimable damage to any state . you drawe along discourse , that the highest end of euery common-wealth , is the seruice & worship of god ; and consequently , that the care of religion is the principall charge which pertaineth to a king. and therfore you conclude , that whatsoeuer prince doth not assist his subiects to attaine this ende , omitteth the chief part of his charge , & committeth high treason against his lord , and is not fit to holde that dignitie , though he performe the other two partes neuer so well . and that no cause can to iustly cleare the conscience , whether of the people , or of particular men , in resisting the entrance of any prince , as if they iudge him faultie in religion . this is neither nothing , nor all which you say . in electiue states , the people ought not to admit any man for king , who is eyther colde or corrupt in religion ; but if they haue admitted such a one with soueraigne authoritie , they haue no power at pleasure to remoue him . in successiue kingdomes wherein the people haue no right of election , it is not lawfull for priuate men vpon this cause to offer to impeach , either the entrāce or cōtinuance of that king , which the lawes of the state do present vnto them : not only because it is forbidden of god ( for that is the least part of your regard ) but because disorderly disturbance of a setled forme in gouernment , traineth after it more both impieties and dangers , then hath euer ensued the imperfections of a king . i will come more close to the point in controuersie , and dispell these foggie reasons which stand betweene your eye and the truth . there are two principall parts of the lawe of god ; the one morall or natural , which containeth three points ; sobrietie in our selues , iustice towards others , and generally also reuerence and pietie towards god : the other is supernaturall ; which containeth the true faith of the mysteries of our saluation , and the speciall kind of worship that god doth require . the first , god hath deliuered by the ministrie of nature to all men ; the second he doth partly reueale , & partly enspire to whō he please : and therefore although most nations haue in some sort obserued the one , yet haue they not only erred , but failed in the other . during the time of the lawe , this peculiar worship of god was appropriate only to the people of israel , in a corner kingdome of the world : the flourishing empires of the assirians , medes , persians , aegyptiās , graecians , syrians and romans , eyther knew it not , or held it in contempt . the israelites were almost alwaies in subiection vnder these both heathen & tyrannicall gouernments ; & yet god by his prophets enioyned them obedience ; affirming , that the hearts of kings were in his hands ; & that they were , the officers of his iustice , the executioners of his decrees . in the time of grace , the true mysteries both of worship and beliefe , were imparted also to other nations ; but the ordinarie meanes to propagate the same , was neither by policie , nor by power . when s. peter offered prouident counsell ( as hee thought ) vnto christ , aduising him to haue care of himselfe , and not to go to hierusalem , where the iewes sought to put him to death , christ did sharply reproue him for it o : when he did drawe his sword , and therwith also drew bloud in defence of christ , hee heard this sentence ; p they that take the sworde shall perish with the sworde . christ armed his apostles onely with firie tongues q ; by force whereof they maintained the fielde , against all the stratagems and strength in the world . and when princes did , not onely reiect but persecute their doctrine ; they taught their subiects obedience vnto them r , they did both encounter and ouercome them , not by resisting , but by persisting and enduring . this course seemeth straunge to the discourse of of reason , to plant religion vnder the obedience of kings , not only carelesse therof , but cruell against it : but when we consider that the iewes did commonly forsake god in prosperitie , and seeke him in distresse ; that the church of christ was more pure , more zealous , more entire , i might also say more populous , when shee trauelled with the storme in her face , then when the winde was eyther prosperous or calme ; that as s. augustine saith , want or weakenesse of faith is vsually chastised with the scourges of tribulatiōs ; we may learne thereby no further to examine , but to admire and embrace the vnsearchable wisedome and will of god. seeing therefore that this is appointed the ordinarie meanes , both to establish and encrease religiō , may we aduenture to exchange it with humane deuices ? is it the seruants dutie eyther to contradict or dispute the maisters commaundement ? is there any more readie way to proue an heretike , then in being a curious questionist with god ? is hee bounde to yeelde to any man a reason of his will ? it is more then presumption , it is plaine rebelliō to oppose our reason against his order , against his decree . it standeth also vpon common rules : that which is contrary to the nature of a thing doth not helpe to strengthen , but to destroy it : it is foolish to adde externall stay , to that which is sufficient to support it selfe : it is sencelesse to attempt that by force , which no force is able to effect : that which hath a proper rule , must not be directed by any other . and this was both the profession and practise of the auntient fathers of the church , as i haue declared before t ; wherto i wil here adde that which s. ambrose saith u : let euery man beare it patiently , if it be not extorted frō the emperor , which he would be loath the emperor should extort frō him . and least they might be interpreted not to mean obedience , as wel to succession as to present power , they alledge that which the captiue iewes of babilon did wright , to the tributarie iewes which were at ierusalem w ; to pray for the life not onely of nabuchodonosor , the king of babilon , but also of baltasar his sonne , the next successor to his estate . but in latter times , innocentius hath taught , and is also seconded by castrensis x , that loue is a iust cause to moue armes for matters of religion ; vnder which pretence , diuers men haue pursued their owne priuate purposes & end●s . guicciardine wrighteth y , that firdinand who was called the catholicke , did couer al his couetous and ambitious desires , with the honest and holy veile of religion : the like dooth iouius reporte z of charles the fifth emperour . paulus aemilius & wrighteth thus of all : euery man professeth his war to be holy ; euery man termeth his enemies impious , sanctity & piety is in euery mans mouth , but in aduise and in action nothing lesse . the cōtention is for worldly right , take away that , and you shall finde no cause of war. now they pretend piety to euery mischiefe : the name of holy warrefare , ( most miserable ) is applied vnto armes . hereupon such cru●ll calamities haue ensued in most partes of europe , & ●specially in germanie and france , with so little furtherance to that cause , for whose supportance force was offred , that all the chiefe wrighters of our age are now reduced to the former opinion ; affirming with arnobius a that religion is of power sufficient for it selfe : with tertulian also b hactantius c , cassiodorus d iosephus e , s. barnard f , and others , that it must be perswaded and not enforced . they of your society , as they tooke their originall from a souldier , so they are the onely atheologians whose heades entertaine no other obiect but the tumult of realmes ; whose doctrine is nothing but confusion and bloodshed ; whose perswasions were neuer followed , but they haue made way for all miseries and mischiefes to range in , to come forward , to thriue , to preuaile . you haue alwayes bin like a winter sunne , strong enough to raise vapours , but vnable to dispell them . for most cowardly companions may set vp striefe ; but it is maintained with the hazard , and ended with the ruine , alwayes of the worthiest , and sometimes of all . the summe is this . so long as we expresse pure pietie , both in our doctrine and in our doings ; all will goe well ; but when we make a mixture of deuine and humane both wisedome and power ; when we preach policie : when we make a common trade of treason ; when we put no difference betweene conscience and conceite ; we must needes ouerthrow , either religion or our selues . now i will answere the reasons of your assertion . first you say , that if princes doe not assist their subiects in the honour and seruice of god in this life , god should drawe no other fruite or commodity from humane societies , then of an assembly of brutish creatures . but this reason is not onely weake , as it may appeare by that which hath beene saide , but also brutish , and ( which is worse ) prophane . for what fruite , what commoditie doeth god drawe from societies of men ? is not his glory perfect in it selfe ? can we adde any thing to the excellencie thereof ? hath he any neede of our broken worship ? god is an absolute beeing , both comprehending , and exceeding all perfections : an infinite being , and therefore his sufficiencies neither can be encreased , neither doe depend vpon any , but onely of himselfe . he was from eternity without any world , ●nd a thousand worldes more cannot any deale encrease his felicity and glory : he did create the world , not to perticipate any thing thereof , but to communicate from himselfe vnto it . heereupon iob saith g . what profit is it to god if thou be iust ? what aduantage is it to him if thy wayes bee cleane ? surelie we must be better enformed of the soundnesse of your iudgement , before we dare depend vppon the authority of your worde . you put vs in minde that you compared an heire apparant to a spouse , betroathed onely and not maried to the common wealth . i remember it well ; but i did not take you for such a widower of wit , that you could thinke it worthy to be repeated . and yet that which herevpon you deduce out of s. paul maketh altogether against you . s. paul saith h , that if a brother hath an infidell to wife , if the consent to abide with him , he may not put her away : and likewise if a woman hath an infidell husband : but if the infidell doeth depart , then the christian is free . now if you will needes make a marriage betweene a king and his subiects , you might heereupon conclude , that if an infidell king will houlde his state , the people may not dispossesse him . and whereas you affirme , that all they who differ in any point of religion , and stand wilfully in the same , are infidelles the one to the other , you shew both a violence and weakenesse of minde . for obstinate error in certaine articles of ●aith , and not in the whole state and substance thereof , doth make an hereticke , but not an infidell . and although the canon lawe dooth in some case dissolue mariage betweene a christian and an infidell i ; yet doth it not permit the like betweene a true christian and an heretick k . and panormitane l in his doubting manner denyeth , that the church hath power to authorize diuorce in case of heresie . so that allowing your compa●ison for good , yet in case of infidelitie , s. paule ; in case of heresie , the cannon lawe is altogether against you . you adde , that albeit the religion which a man professeth be neuer so true , yet whosoeuer hath a contrary perswasion thereof , he shall sinne damnably in the sight of god , to preferre that man to a charge , wherein he may drawe others to his opinion . but i will omit this streine , and yet rather as impertinent then true . for there are few nations in the world , wherein the people haue right to prefer any man to be king : & that which you alleage out of s. paule m for your proofe , is very different from the case which you do forme . the apostle speaketh when an action is of it selfe indifferent , but a weake conscience iudgeth it euill ; being also euill by circumstance , in offending others : you speake where an action is good in it selfe , but an erronious conscience iudgeth it euill . i allowe , that a good action contrarie to conscience is vnprofitable ; but that it is alwayes a damnable sinne i dare not affirme . i dare not affirme that the romane armie did damnably sinne , in defering the empire to iouinian ; who excusing himselfe , ( as zona●as wrighteth ) because being a christian he could not command a pagane armie , they did notwithstanding confirme him emperour , by which means they did afterward embrace the christian faith . the like doth orosius report , that valentinian , being discharged by iulian from being tribune , because he was a christian , by consent of the souldiers was created augustus . i rather take it to be a damnable sinne , which zonaras o wrighteth of the bulgarians , in taking armes against their king , because he was conuerted to christian religion ; albeit they did according to their conscience . it were a deflowring of time to diue into the depth of this question ; because it appe●teineth to electiue states , and not vnto vs. but where you wright , without eyther authoritie or proofe , that to assist , or not to resist the aduancement or gouernment of any king , whom we iudge faultie in religion , is a most damnable sinne , of what side soeuer the truth be ; you breath out most filthy and vnsauorie smoake ; you lift vp your voice into high blasts of blasphemie , against the most high . god hath taught by the apostle s. paule p , that whosoeuer resist the higher powers ( which at that time were infidels ) receiue vnto themselues damnation ; you teach , that whosoeuer doth not in the like case resist , doth damnably offend . were not the spirit of diuision , otherwise called the deuill seated in your soule , you would not thus openly oppose the setlings of your rotten braine , against the expresse and direct sentence of god. what ? is it a damnable sinne to doe euery man right ? is it damnable to giue caesar that which is his due q ? to giue tribute , honor , feare , to whom they appertaine r ? the apostle saith , that christians by resisting the power of infidell rulers , do acquire vnto themselues damnation s : and shall wee yeelde credit vnto you , that turkes , moores , infidels , should damnablye sinne , eyther in admitting or enduring the authoritie of a christian prince ? how vilie doe you value the iudgements of men ? at how lowe rate doe you prize both your conscience and credit ? i could rise into riot of wordes vpon you , were it not that i respect what is seemlye , rather for mee to speake then for you to heare . certainely , if we had receiued no such commaundement from god , the regarde of the quiet of humane societies is sufficient to ouer-whelme your hereticall assertion : for seeing there are many different professions of religion , not onely in the world , but almost in euery nation of the world : seeing also ( as philo saith t ) euery man , eyther by vse or instruction iudgeth his owne religion best : what suretie could any prince , what safetie could any people enioy , if your firie opinion should take place ? what assurance can there be of life or of state , where the sworde beareth swaye vpon such occasions , & that guided by hands both tumultuous and fierce . and seeing among many religions there can be but one truth , if all men should be obstinatelie bent against the gouernment of any , who in their iudgement is faultie in religion ; what likelyhood can we eyther conceiue or coniecture , but that many errours would soone preuaile against the onely trueth . and therefore it is farre more moderate and safe , to vse the ordinarie meanes both of maintaining and propagating the trueth , and to commit the successe thereof vnto god ; and ( as iosephus aduiseth ) not to offer eyther contumelie or violence against any religion , least we prouoake thereby the professors thereof to doe the like against our . your last reason is drawne from policie and consideration of state ; because a king will neyther trust nor fauour , much lesse aduance him , that is not of the same religion with himselfe : but to the contrarie , hee shall bee subiect to all molestations , iniuries and other auersions , which are incident to those who are not currant with the present course of affaires . oh sirre ; this is the helene for which you contend ; you concurre in opinion with those athenians of whome alexander demanded deuine honours ; not so obstinately to defend heauen , as to loose the benefit of the earth . this is the marke whereat you aime , this is the compasse whereby you sayle ; as diuers flowers doe open and cloase , according to the motion of the same ; so according to the variation hereof , you extend or restraine your plyant conscience as you please . but the apostle teacheth vs to be obedient to higher powers , for conscience sake u , and not for anye priuate respect . besides , all princes are not of that disposition whereof you speake . suida wrighteth of one , who changing religion to please his king , was therefore adiudged to loose his head ; one being appointed to crye at the time of his execution ; hee that keepeth not faith with god , what sound conscience can hee beare towards men ? the protestants in france are not altogether cast eyther out of fauoure or out of charge : and manie romane catholickes in england , doe enioye their full part , of all the plentie and pleasures that the realme can affoord . lastly , what haue you to doe with reasons of state ? this is the eagles feather which consumeth your deuotiō . your office is to meditate , to pray , to instruct mē in pure deuotion , to settle their soules in piety & in peace . but do you containe yourselues within these limmits ? nothing lesse . you take vpon you the pollicie of state ; yoù ●end & deface the reputation of kings ; you make your selues both iudges & moderators of all their actions , allowing them to flie no further then you giue them wings . you dispose not onely their affaires , but their crownes at your pleasure ; you hunt them , not to couert , but to death . you contriue wa●s to compasse your designes ; you traine vp your followers in the high mistery of treason ; you cast into euery realme the apple of striefe : your doctrine is to no other vse but as drummes , fifes , and trumpets to incense fury . to these endes , you wrest scriptures , you corrupt histories , you counterfeit reasōs , you corrupt all truth ( pardon my plainenes i pray you , i haue not atteined to your dexterity in disguising matters with smooth termes ) you are obstinate to hazard rather all dangers , then to be cut of from one point of your purpose . you acknowledge no religion but your will , no law but your power : all lies , treacheries and fraudes do change their nature , and become both lawfull and laudable actions when they beare for the aduantage of your affaires . but this is directed to deuotion , ( you will say ) and as you terme it , ordine ad deum , for a holy and religious end . away then with your deuotion , and so we shall be rid of your dangerous deceit . away i say with your deuotion ; or else we will conclude of you as liuie did of anniball : nihil veri , nihil sancti , nullus deûm metus nullum iusiuradum , nulla religio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02848-e270 a in c. 1. tit . de success . feud . b in quaest●an rex franc ae r●c●gn s●at ●uperiorem . c in ●●emo . d. d● l●g 1. d in ●●ū praetor . § non autem . d. de iudi. e a pud aristor . thetor . 3. ca. 10. f lib. 5. g in cerpsychore h in eius vita . i lib. 3. ca. 2. k vbi . 5. l antiqu. 14. ca. 1 m lib. 1.2 . belli iu●●ci . allobroges . n in lisan●i . mich●el riccius . lib. 1. de l c. st●●e de france . q cons. 389. lib. 2. r cons 4● . lib. 3. in. c. 1. tit . an mu●us vel imperfectus . t in c. vlt. tit . ● pif . vel ab . u l. 3. d●le interdic . & rel . l. 2. c●de libert . & co● . lib ●diui fratres . d. de iur . patr l quaeritur d. de bo lib. panor . cons. 85. lib. 1. io. annd. in c. significasti de so . comp . x in l. vii . in fi . de senat . x c●ius naturale . dist . 3 y 1.2 . q. 94. d. 2. z rom . cap. 2. & 3. ' quod naturali● ratio inter omnes homine● constituit , id apud omnes peraeque custoditur vocaturque ius gentium . l. ix . d. de iust . & iur . a iust . de ter . deni . §. singulorum . b in re consensio omn. ū gentium , lex naturae putanda est . i. tuscal . c in l 1. c. de testam . d 4. socrat. e in com . in . 6. f ad ephes . 4. g tit. h c. ● . de decret . ab ord . fac . l. 32. de legi . i ad q. fratrem . prouocandū ad sensus . k interiori nescio qua conscientia i●aec sentimus . de vtti . cred . l omn● malum aut timore aut pudor natura perfu●it . in apol . lice possin : negare , non possunt tamen non crubesc . 1 c. 3. de offic 14. n l. 3. si auro . d. de vsur . l. 8. d. quib . mo . pi . sold. 15. de cond . l. 14. d. de nup. o 7. var. 16. ;? topic . prin . p 5. consil . 38. q ipsius vocem naturae de natur . deot . r 15. prob . 3. s 8. de legib . t 4. consil . 496. u 1. polit . x sine imperio n●c d●mus vlla , nec ciuita● , nec gen , neel ominem vniu●t sum genus state , n●c re●um natura om●● nec ipse den . que m●●dus potest . ● . de legib . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. polit . ca. 3. z ca. 17. ver . 6. & ca. vlt in si . z l. si quis post . humos . d. de lib. et posth . ', arduvm semper codem loci potcutiam & cōcordiam esse . iiiii . annal . a in pr●ncipt● lib. d● v●tis ●ententi●que philosophorum . b lib. de dogmatis philosophorū . c in successionibus philosophorum . d lib. 8. de vi●is & sententiis philosophorum . e lib. 1. contra iouinian . f c. nuptiae . 32. di . 1. g lib. 6. de sanit . tuend . h in timaeo . i in philebo . k in epinomide . l anno. 1552. m vnum imperii corpus vnius animo regendum videtur . 1. annal . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in enagora . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r in cap. 1. s certū est omnos antiqua● gentes regibus paruisse . 3. de legib . t in caulin . u principio tersū , gentium nationumque imperium p●nes r●ges crat . lib. 1. x 1. reg . 8.5 . x in ca. 2. y vtpote cum lege re●●a quae denu●crio cius lara est , populus e● & in eum omne sur●m im : cusuin & pot . statem consera l 1. d. de c●●st pr●ne . z sub vmbra cius vrbem terratum d●minam latere , ●●us nutus ●ro decretis patrum , pro iustis populi ●sse . lib ●0 . ,' nemo erat quo magis innixa res romana , qu m●in papirio cutsore c●tatet . lib. ● . a in●pelopid . b in pericle , c trepidi patres ad summum au●ilium decurrunt dictatorem dici placuit . lib 6. d dictatoris edictum pro numine semper obseruatum . lib. 6. e tantus erat dictatoris terror apud hostes , vt co creato statim a manibus discesserint . lib. co . f ve recte prudentes quidam de vita augusti post mortem eius inter se conferentes , dix●runt , non aliud discordantis patriae remedium suisse , quam si ab vno regeretur . ann . 1. g in epist. 1. ad q. fratreu● . in apolog . i lib. 16. k lib. 39. l lib. 1. m lib. 1. n lib. 1. o belli macedonici . lib. 10. p lib. 16. q lib. 7. in euterpe . aeneid . 1. t lib ad oc●au . august . u in cytopaed . x in artaxerxe . y in polyhimnia . z lib. 2. a lib. 6. ca. 28. lib. 7. b lib. 5. ca. 12. c de praeparar . euang . lib. 10. d lib. 34. lib. 46. e iustin. lib. 14. & 41. f de morib . ger. g 2. chron. ca. 21. h in polyhimnia . i in epist ad onagrium , & in gen . 49. k cons. 275. vol. 2. l l. ex hoc iure d. de iust & iuro . semper fuit , & semper erit . &c. m in c. licet . de voto . n cons. 94. & 274. o in prooem . d. §. discipuli . p cons. 287. q in c. prudentiā de offic . de leg . r in l maximum . c. de lib. praeter . & cons. 179 li. 1. s cons. 25. lib. 5. t cons. 2. u con. 67. x deci. 476. & con . 60. y in c. 1. tit de his qui feud . da. poss . & in c. qualite● . tit . si de feu . su cont . inter do . z in ●ub de test . lib. ● . & inc . grandi . de sup . ●cque prael . a in l. 1. d. de const . prin . & in l. n●mo . de leg . 1. cons. 225. ●● 289. c cons. 25. lib. 1 d tract . de pu● . & excel . regia q. 9. e in ● quart . ad l. falcid . f cons. 9. tit de feud g in l. obuenire . d. de verb. fig. h cius natural . dist . 1. i z●ch . 12.10 . 2. reg. 13.21 . l in exod. cap. 11 in term . de septem plagis n in gen. hom . 51 o vbi ● . p de h●sto . anim●● . lib 6. cap. 1● . q lib. 11. cap 40 s histor. chilia . 4. cap 126. r de it otu animal lib. 3. & lib. 15. cap. 13. t in arato . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in dia logo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y lib. 2 de cain & abel . cap. 2. z exod. 4. homil 5 aduersus iudaeos . b gen 47. c gen. 27.19 . d deut. 1.17 . exod. 13.2 . & 22.19 . & 34. 19 leuit. 27.26 . num 1.13 & 8.16 & 18.15 . n●hem . 10.36 . ●zech . 44.30 . : luk 2.23 . f matth. 19.30 . & 20.16 . marc. 10.31 . luc. 13.10 . g 1. cor. 1. circa si . h lib. 7. i in preoem d. § discipuli et in l. donationes . c. de d●n . inter vir . & ●x . k in l 2. c. de iur . emphyt . l per l. ex facto . ● pen. d. ad treb. m cons. 275. lib. 2. in l. proximus . d. de ●e●b . sig . o l. ●x d●obus . d. de vu●g . & pu● . p in l. si quis priorit §. talem . d. de secund . p ibid. q in addit . bar. l. 1. c. qui habebat d. de bo . poss . ● nt . tab & in disp●t . in cip . sigism ●nd . r cons. 92. s in t. act de pot . & excell . reg . q. 10. & q. 74. t in c. quaeritur . §. item opponitur 22. q. 2. u vnigeni●us . y c nam & ego . dever . fig. y lex regia . z l. 1. de const . princ . a de rep . lib. 1. b l. si st●its & ib. bar. & bald d. de dam. infect . c l. si q●●s iusiarandum . c. de reb . cr●d . d inst. de iur . person . e l. 1. de vsucap . f l. vlt. c. de praesc . long . temp . i. sicut c. de praesc . 30. ann . g l. si de interpretatione . d. de ll. h l. omnes populi . de iust . & sur . l. sed & ca. d. de legib . i e. 1. de feud . k c. 1. de ali . feud . l l. testaments omnia . c. de test . k c ridiculum 12 di . l in c quanto de transl . , ral . m in c domino . 50. di . n in l. ●ive●o d. de sol . mat. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o in tract . de imper q de ciuit . d● . lib. 2. cap. 21. r lib. 3. de repub . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t viue moribus praelentibus , loquere verbis praesentibus . lib. de clar . thetor . x lib. 15. c. 11. & lib. 1. cap. 10. y quae praeter consuetudinem & morem maiorum fiu●t , neque placen● , neque iecta videntur . z 4. de ciuit . a 5. cons. 132. b grandia latrocinia . lib. 10. d 1. de benesie . e orbis terratū praedo . f l. postliminium d. de captiu . g arma tenenti omnia dat qui iusta negar . h reg. peccatum p. ● . §. 9. i in rub . c. de la. ii . vt qui vicissent , iis quos vicissent , quemadmodu● velint imperarent . ●irom . 1. archid. iudic. 11.23 . & 24. deut. 20. gen 48 , 12. q 1. ciu. r 4. de form . s v. de ciuit . inst. de pob . iud . s herod . lib. 1. t ture principem ●olite , non datū , sed ●atum . lib. 1 del ●e●ate de france . notes for div a02848-e8030 a 2 sam. 10. b fol. 21. c pag. 17. 1. pet. 2. plutarch . in probl . rom. 13. d marc. 16. col. 1.23 . ad auxentib . g gen. 10.5 h hom. in gen. i gen. 10.9 . k in cratylo . l ●oct . attic. 9. cap. 4. m gen. 10. n ninus primus dicrut bello parta retinuisse , cum priores contenti victoria ▪ imperio abstinuissent . iust. 1. * l. 2. de orig . iur . * contra appianum . q lib. 2. de regno . r aeneid , ● . s aeneid . 3. t aeneid . 1. u aeneid . 5. * lib. ● . x in apopht , y at cum ius aequabile ab ●no viro homines non consequerentur , inuentae sunt leges . offic. 2. a ann. 1116. * l. 13. c. de sen. & interloc . om . iud . 5. cons. 33. & 6 50. 3.100 . 3. reg. 14. & 15 d gell. lib. 5. ca. 19. e iura dedit . f tanto consensu quanto haud qui●quam alius ante rex est declaratus . g i●● . 2. d. de orig●●r . h i●s ci●●le ●apirianum . i nullum esse discordantis patrie remedium , quam vt ab vno rege●etur . annal● k in act. cap. 8. l lib. 2. cap. i. m lib. 6. cap. 29. & 30. n gen. 27.22 o protestatio aetui contraria non releuat . p in dionys. q 2. ca. 2.10 . r ver . 8. s rom. ● 3. t 1. ca. 2 ver . 13 u tit. 3.1 . * 1. tim. 2.2 . x 1. pet. 2.18 . y in tract . de . exemp . clericorum . z ver . 16. * galat. 1.10 . a ca. 29.7 . b ca. 1.11 . c ca. 17. d deut. 17.12 . e exod. 22.28 . act. 23.5 . f eccles. 10.20 . g rom. 13. h ierem. 25.9 . i ezech. 29.18 . k cap. 25. l prou. 21.1 . m 2. chron. 36.22 . n 2. chron. 19.8 . o psal. 82. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in polit . q sap. 6. r extrauag . vnā sanctam . de maio , & obed , s in declam . cic. offic . lib. 1 u pater patriae . * in l. senium . c. qui test . fa. poss . x 2. chron. 1. y prou 28.2 . 2. chron. 28.6 . z apolog. 37. * de sacr . ec . tert. a ad demet. b ●actum societatis humanae generale regibus obedire . confes. lib. 2. c dist. 8. c. qu● contra . d tyrannos aggred untur , lolium ab agro dominico ●u●llunt . matt. 8. f 1. reg. 19. g exod. 10. h math. 10.34 . notes for div a02848-e11640 a psal. 73. b ca. 12 1. c in alexand. d apoc. 6.4 . psa . 105.1 . reg 24. f 4 reg . 21. g in augusto , genu nixus dictaturam deprecatus est , h in august . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 53. k in proam . l lex regia . m lib. 6. n lib. 1. de l'sta●e de france . o ibidem . girard . fo 52. q fo● 58. de l'state . r cap. 5 pa. 8● in richard , 2. t in ● barbarius . d. de offic . praesid . u in ● . cu●a pastoralis de ●u●epation . notes for div a02848-e14060 a de benefic . lib. 7. c ● . 5 . c cap. 1. d c. dudum . de praeb . lib 6. e l. iudicium soluitur . d. de iudic . f l. solet . de iurisd . g in l. vlt. de iurisd . h in c. pastoral●s de off . ord . i in c. cum ecclesiarum . co . k in d. l. iudicium . l cap ●2 . m 1. el. 1. n l. j. d. ad . l. iul. maiest . o frustra sidem sibi quis postulat seruari ab eo , cui sidē a se praestitam seruare recusat . p non obstringitur quis ad implendum quod iurauit si ab alia parte non inpletur , cuius respectu praebuit iuramentum . q in l. cum proponas . c. de pact . r in c. peruenit 2 de iureiur . s in tract fallen reg 199. t l. ille a quo & ● . seq . ad treb. u in apopht . x lib. 24. y lib. 2. ca. 1. a lib. 2 ca. 2. z l. postliminium . filius d. da capit , et postlim . a c. in mali● . d● reg . iur . in 6. b 22. q. 4.4 . c. 5 c in domit . d rom. 13. e 1. tim. 2.2 . ierem. 29.7 g generale quippe pactum est humanae succietatis , regibus obedi●e . confess . lib. 2. h magnum est et speciale documentū &c. ad auxentium i ad auxentiū k apol. l act. 4. m in psalm . 1. sam. s. q c. coniurationū xj q j. notes for div a02848-e15230 r in l. 2. d. de seruit . & aqua s cons. 216. t de legib . u in l. vlt. c. si contra in s . w c. sunt quidam . 25. q. 1. * nunc . x plutarch . in problem . graec. y l. iij. d. de leg . j. dec. in reg . 77. n. 10. z in l. iurisgentium . * quinimo . * in l. claris l. de fideis . a in c. pro●llor●i de praebend . b cons. 220. lib. 6. & cons. 122. & 125. lib. 4. c in cap. 1. d in spec . tit . 14. * veniamus n. 10. c an. 633. cap. 74. f cons. 69. notes for div a02848-e16520 g cap. 1. h rom. 9.13 . i gen 25.23 . k cap. j. l cap. 3. m cap j. n metrop . l. 3. cap. 20. o in prooem . decret . p about the yeare , ●375 . q in c. v●t . 24 q. 1. r in l quesitā . d. de leg . j. s in c● tanta qui fil suat legit . t con● . 1●2 . l. 2 u cons ● 2. li. 1 w in c. 1 tit . quis dicat . dux . x ind. pa●●● . c. de re●●cad . y in rep ●ab . de ca. po & prop. z cons. 262. & in tra●t de po . & excel . reg . ● 25 a in tra●t de privil 〈◊〉 . par . 1. ca. 109. b in tract . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c amend . 9. d walsingh . in e. 1. c anno reg . 23. f de nouo rege creando more maiorum . g sir tho. moore , and stow. h holingshead . notes for div a02848-e17770 i 2. reg 15. & 16. 2 reg. 2. & 5. k exod. 20.5 . l ezech. 18.20 . ierem. 31.29 . deut. 24.16 . 2. chron. 25.2 . m l. siquis sno . § legi● c●de in o●f . test● generali . d●●e rit . nup. l. siliā . d. de senator . l. adoptiuum . d. de in ius voc . n dist. 56. per tot . o gl . et dd●b . et in c. vel non est de temp . ord . p 1 chron. 22.8.9 . q 3. reg. 2.48 . r 3. reg. 11.31 . s 3. reg. 12.24 . t 3. reg. 11.43 . u 3. reg. 12.17 . w 3. reg. 12.19 . x 3. reg. 12.21 . y 3. reg. 12.19 . z 3. reg. 11.31 . & pa. 414. a cap. 3. b lib. 34. pa 833. c pa. 841. notes for div a02848-e18970 d cap. ● . e lib. 1. de l'estate . fol 43. f de l'estate . g di l'estate . lib. 1. pa. 5● . h li. ● . fol. 60. b. fol. 63. a k in andromache . l 1375. m lib 4. circa sin . n de gest . ang. lib. 1. ca. 2. o lib. 2. ca. 5. p lib. 6. q lib. 2 ca. 8. r extoria a principibus fide arripuit diadema . s viribus & genere fretus regni diadema inuasit . t in part . 2. ca. 2. pa 12. u lib. vit will. conq . * cin. & bartol . in l. imperialis . c. de nupt . w lib. vitj . will. conq . x lib. 1. cap 3. y in henr. 1. sol . 181. z in henr. 1. lib. 5. & quod solus omnium filiorum willielminatus est regie , & ei regnum videretur competere . a in polyhim●n b lib. 2. c lib. de fraacrna beneuolentia . d antiq. lib. 16 cap 3. e in l. imperialis . § illud . c de nupt . f in l. si lenatus c. de dignit . lib. 12. g in tract . de pot . & excell . reg §. 16. h pet. iac. in arb . success . reg franc. 10. rai . in cap. praeterea . tit . de prohis seud . ali & in tract . nobil quest . 10. iac. a s. georg. in tract . seud . d. benedic . in rep . c. rainuitius . n. 200. de testam . i in arraxerxe . k lib. 12. in prin . l ibidem . m sacramenti praeuaricator regnum in vasit . n in hist. ●●uel lib. 1. sol . 101. a. o tribus episcopis praesentibus , nullis abbatibus , paucissimis optimatibus . p lib. 8 pa 221. vigore & impudentia ●retus . q pa. 221. r quia regnum contra iusiu . randum p●aeripuisse videbatur . s pa. 275. quasi tempestas inuasit . t in prine li. 12 u in steph. w hypodig . pa. , 8. x lib. 12. pa. 107. y pa 228. z fol. 281.2 . & pa. 62. a lib. 15. in prin . b lib. 15 pa. 262. c in prologo . d iure propinquitatis . e hypodig . po . 50. f lib. 15. pa. 263. g pa , 269. h walsing . hypodigm● . pa. 56. notes for div a02848-e22870 h ca. 1. l in e per tuas . qui fil . sunt legit . m lib. de legibus . n rom. 13. o math. 16.25 . p math. 26.52 . q act. 2.3 . r rom. 13. 1. pet. 2. contra petihanum . t ca. ● . u epist. 54. w hierem. 29. baruch . 1 x in rep . l. 5 de iust . y lib. 12. z lib. 30. & paul. aem. 6.7.8 a adu . ge . 3.4 . b apolo . c inst. 20.21 . d 2. var. 27. et . lib. 10 epi. 26. e de vi. su . f cant . ser. g 22.5 . h 1. cor. 7. i c. iudaei . 28. q. 1. c. quanto . de diuor . k d. c. quāto c. gaudemus de diuort . l inc. ex parte . 2. de conuer . coniug . m rom. 14. 1. cor. 8. o to . 3. p rom. 15. q math. 22 17. mar. 12.17 . luc. 20.25 . r rom. 13 7 s rom. 13.2 t de legat . u rom. 13.5 nehemiah the tirshatha, or, the character of a good commissioner to which is added grapes in the wilderness / by mr. thomas bell ... bell, thomas, fl. 1672-1692. 1692 approx. 402 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 129 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27353 wing b1804 wing b1803_partial estc r4955 12317998 ocm 12317998 59412 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27353) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59412) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 203:12) nehemiah the tirshatha, or, the character of a good commissioner to which is added grapes in the wilderness / by mr. thomas bell ... bell, thomas, fl. 1672-1692. bell, thomas. grapes in the wilderness. [12], 59, [2], 182 p. printed by george mosman, and are to be sold at his shop ..., edinburgh : 1692. 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quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -hosea ii, 14 -criticism, interpretation, etc. kings and rulers -biblical teaching. god -goodness. sermons, english. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-06 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion apud edinburgum . vicesimo primo die aprilis 1691 post meridiem . th● whilk day the commission appointed by the late general assembly of this church , having considered . report from a committee of their own number whom the said commission had appointed to revi●● two manuscripts , written by the late reverend mr. thomas bell minister of the gospel , and professor of philology in the colledge 〈…〉 edinburgh , and given in to them by his relick ; the one where 〈…〉 , grapes in the wilderness , the other , nehemiah the 〈…〉 , or the character of a good commissioner ; whereby the 〈…〉 ●ommittee declared that they having perused the saids peices , 〈…〉 them to be solid and edifying discourses ; and that 〈…〉 printing there would be very useful and profitable . and the said commission being well and ripely advised with the said report , they do hereby recommend to the relick of the said mr. thomas bell to get the said two pieces printed and published with all convenient diligence . extractum , &c. nehemiah the tirshatha : or , the character of a good commissioner . to which is added grapes in the wilderness . by mr. thomas bell , minister of the gospel , and professor of philology in the colledge of edinburgh . edinburgh , printed by george mosman , and are to be sold at his shop in the parliament clōss . anno 1692. unto the most noble and illustrious princess the dutchess of hamiltoun . may it please your grace , i have adventured , though not without blushing and some fear , because of the vastdistance , to dedicate and commit the tutelage of these two little orphan treatises of my deceast husband mr thomas bell , grapes in the wilderness , and the character of a commissioner , in the person of none-such nehemiah , to your grace the every way most fit and proper person , under the benign in fluence of whose incouraging countenance , he did for a considerable time preach the gospel at hamiltoun : and indeed if any other in the world could possibly rival it with your grace in my esteem , yet could i not without the highest both injustice and ingratitude dedicate them otherwayes , it having been to my certain knowledge his firm resolution , if ever they saw the light , that they should be dedicated thus , whose will i● 〈◊〉 such things was alwayes , and is still to me as an inviolably obliging law. i am very confident your grace will read them in print after his death , with the same edifying complacency and delight that you had wont to hear him discourse by vive voice , in the noble family , and in the solemne assembly , for really they resemble their father to the very life : that i have therefore sent them abroad into the wide world , under the patronage and protection of your graces noble and renowned name , ( which will sufficiently secure i am against all the censures & cavills of the most malevolent carpers of this ill natured age ) will not be construed impardonable presumption , is the humble hope of , most noble princess , your graces most humble , most obliged , and most devoted servant , l. r. to the reader . christian reader , the discoveries that the majesty of god , hath made of himself , in these latter dayes , are so transcendent and eminently beyond what was informer ages , that it may truly be said , that the men of this generation , shall be signally indebted , either to the grace and mercy , or justice of god. for informer ages , thought was comparatively dark , & the sun but rising in our horizon : but in this age , the light of the moon ( compared with former generations ) is like the light of the sun , & the light of the sun sevenfold , as the light of seven dayes . but alas ! our not walking in the light may justly provoke the lord to cause our sun go down at noon . beza complained in his time that there was multum scientiae much knowledge , but parum conscientiae little conscience ; and how much more is there ground for this complaint now ? for since the primitive and apostolick age , greater light hath not broken forth , and moe stars of the first and greatest magnitude , have not more clearly shined in any age : but oh ! how little walking is there sutable to such great light ? how many eminent christians were there in former ages , who had not so much all their dayes of the riches of free grace discovered , and of the mysteries of the gospel unfolded , as some in this generation have had in a very little time , who have far surpassed us in this generation for eminency in faith , love , holy zeal , prayer , and wrestling with god , patience , meckness , diligence in duty , and a gospel adorning conversation ? and the generality have shut their eyes and will not behold the glory of god , manifested in the 〈◊〉 of jesus christ , in this gospel : for which cause , the holy and jealous god in great anger and holy indignation , hath removed many and eminent candlesticks out of their place and taken away many shining and burning lights : not in their old age , and gray hairs , but even in the flower of their age , and in the prime and flowrishing of their graces and gifts . one of which was the reverend ( now triumphant and glorified ) author of these following treatises . who was eminent for piety and learning , as his writtings do manifest . his roman antiquities , which he published before his death , cannot but command his learning to all knowing persons , and his piety was so eminent to all that knew him , that he needs none of our commendation : and these his works ( which are a specimen of his great knowledge , eloquence , piety and solid judgement ) will praise him in the gate , where he draws a vive picture and patern for all , but especially for rulers and magistrates to look on , and walk after , which i am hopeful will be very acceptable to all the judicious and godly . he i say was taken away in the flower of his age & flowrishing of his gifts : god not accounting the world worthy of him . and having left amongst his papers these two treatises ( one of which was for me established by a privat person , but without the knowledge and advice of the authors friends ) some of his friends , lovers of the publick good , judged it expedient to review and correct these treatises that they might be published for the good and edification of the church , that he by them ( though dead ) might speak . which we hope shall through gods blessing , be very edifying , for over throwing of atheism , discovering of the souls happiness in union and communion with god , directing great persons in their duty , and holding forth the excellency of the scripture , and pointing out to these who are walking in this wilderness the way to the heavenly canaan , with many other edifying purposes ; which that the great god may bless , is the earnest prayer of . thy servant in the work of the gospel . m. c. nehemiah the tirshatha : or , the character of a good commissioner . the scripture casteth such a light of divinity every way , its purpose being the mind of god , its writting the writting of god ; as whole the oracles of god , and every part of it he faithful sayings of god , that it is hid to none ●ut those that perish , whose eyes the god of this world hath blinded : so absurd a thing is atheism , that even those who serve the devil cannot want their god. at the birth of jesus there appeared a star in the east , which guided the wise-men ( by their presents seeming to have been greatmen ) to the place where the was : but the scripture , like the sun , is the great light that ruleth the day of the gospel , circling the world as long as the sun , and continuing while the moon endureth . rom : 10. 17. faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of god : but i say , have they not heard ? yes verily , their sound went out into all the earth , and their words unto the worlds end . in the creation the first-born light of the first day , lasting but three dayes concentred and ceased in the enduring luminaries the product of the fourth day : so in the regeneration , the light of christs personal preaching , lasting just as many prophetical dayes , dan. 9 27. hath given place to the scripture-light that endureth for ever , and the sure word rf prophecy , to which we do well to take heed , as to a light that shineth in a dark place . this is the light that maketh all things manifest , even the thoughts and intents of the heart , that discovereth all things to men and a man to himself , both what he is , and what he ought to be : and what manner of persons ought we to be ? 2 pet 23 , ●1 truly this light is sweet and intertaineth u● with variety of delightful objects : amongst which of late , happening to be detained with these last words of nehemiah , and seeing them like a well done portrait , in all stances looking towards me with an eye of instruction , walking and returning , and still more desireously beholding , hardly could i be satisfied with a sixth view . remember me o my god for good . nehem. 13. last . these words at the very first view do clearly hold forth , that there is a god. and that both by an express testimony of his blessed name , that heard in all the scripture , and seen in all his works : ●e man of wisdom shall see thy name . mic. 6. 9. and force of reason , from the inclination and moti●● of the soul , which finding nothing but emptiness home , goeth forth in quest of happiness , and but ●arpening its desires with all that is imperfect , is ●●tisfied only with a perfect good : and that is ●od . so unhappy by necessity is every one that is ungodly . the pythagorean and hermetick method of ●ence is the best instructer of this truth , which euery man may read off his own soul. be still and know at i am god. how shall i know that ? by my own desires and expectations , which can take up with other thing . whom have i in heaven but thee ? and earth what desire i beside thee ? and now lord what ●●t i for ? my hope is in thee . if a raving stoick , or petulant dialogist , shall say that these soul-ardors ●e but the intemperat extravagant heats of a working fancy quickned by the touch of a platonick i●a , rather to be starved to extinction than indul●●d to satisfaction : it is answered seriously , that ●●icile est hominem exuere . or can any of them by an ●ey of fancy quiet an earning stomack , or cure a ●erish body , let be ( without quenching the spirit , ●d starving the soul ) still otherwise than by satisfaction , and enjoyment of the desired object , these soul-longings and desires , which are ever strongest ●●d most eager in the greatest serenity ? with my soul ●●ve i desired thee in the night : by night upon my bed , ●ought him whom my soul loved : and the lord is in ●e still voice : to make good the argument , let it be added , that the sagest , holyest , noblest so● are alwayes the hottest in this pursuit , such as p●● isay , nehemiah , david . now after what is the king of israel come out ? after what doth he pursue ? a●ter a flea ? after a fancy ? or should a wife man ●●ter vain knowledge , and like simon patricks pilgrim fill his belly with the east-wind ? now shall a● man be so unmerciful to conclude all the wor●● unavoidably miserable , that they may be atheist or shall they be so unwise , thus to be abused , to t●● hazarding even of a possibility of happiness ? f●● if there be happiness , there is a god ; and if the● be no god , there can be no happiness . and w● then are all men made in vain ? if there be no men for what do we hunger ? if no drink , what do 〈◊〉 thirst for ? if no glory , saith cicero ) for what 〈◊〉 all men labour ? if no rest way weary we our selves in vain ? if no god , no happiness , what is this o●● souls do so importunately pursue , with a serio●● loathing of all that is seen ? or what hath waken● in them those desires that can never be stilled till th● get what they seek . and what say these soul-longings , thirstings , pantings , breathings , but that 〈◊〉 thou beest an atheist , thou must put out the soul , a● put off the man ? how seasonable may this reflection be in a wo●●● where atheism is acted in so various guises : by some with a fools heart in a fools coat , saying in 〈◊〉 heart , there is no god ; by others in a philosopher garment ; for in the judgement of god , the wor●● by wisdom knew not god ; by some in the dress of hypocrite , in words professing to know god , but ●● works denying him ; by others in the person of amhitryo thinking that god is altogether such a one ●s himself : by some in epicurus his person , complementing god with the kingdom of heaven , ●nd offering to relieve him of the abaseing pensive and expensive charge of these his low countries , saying , he will neither do good nor evil ; but he is a god that judgeth in the earth : by others in the robs of pharaoh the egyptian tyrant , braving and defying god ; who is the lord that i should obey him , or harken to his voice ? by some in the pontificalls of antichrist with a mouth speaking great things against the most high , boasting himself that he is god , exalting himself above all that is called god , or is worshiped : by others in the equipage of a souldier fighting against god with wit and power , pen and sword. but let such as make war against the holy covenant and saints of the most high ; that hate the gospel , and hinder the preaching thereof , take gamaleels counsel , and beware lest they be found even to fight against god : for there is neither counsel nor strength against the lord ; and who ever hardned himself against him and prospered ? the second view of these words presents to us clearly , the immortality of the soul. this is establisht 1. upon the same ground with the former : for if the souls happinessly in the enjoyment of a perfect , and so necessarly an unchangeable good , sit must undeniably be immortal , both to enjoy and praise its obiect : et miserum est fuisse felicem : there is no happiness not perpetual , else he was a fool who spoiled his mirth with the thoughts of a sword hanging over his head . 2. it is confirmed clearly by the expectation of a future reward : remember me o my god for good . till i see good ropes twined of the sand , and the sea beaten to powder , i cannot be inclined to think that the world was made of atoms . and if it be ruled by chance , what are counsel and art , wisdom and folly , good and evil , law and justice , but names of fancies , large as ridiculous as he who should command the motes of the sun to dance a measure , or be who scourged the sea for its disorder ? we know that pure chance obtaineth impunity by the law both of god and man. now this matter belongeth to the ruler gravly to consider how inconsistent atheism is with government : for to the atheist treason and robbery is neither plot nor fellony , but simple chance medley , a french aire , or merry jigg of volage atoms : but by this fortuitous act of indemnity , as the atheist can do no wrong , so neither can he complain of injury , if he chance to be baffled , robbed , or dispatched violently . if the world reel ( i cannot say properly be ruled ) by chance is not the atheist , not by scripture only which never speaks good of him , but by his own principle ; also proven a forlorn fool , lyable in all things to unavoidable surprisal ? yea a liar also , who knowing and warned of a continual surprisal , can therefore never be surprised , except into the absurdity of a self-contradiction , whereof his principles of fortuity are a fair essay . but to a wise man ; if the world must be ruled by counsel and law ; how is it that justice is not in this life universally and fully executed , and every man rewarded according to his works ? but that there is a court of referrs , a day of the restitution of all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of righting all wrongs and settling all disorders . rom. 2. 6. to 13. some are rewarded in this life , to convince us of a divine providence ; others are not rewarded , to warn ●s of a world to come . or what can perswade nehemiah with all the wisest and best of men , deliberat● to chuse willingly to forgo the worlds favour and measures , and undergo all its toil and displeasure , but ●● eye to the recompence of reward , by far more ●●e better than it is the later ? the sence of the souls ●nmortality is the indelible character and solid ●●reats of authentick nature , exactly rendered in ●●ery man's coppy : only it is not illuminated in some ●●rk hereticks and desperate monsters , satyres or ●●ch doleful creatures in humane shape , where you ●● as little of the man as of immortality ; for these ●● all appear equally . yet it is shaddowed in all ●ens practice : for look we backward , what but ●●e aire of immortality maketh men so conceit an ●●cient pedegree ? or foreward , what moveth ●●en to call their children and lands by their own ●ame , and to endeavour to perpetuat all together , it the expectation of immortality ? say it is their ●●●ty ; yet omne malum est in bono ; and there must some reality under that same vanity . and tru●● the souls immortality is the early dictat of na●●re our religious mother . the uncontroverted ●●d universal sentiment of all her posterity of whatever religion jewish , pagan , christian , mahume●● : the sadducees might well be the first deniers , o lord ; o lord , i beseeth thee send now prosperity : yet all that will live goaly in christ jesus must suffer persecution , and through much tribulation we must enter into the kingdom of god. but let no man add affliction to the afflicted , and scornfully with apostate iulian , alledge to christians this doctrine , to make their burdens heavier : god will not be mocked , but he will avenge his own elect , who cry day and night to him , though he bear long with them : i tell you that he will avenge them speedily , luke 18. 7 , 8. and men would remember , that there is suffering for evil-doing , as well as for well-doing ; and he who inflicts the one , may be rewarded with the other : for in the hand of the lord there is a cup , and the wine is red , it is full of mixture , and he poureth out of the same ; but the dregs thereof all the wicked of the earth shall wring them out and drink them , psal. 75. 8. and it ●● a righteous thing with god , to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you ; and to you who are troubled rest with us , when the lord iesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels , in flaming fire , taking vengeance , &c. 2 thess. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. 2. the belief of the souls immortality , teacheth men effectually the fear of god : fear not them that kill the body , and when they have done that have no more , that they can do : but fear ye him who can cast both soul and body into hell ; i say fear him , luke 12. 4 , 5 psal. 76. 11. he ought to be feared : and why ? verse 12. he cutteth off the spirits of princes , he is terrible to the kings of the earth . who would not fear thee , o king of nations ! for to thee doth it appertain , jer. 10. 7. 3. it teacheth moderation in the desire and use of all things worldly : we look not at the things that are seen , which are temporal , but at the things that are not seen , which are eternal . there is indeed the high spirit of christianity courting immortality with so great disdain of all worldly things , that it cannot see them in its way . this is the true nobility of the soul that exempteth it from the egyptian slavery and servil drudgery of loading it self with thick clay for the brick-kilns of worldly projects ; and setteth it far without the reach of this temptation , and woe be to him who buildeth his house by blood , and his city by oppression ; and delivereth it from the s●art of him , who will be rich , till he be peirced with many sorrows and drowned in damnation . but , this i say brethren . the time is short ; even short enough to him who every evening may hear , this night thy soul shall be taken from thee . it remaineth , that they who possess the world be as they possessed it not , they that use it , as if they used it not , and as not abusing it ; for the fashion of this world passeth away , 1 cor. 7. 29. and foreward . but alas for pitty that this same moderation and indifferency should be both practised and applauded in the matters of god! and that it is so rare to be seriously and positively holy , that godliness may say , o ye sons of men , how long will ye turn my glory into shame ? how long will ye love vanity , and seek after leasing ? psal. 4. 2. 4 it teacheth us the best managry . this age hath learned to be wonderful thrifty : but o that they could study to be rich toward god! and could be perswaded that alms and charity is the best husbandry , and surest art of managry ; and would learn of the unjust steward , to make to them-selves friends of the unrighteous mammon , that when they fail , they may receive them into ever-lasting habitations . mat ; 6 , 19 , 20 lay not up for your selves treasures upon earth &c. but lay up for your selves treasures in heaven . the me● of the world have their portion in this life ▪ but as for me when i awake , i shall be satisfied with thy likness psal. 17. 14 , 15. alas ! most me● first have so little desire for heaven , that next the● come to have as little hope of it , and so at last and fain to take up with the world , and for ja●●● blessing , must with esau , be content with the f●●ness of the earth . gen. 27 , 39. or else what mea● the unhandsome , unhallowed , and unhappy practises of catching , gripping , and inhancing , which have prevailed so far that now mens covetousness hath strengthned it self with pride , lest they should be reputed less witty : for how do they boast o● such exploits ? but such boasting is not good , and the● glory is their shame , for they mind earthly things phi● ▪ 3 , 19 , and they have hearts exercised with covetou● practises , cursed children 2 pet. 2. 14. but alas ! i find● one great fault in most mens accounts , that the● never count upon the soul ; they count their thousands , and ten thousands , and hundred thousands and the poor soul sayes , how many count you me●● i stand debter for ten thousand talents upon your score ; yea , i am already destressed , and what will you give in exchange for me ? not a groat , sayes the wretch , while i havelife , though after that he would give ten thousand worlds ; so much there is betwixt market-dayes . 5. it teacheth patience in well doing ; who by patience in well doing , seek for glory , and honour , and immortality , is eternal life ; to them rom ; 2 , 7. therefore my beloved brethren be ye stedfast , unmovable , alwayes abounding in the work of the lord , for as much as ye know that your labour is not in vain in the lord 1 cor ; 15. last . and this is the conclusion of the apostles vindication of the resurrection and the life to come . the saints have a long and sore service in the world , but god is not unrighteous to forget their labour of love ▪ a cup of cold water shall not be forgotten : and for whatsoever any have forsaken , they shall have a hundred fold in this life , and in the world to come life everlasting : and we reckon that the sufferings of this present life are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in the saints . therefore let us not be weary in well doing , for in due season we shall reap , if we faint not galat. 6 , 9. 6. it supporteth the christians hope : for if in this life only we have hope in christ , of all men we are most miserable 1 cor. 15 , 19. it is certainly the interest of every good man to believe the souls immortality , and as much their duty to live so as it may be their interest : for it is not reason and judgement that prompt men to deny it , but fear and and an evil concience that tells them it will be ill for them . the souls immortality is the hope o● israel , that maketh them diligent in well doing patient in tribulation , and desirous of their change : for we that are in this tabernacle do groan being burdened not for that we would be uncloathed , but cloathed upon , that mortality might be swallowed up of life 2 cor. 5. 4. the third view of these words giveth this manifest reflection , that communion with god is the souls sanctuary and solace . we have this prayer of nehemiah thrice recorded in this chap. and in the close of the 5 , chap , besides frequent addresses of the like nature , such as that solemn ejaculation chap. 24. and that chap. 6 , 14. and another in this same chap. ver . 29 besides his ordinary attendance on publick worship , and solemn and extra-ordinary fasting chap. 9. by all which it is eviden● how seriously and constantly godly this renounced worthy was like david who could say , what tim● soever i awake i am with thee : and truly the soul is either sleeping or worse when not with god affaires and weight of business quickned their devotion as much as it extinguisheth ours : and the matter is , they were not cool , indifferent latitudinarians in religion , but men of another spirit , serious men. and if that be true which i hilosophers have said , that that is not the man which is seen ; alas what puppyes , what mock-men are we , who can be any thing but good and serious ? this observation proven by the experience of saints in all generations , who sat down under the shaddow of the almighty with great delight , and his fruit was sweet to their taste cant 2. 3. will make it self good by the strongest reason , when we have seen a little what communion with god is , and wherin it consists , and 1. it stands in reconciliation , the immediate result of justification by faith : amos 3 , 3. ● can two walk together except they be aggreed ? rom. 5 , 1. being justifyed by faith we have peace with god , and 10. v. we are reconciled by the death of his son. this giveth access to god , and bringeth us near who sometimes were far off : this of enemies maketh friends ; even as abraham believed , and was called the friend of god. 2. in a mystical , spiritual and supernatural union , the product of regeneration ; for he that is joyned to the lord is one spirit , and is made partaker of the divine nature this maketh us sons ; and plant●th us in god john 1 , 12 , 13. to as many as received him , to them gave he power to become the sons of god : which were born , not of blood , nor of the will of the flesh , nor of the will of man , but of god. 1 john 4 , 13. hereby we know that we dwell in him , and he in us , because he hath given us of his spirit : and v. 16. god is love , and he that loveth dwelleth in god , and god in him . iohn 17. 23. i in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one . iohn 15 , 5. i am the vine , ye are the branches . 3. in likness of natures , compliance of minds , and conformity of manners . 2 cor : 3 , last , he that hath communion with god is changed into the same ●mage : and colos. 3. 10. is renewed after the image of him that created him . 1 cor ; 15. 49. as we have born the image of the earthy , so must we also of the heavenly . christ is the image of his father , and saints are the image of christ. and how much are they of one humour , pleased in and pleasing one another ▪ the lord is a god to the saints mind : in heaven or earth he sees nothing to him : whom have i in heaven but thee ? or who is a god like unto thee ? nec viget quidquam simile aut secundum and the saint is a david , a man to gods heart what is the book of canticles but one continued proof of this matter ? what exchange of heart● are there ? what concentering of affections ? what returns of love ? what uniting raptures ● what reflections of beauty ? what echo's of invitations and commendations with such likeness of voices that sometimes you shall hardly discern who speaks . moreover we find this complianc● universal in the saint , swaying all that was in him to the lords devotion : his understanding is re-newed in knowledge after the image of him tha● created him : he understands with god , from god , and for god : he can do nothing against the truth but for the truth : he lighteth his torch at the su● and taketh his light from the candlestick of t● sanctuary , the law and the testimony : his fait● hath the image of christ iames 2. 1. it is th● faith of our lord jesus christ , the lord of glory ; and christs superscription revel . 3 , ● these things sayeth the amen , the faithful and true witness : and , we have the mind of chris● conformably his will is swayed , whether for acting lord what wilt thou have me to do ? or for suffering not my will but thy will be done : he is an orthodox monothelit . and for his affections , he loveth and hateth as god doth , and because he doth it . and finally , in his conversation , he is holy as god is holy , merciful as he is mercifull , and perfect as his heavenly father is perfect . hence the old philosophers seeing thorow the darkness of nature have said , that good men are visible mortal gods , and the gods are invisible , immortal men : which as it is litterally true of their fictitious fancied gods ; so with respect to the true god , it proveth symbolically that the mystery of the incarnation is no absurdity ; there being such a high affinity betwixt the divine and humane nature in its integrity ; for we are also his off-spring 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acts 17. 28. 4. in mutual claim to , and interest in the persons and things of one another ; the result of mutual choice , gift , and covenant contract : my beloved is mine and and i am his : i will be their god and they shall be my people : all that is in god is god , and all that is in god is for his people ; he is a god to israel : all that his people are , or have , or can , is for him 1 cor. 6. 19. 20. ye are not your own ; for ye are bought with a price ; therefore glorify god in your body , and in your spirit which are gods. and none of us liveth to himself , neither doth any of us dy unto himself , but whether we live we are the lords , or whether we dy we are the lords . and our communion with god consisteth much in holding up a trade , and keeping a bank with god in getting from him and bestowing for him : and though a man cannot profit god , nor reapeth he where he sowed not , yet he must have his own with the use . hath a man communion with god ; what hath he done ? what hath he given ? or what hath he forsaken that he had , or refused that he might have had , for god ? numb . 24. 11. balak could say to balaam , lo the lord hath keept thee back from honour : but we may say to some , the lord hath not keept thee back from honour : for like the apostate jews they love the praise of men better than god or the praise of god ; but moses refused to be called the son of pharaohs daughter , esteeming the reproach of christ greater riches than the treasures of egypt heb. 11. 24 , 26 the apostles forsook all and followed christ : a good bargain , ( a thing much prized by the spirits of our time ) a hundred fold in this present life , and in the world to come life everlasting . a man may forsake all for god , but he can lose nothing for god. take galeacius caracciolus for a sufficient witness , who proved the matter . italy the garden of the world , naples of italy , vicum of naples , farewell all for christ freely . but now if the son of man should come , shall he find faith in the earth ? who believeth indeed , that he who snared not his own son will with him give us all things freely ? are the consolations of god small with thee ? thinkest thou so meanly of god , and christ the gift of god , all the fulness of god , the treasures of hope , the earnest of the spirit , the riches of saith , the first fruits of the inheritance ? didst thou ever sing psal. 4 , 7. thou hast put more gladness in my heart than in the time that their corn and their wine increased ? all these things have i given thee , and yet i will do more for thee , if thou canst but for goe a little for me ; poor soul mayst thou not spare it ? 5. in fellowship of converse ; and therefore in scripture it s called a wal●ing with god , before god , in christ ; a dwelling in his presence , and walking in the light of his countenance . psal. 73 , 23. i am continually with thee . psal. 139. 18. when i awake i am still with thee . 2 cor. 16. 16. i will dwell in them and walk in them rev. 21. 2. and i heard a great voice out of heaven saying , behold the tabernacle of god is with men , and he will dwell with them , and they shall be his people , and god himself shall be with them , and be their god. men live together for mutual comfort and help of life : his comforts delight the soul , and he is the god of our life . men converse together for counsel ; counsel is mine , sayeth the wonderful counseller , and ●e giveth his people counsel ; and therefore the godly souls desire is to enquire in his temple : men ●onverse together for business , and o how much ●ath the soul to do with god! who doth all things 〈◊〉 it : men pay visits to one another ; and what find visits pass betwixt god and his people ? men ●ast and sup together ; i will sup with him and he with me rev. 3 , 20. prov. 9. 2. wisdom hath killed her beasts , she hath mingled her wine , she hath also furnished her table . psal. 23 , 5. thou preparest a table for me in the presence of mine enemies . isa , 25. 6 , a feast of fat things , a feast of wines on the lees , of fat things full of marrow , of wines on the lees well refined , cant. 4. last . and 5. 1. let my beloved come into his garden and eat his pleasant fruits : i am come into my garden , my sister , my spouse , &c , ea● o friend , drink , yea drink abundantly o beloved friends converse in presence , and correspond in absence and at a distance : the godly soul cannot endure absence or distance from god ; for the light of his countenance i● better than life : but if it fall at distance , it keep● up a correspondence ; in my trouble , i sought the lord , and my cry came before him ; ever into his ears . o ye daughters of jerusalem , you see him whom my soul loveth , tell him i am sick of love. when my heart was over whelmed within me , thou knewest my way from the ends of the earth will i cry unto thee o when shall i come and appear before god now for a reason of the observation , pray confider where should a man be , but with his friend where should the soul be , but where it subsist lives , loves , thrives and does well ? when should a man be but at home where he dwelleth and where should a branch be but in the vine where should love be but with its beloved ? when a like but with its like ? where should a man 〈◊〉 but where he hath comfort , liking , and being liked where should a man be but with his interest ? receiver but with a giver ? or a servant entrued but about his masters business ? where should courteour be but with his prince ? a man but with his counseller ? a person invited but at he feast ? and one visited but waiting upon his ●reind ? but how sad is it that men should so far sleight ●s to forfeit , and so justly forfeit as to sleight communion with god ? what lamentations may hereon be written ? or what shall be taken to witness for this ? jer : 2 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. hath any of the nations done such a thing as this to forsake their gods , which yet are no gods ? but my people hath forsaken me for a thing that cannot profit . and will a man forsake the snow of lebanon for the water of the brook ? but if ●et there be hope , let men be exhorted to consider ●f their wayes , by all the serious names of interest , profession , the love of their espousals , the memory of their serious hours , the testimony of their experiences , their appaling fears , their silent , silencing and silenced convictions , their unsatisfied desires , and speaking disappointments giving them ●arkness for light , a scorpion for an egg , a ston or bread , a lie for truth , a cloud for iuno : and ●inally by the misery of their despised soules : for what is the soul destitute of god ? an exile , wandering , wearyed , weighted , wounded , naked , reproached , starved , appaled , sleighted , hopless , helpness , a broken soul , a lost soul ? psal : 142 , 4. 5. refuge failed me , no man cared for my soul : i cryed unto thee o lord , i said , thou art my refuge and my portion in the land of the living . this is the rest wherewith they may cause the weary to rest : in returning and rest shall men be saved , in quietness and confidence they shall be established . return unto thy rest o my soul. the 4th view of this exquisite piece gives us the pattern of a good ruler . for being the epilogue and close of the book , it hath a natural and due relation to what goeth before ; and bearing the answer of a good conscience , casteth a streight reflection on the life and acts of the man ; and being a suit for reward , hath a necessary respect to the work , which also is expressed chap : 5 , 19. think upon me o my god for good , according to all that i have done for this people : and in this same chap : 14. ver , remember me o my god concerning this , and wipe not out my good deeds that have done for the house of my god : and ver . 2● remember me o my god concerning this also and spare me according to the greatness of th● mercy . many rulers have done worthily , some excelling in one thing , some in another ; yet search histories sacred and common , you shall no readily find in one man so many excellent part● nor so compleat a living , practical pattern of good ruler . the ruler would do himself a favour and god , & his people a great good service , to preserve the authentick of this book in his heart , and copy it exactly in his life and government . h● is a great kings high commissionar : and all thing in such a person being so great , that his sins can not be small , his care had need be so much the greater , and he would look to his copy the oftner behold then and consider , and you see him , like the sun in the zodiack , perfecting his course through all the signes of a ruleing luminary . 1. he is zealously and eminently godly , a burning and shining light , breathing at once a living compend of faith and obedience , law and gospel : for , faith laying hold on gods covenant , and obedience to the first and great commandment of love , which is the fulfilling of the law , are both angled and pointed in this one word my god : a man much in meditation , given to prayer , duties of so strict affinity , that in scripture the one passeth for the other : a man , the multitude and weight of whose employments awakeneth and quickeneth his devotion : such a riddle is religion that out of the eater it can bring meat , and sweet out of the strong ; but he that would unfold it must plow with samsons heifer and be truely godly . lo every act of the governour shut up with prayer . in the discharge of his employment and exercise of his government , he looks to god for direction , for be did all things as was found written in the law ; for help in his address to the king , he prayed to the god of heaven ; for his reward , remember me o my god for good . and therefore he was neither partial nor indifferent in the law , but zealously he pursued good , and persecuted evil , and that in all whatsoever : neither is his religion recluse , in the large as cold as calm , and full as dark as cold-shaddows of fruitless , lazie , lifeless , cowardly contemplation , but goeth abroad into free , generous , zealous , and heroick acting , retaining the height of spirituality in the midst of secularity , resembling therein the archetype ruler , who in most perfect rest ruleth all things , and moveth all , himself unmoved . it is below the godly ruler to be swayed and abused either by his own lust and interest , or example of others : chap : 5. 14 , 15. i and my brethren have not eaten the bread of the governour : but the former governours that had been before me were chargeable to the people , and had taken of them bread and wine , beside fourty shekels of silver , yea even their servants bare rule over the people : but so did not i , because of the fear of god. the fear of god is the star that guides the good ruler 2 sam. 23 , 3 he that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of god. if religious pretences be made helps to policy , how much better must be it self in reality ? and let politick pretenders beware of their fate and folly who taught others to be captains to their own ruine , that they teach not others to be politicians to the expence of the teacher , when he is served with his own measure . yet as to shun the baseness of hypocrisy a man needs not run to the wickedness of avowed profanity , so can he not pass from the one to the other but over the fair neck of christianity , with greater insolency of impiety then the outrageously barbarous tullia drove her chariot over the belly of her murdered father . levi. lib. 1. 2. the good ruler is a reformer , a repairer of breaches , a restorer of paths to dwell in : and it is but a faint encouragment and a desperat complement to a good ruler isay 3 , 6. be thou our ruler , and let this ruine be under thy hand : nor can he love to have it recorded , that in his dayes such evils prevailed unreformed : it was when there was no king in israel that every man did what was right in his own eyes . if the health of the people be not recovered , it sayeth there is no physician there ier : 8 , 22. but a good ruler scattereth the wicked and bringeth the wheel over them ; and he may say with david psal : 75 , 3. the earth and all the inhabitants thereof are dissolved , i bear up the pillars of it : he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 name and thing , a ioseph the ston of israel . such a one was moses the law-giver , such was iosua his successor , such were the judges of israel , such was samuel , such were all the good kings of judah , such was ezra the scribe , and such was nehemiah the tirshatha , an eminent reformer of religion and state , of church and kingdom . for religion : in general , gods holy commandments were broken by all ranks of persons ; prophanity and iniquity prevailed and abounded , that is solemnly confessed and amended chapters 1. & . 9. in particular , oppression reigned , that is quashed chap : 5. and the people relieved : false prophets were hired by the enemy , and bribed to compliance to weaken the rulers hands and hinder the work of reformation , they are discovered and marked chap : 6. the ordinary worship of god , and his solemn feasts were disused ; these are restored ch : 8. for advancing and establishing the whole reformation a solemn fast is kept ch : 9. and a covenant subscribed ch . 10. the holy seed had mingled themselves and matched with strangers , people of heathen abominations ; they separate themselves , and that is amended ibid. the offerings of the lord were neglected , these are renewed ibid : the sabbaths were horribly prophaned , that is strictly and with certification discharged , and they not suffered to lodge about the walls chap : 10 , 31. and 13 , 15. and foreward . the service of god was neglected by non-residence of the priests through calamity and want , that also is helped chap. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. ver . 10. the orders and services of the preists and levits were confused ; these are cleared , and they set to their charges as appointed by david chap ; 7. 63 , 12. 45. and 13 , 30 strangers uncircumcised had entred and defiled the congregation of the lord , these are removed chap : 13 , 3 , profane persons of the princes of the heathen had lodgings in the lords house , they are expelled and the chambers cleansed chap. 13. 8. 9. some of the chief of the preists had defiled the covenant of the preisthood by strange wives , they are branded , and that also is amended . for the state : the city the place of their fathers sepulchres lay waste , and the gates thereof were consumed with fire : first these are repaired . the people and their work are strongly opposed and sore reproached , they are vindicated and their hands strengthened chap. 2 , 4. when the city is built it is not manned , therefore inhabitants and defendants are appointed chap. 11. the people suffer sore by morgage , the great sin of the oppressors belonging to the former head , and calamity of the oppressed pertaining to this part ; that is redressed chap : 5. open and secret enemies correspond and plot against the work and the ruler , these are discovered and disappointed chap. 6. they are in great reproach and distress ; god is sought and means are used chap. 4 and 6. they are poor ; husbandry and traffick is practised , only the sabbaths work and markets are discharged ; oppression is born down , and the people relieved of publick burdens ; nehemtah the governour and his brethren neither exacted the bread of the governour , nor bought land , nor refused to work as others : o for such rulers to a nation scattered and peeled , a nation ●me●ted out and troden down , whose land is spoiled ! isay 18 , 2. our rulers , if they had a mind , have a fair occasion for i bs gloriation chap. 29. 13. the blessing of him that was ready to perish came upon me &c. in this time are great decayes , desolations , abuses , and unsufferable corruptions ; let it not be thought an error proceeding from the ruler . and here people would be warned to enencourage and comply with reforming rulers , not , as they were in hezekiahs and josiahs times , inveterate , incureable and obstinate in their corruptions , lest they hear that , hos. 10 , 3 , 4. a king can do them no good , because they feared not the lord , and spake words swearing falsly in making a covenant . but this pertaineth to the ruler , that whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , be diligently done for the house of the god of heaven , lest there be wrath against the realm of the king and his sons ezra . 7-23 . and that judgment run like a river , and righteousness like a mighty stream : that he take his pattern from the type , and antitype , who also is the archetype ruler psal. 72. so shall there be abundance of peace ; and also in judah things shall go well . 3. the good ruler hath a natural , fatherly and tender care of the people . thus it s said i say 49. 23. kings shall be nursing fathers . and in israel they were wont to mourn for good rulers with this expression , ab my brother ier : 2● , 18. yea he is the breath of our nostrils , lament . 4 , 20. by whom in the publick body we lead a quiet life and peaceable in all godliness and honesty 1 tim. 2. 2. he is pater patriae & parens reip. nor can i see what should have moved those dissembling emperours , who in semblance refused the title of lord , to make so nice of the endearing name of father of the countrey , but simply the conscience that they did as little deserve the name as they designed the thing . but surely , as a rich man will never want an heir , a good ruler can never want children ; nor needs he fear coniahs fate , write ye this man childless : for if he have the heart of a father , he shall have the nameth 〈◊〉 better than sons and daughters . we find not that nehemiah was marryed , yet his name flourisheth in the records of his eminent services , more than if his line had continued uninterrupted to this day . the righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance . four things are proper to the care of a father : affection , instruction , correction , and provision : all which are evident in nehemiah the governour . great is his affection chap. 1 , 3 , 4. and how sadly taketh he on for the reproach and affliction of his brethren ? he sat down and weept and mourned certain dayes , and fasted and prayed before the god of heaven . he cannot digest their grief chap : 8. 9 , 10. when the people weept , he said , go your way , eat the fat , and drink the sweet , and send portions to them for whom nothing is prepared , for this day is holy , neither be ye sad for the joy of the lord is your strength . for instruction , he causeth the priests read to them the book of the law of moses ; so they read in the book , in the law of god distinctly , and gave the sense , and caused them to understand the reading ibid. 8 , ver . nor is he wanting in correction chap. 5 , 7. i rebuked the nobles and the rulers ; and chap. 13 , 25. i contended with them , and cursed them , and smot certain of them , and pluckt off their hair : and in the 11 , v. ibid. i contended with the rulers ; and in the 17. v , again , i contended with the nobles of judah ; and 21 , v. then i testified against them , and saied unto them , why lodge ye about the wall ? if ye do so again i will lay hands on you . and in the matter of provision , he was of the mind of the apostle , that children ought not to lay up for their parents , but the parents for the children ; he will not be chargeable to the people , nor take the bread of the governour , nor buy land ; but keeps a large table for a hundred and fifty of the jews and rulers , beside strangers . and that no man may think this was a frolick , or an ambitious , singular , popular humour , v , 15. he asserteth expresly , that this he did , because of the fear of god ; and resolveth it into this reason ; that he would not be chargeable to the people : and thus i take the account of the matter , that to be chargeable to a poor exhausted people consisteth not with the fear of god , nor with the fatherly heart of a good ruler . in fine , the ruler should remember , that subjection first founded in a son is ultimatly refounded in the commandment , honour thy father . 4 the good ruler is a person well informed and throughly acquainted with the condition of his people . such was nehemiah . and first , something 's fall under his own eye and observation : such as the prophanation of the sabbath , and the marriages with strangers , in this same chap. i saw ( sayes he ) &c. a ruler can be nought the less a judge that he is a witness . matth. 26. 65. what further need have we of witnesses ? behold now ye have heard , was proof sufficient , if the enditement had been relevant . it were good in the first place , that rulers would suppress the enormities whereof themselves are witnesses . histories tell us of many famous persons , who would go through their dominions incognito or in diguise , to get information . our james the fifth is known to have been much of this humour ; and a pitty it is , that his methods and prattiques of information were not committed to more clear and faithful records than dark and slippery tradition . chap ; 2 , 12. nehemiah goeth out by night to view thè wall . the ancient hieroglyphicks , which painted rulers blind , may here come under correction ; for he that hath not eyes and ears of his own can neither see nor hear with another mans , as is commonly said to be the case of rulers . other things the tirshatha understands by information of others : and here the good ruler will seek information chap. 1. 2. ver . and this proceeds from his foresaid affection ; or otherways he rejects not information , and that either by complaint , as in the case of the morgage 5 chap. or simple historical relation , as the condition of ierusalem and the people chap. 1 , 2 , 3. and the fault of eltashib in giving tobiah a chamber in the house of the lord chap , 13. 7. and the withholding of the priests portion ver . 10. it is the part of all good subjects , in their several stations , to give , and the part of the good ruler to seek and take information of evils and disorders in the peoples condition or manners . princes should have long ears . pharoahs princes said , knowest thou not that egyptis destroyed ? if he knew not , they could tell him it . but sometimes know not is one with care not , and then comes the question of the disciples , master carest thou not that we perish ? and prov. 24. 12. would be remembred : if thou sayest , behold , we knew it not : doth not he that pondereth the heart consider it ? and he that keepeth thy soul , doth not he know it ? and shall not he render to every man according to his works ? foreign intelligence is necessary of the counsels and motions of enemies : and nehemiah is not wanting in that either ; yet take it apart from homeward information and acquaintance with our own condition , it is but foris sapere , and none of the greatest wisdom : for what is the difference betwixt a man out of his wits , and him whose wits are without him ? what can a judge say to a cause , or a physician to a disease without information ? and what can a ruler do for a people , unless he be throughly acquainted with their condition ? 5. the good ruler is a homely , condescending , conversible , and accessible person . this necessarly maketh way for the former in practise , and followeth from it in reason . chap. 1. 2. hanani and and the men of judah got access to and audience of nehemtah . chap. 4 , 22. he talketh with the people ; yea he hears the complaints of the people and their wives that were oppressed chap. 5. 1. to 6. and chap. 75. god puts it in his heart to gather the noble and the rulers , and the people . chap. 4 , 14. and 8 , 9. he encourageth and comforteth the people , and sayeth to them &c. chap. 13 , 7 , when he came to jerusalem he understood what there was done : and how but by converse ? els might he as well have understood elswhere . yea v. 15 , he condescends to be a personal reprover of those of the people whom he saw profaneing the sabbath ; and likwise of the merchants v 21. and of these v. 25. who had transgressed by strange marriages . nor is all this popularity , but real duty , which obligeth rulers by many commands in scripture , to hearken the compaint and hearthe cause of the poor and needy . hence isayes complaint 59 , 14. that judgement is turned away backward , and justice standeth afar off ; that truth is fallen in the street , and equity cannot enter ; it can have no access to , nor hearing of the ruler . an unaccessible ruler is a luminary ecclipsed : the intercepting of the soveraign's beams from shedding their benigne influence upon the subjects and precluding the subject from access to receive them , are by so far more fatal than the most dismal ecclipses ; these but conjecturally and contingently portend , these necessarly and effectually produce and unavoidably infer the fall of a ruler ; and really undo the prince whatever they pretend for the person , and leave him , like a defeated trojan with his royal blood to shift for a kingdom , beside the wrong done to the people . if any should invert the decree dan. 6 , 7. and establish it with this alteration , that any man may freely ask petitions of any god or man , save of the king , it would be large as unpolitick as the other is ungodly . in such case esthers resolution must carry it : behold i goe in to the king , which is not according to law , and if i perish i perish . a recluse prince is so absurd and inconsistent , that charles the fifth disponed his crowns before he took himself to the cloister : nor should ought but despair make a monk of a ruler . i understand not the mystery of gyges , how a man can see unseen ; nor what but a miserable vanity can move some great princes of the east to shut themselves up in canopyes ; but all the world knows what all the world thinks of achilles with his distaff , and sardanapalus in his gynaeceum and tiberius in his retreat at caprea . but he that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the fear of god ; and is as the light of th● morning when the sun riset● , even a morning without clouds , as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shineing after rain . 2 sam. 23 4. his countenance and influence must reach , to visit and refresh the lowest of his people . that homely and accessible prince iames the fifth , called the carl's king of scotland , really was , and was reputed the bravest prince in his time . 6. if he be a nehemiah , a commissioner deputed by a soveraign ruler , he must be , as diligent to get , so faithful to give true and full information of the peoples condition to his master , and effectually to interpose for his help , and to enlarge the indulgence of his royal concessions to the outmost thus nehemiah told the king all that was told him of ierusalem and his people chap. 2 , 3. and that in sadness : and sought a commission for help and reparation v , 5. and foreward ; which he shewed to the governours beyond the river v , 9. and executed to the full extent throughout the whole book . in the 4 and 6 v. of the 2 chap. his request and the kings grant was only that he might build ierusalem : and we see in the progress of the work , and sequele of the history , how amply he prosecutes that commission to the largest extent of its virtual comprehension : for he not only builds but beautifyes , not only beautifyes , but fortifyes not only repaires but reformes ierusalem , and ye● exceedeth not his commission : for when all this is done ierusalem is but ierusalem , beautiful for situation : a city that is compact together ; whether the tribes go up , the tribes of the lord unto the testimony of israel , to give thanks unto the name of the lord : for there are set throns of iudgement , the throns of the house of david psal 48 , 2. and 122 , 3 , 4 , 5. and david by a figure understood no less in his serious us petition psal ; 51 , 18. do good in thy good pleasure unto zion : build thou the walls of jerusalem ; where one part helpeth to clear another ; to build her walls is figurativly , to do her good properly ; and to do her good in propriety , is in the figure to build her walls ; and psal. 122 , 7 he calleth it more expresly peace and prosperity . the ruler that is thus minded may resolve with nehemiah , to meet with scorn , calumny , opposition , and , which is ordinary , malicious challenges of sedition , and accusations of rebellion ; but affection to the work , adherence to his commission , the gallantry of his person , prayer to and confidence in the god of heaven bear him out against and over all these : chap. 2. 20. i said unto them , the god of heaven he will prosper us , therefore we his servants will rise and build ; chap. 6 , 9. now therefore o god strengthen my hands ; and 11 , v. i said , should such a man as i flee ? and who is there that being as i am would go into the temple to save his life ? i will not go in . how chiefly necessary is this good part in a deputed ruler , where the nation to their great loss wants the desireable influence of their gracious princes presence ? 7. the good ruler is governed by justice and the law of god , in the whole exercise of his government 2 sam. 23 , 3. he must be just . before there were kings in israel , it was appointed deut. 17 , 18 , 19. that the king should have a copy of the law which he should read , and keep , and do , even all the words and statutes . this was davids study psal 119 throughout . this was the care of the good reforming kings of judah , chiefly hezekiah and josiah ; this was the practise of ezra the scribe , and nehemiah the tirshatha . according to the law he hates and refraines from oppression himself , and restraines it in others : according to the law he orders the genealogies of the priests , and appoints their offices and portions : according to the law he restores the ordinary and extraordinary publick worship , and solemn feasts . according to the law he reformes the abuse of marriage with strangers . according to the law , and practise of good rulers in former times , he subscrives a covenant for reformation . according to the law he sanctifies the temple , and cleanses it from the abomination of heathen usurpation , and profanatition of strangers . according to the law , he dichargeth the profanation , and enjoyneth strictly the sanctification of the sabbath . this is that which maketh the difference betwixt a good ruler and a tyrant . but every measure is not the standard ; and humane laws have too much of the man to be perfect , and not so much of the pope as to be ininfallible . other laws are but ruled rules ; but the law of god is the ruling pattern psal. 19 , 7. the law of the lord is perfect , and his testimony is sure . in a time of restitution , even laws may suffer a reformation : that which hath been may 〈◊〉 ; and a rescissory act is not impossible . but ●●axerxes his decree must stand immovable ezra 23. whatsoever is commanded by the god of heaven , let it be diligently done for the house of the god heaven : with this inumation , lest there be wrath . moses was faithful in all the house of god , as a servant , but jesus christ as a son ; and the isles shall wait for his laws by 42. 4. a voice came from heaven saying , this is my beloved son , hear ye him . be wise ●●e kings , be instructed ye judges of the earth : kiss the son. ps. 2 , 12. the ruler ought to be a ●ing law , and to remember the noble saying of ●sar to the roman senate , in mexima fortuna min●●● licentia est ; which is true , as he there reckon●● , in as far as the faults of rulers being more no●ur , are otherwayes also aggravated above the ansgressions of others . but herewith consider the law being the mind of the ruler ; a lawless ruler , as a self-contradicter , maketh himself a transgressor : if the law be evil , why did he make it ? it be good , then why should he break it ? 8. the good ruler is a wise person . it is wisdom that saith prov. 8. 15 , 16. by me kings reign ●●d princes decree iustice : by me princes rule , and ●iobles , even all the judges of the earth . you have ●eard of the wisdom of solomon : and david his father was as an angel of god discerning good and evil : and who wiser than daniel ? happy common-wealth where either wise men reign , or kings study wisdom . six things in morality and divinity , in reason and scripture contribut to wisdom knowledge , understanding , invention , counce●● iudgment , and prudence : which , howbeit because of their affinity and mutual concurrence , they b● often used promiscuously ; yet , having natural their distinct proprieties , i shall indeavour , as i ca● to marshall them in their due order , especially a required in the ruler . 1. knowledge taketh ●● things simply and historically as they are or appear and hath its treasure chiefly in the memory : it purchased and preserved either by observation a●● experience , for a wise mans eyes are in his hea● or by reading ; ahasuerus caused read the chroncles ; and daniel understood by books . the boo● and play are the two things that take up children if the latter be not below the ruler , surely be not above the former : he who will not be as a c●● at book , may happily prove such indeed in co●●ses● ; and he who will not be serious in l●● may readily ludere in re seri● . we know what 〈◊〉 count alexarder had , and what use he made the works of homer , i suppose most of the hist●ry then extant . and in all ages and places wh●● letters were received , what a price have prince put upon learned men and libraryes ? how g●● historians were the bravest emperours ? or knowledge is got by tradition and information others ; before books were used , or where t● were not known , we have heard with our ears , ●● our fathers have told us was the history practise i suppose history was not much known to nation in the dayes of galdus , yet we find h● ●●scourse to his people of the noble acts of their ●ncestors , as exactly as if he had been reading a ●cture of history . 2. understanding lodged high●● in the upper room of the speculative judgement , and reaching deeper , discovereth things in ●●eir original , and taketh them up in their causes , ●●d how they are . simple knowledge without understanding is like those of whom we read in matth. 13. 13. that seeing they see not , and hearing they hear not , neither do they understand . ●he saith well . it is a good memory that remembers a thing and the reason thereof : i add , it is a ●od knowledge that knoweth a thing and the ●●uses thereof ; felix qui potuit &c , are there in a ●●d abuses and corruptions ? are their decays and assolations ? here is the wisdom of the ruler , seriously to consider for what the land perisheth , and is burnt up as a wilderness jer 9 , 2. and ●he be as willing as concerned to know , the next ●●rse will resolve him ; because they have forsaken my law , which i set before them , and have not obeyed my voice , neither walked therein , but have walked after the imagination of their own heart &c. the philistins when they were afflicted , ●on inquiry found , that it was not a chance , but ●● hand of god that afflicted them , for his ark ●hich they held captive 1 sam. 6 and pharaoh to ●● cost was taught understanding , because be would ●●t let the people goe to serve the lord. genes : ● . 3 and 18 abimilec king of gera● was taught to understand the cause of the barrenness of his house , ●● that he had taken a mans wife . the same is shewed by hosea chap , 4. 10. they shall commit whord● and shall not increase . in a word , whatsoever plag●● whatsoever sore is upon a people , it springs from s● the formal cause of corruptions , and meritorious afflictiones and desolations . the crown is fallen fro● our head ; wo unto us for we have sinned . 3. invention , great affinity with understanding ; this resolving ●●●ects into their causes , and that producing effects fro● their causes , like a latine version of a hebrew line sentence , rendering foreward what was read bac●ward . this is seeded by observation , and conceive by imagination : it 's issues , if weaker and tender ●● called fancys ; if masculine and stronger , engines a●witty inventions . the ruler must be an invent● of fit means to reform the abuses , remove the misery , further and settle the good and wellfare his people : such as nehemiah chap. 7. 5. acknowledgeth that god put into his heart for peopling a●● manning of ierusalem : and such as his appointing the priests and levits in their offices for the servi●● of god , and instruction of the people : 〈◊〉 causing shut the gates ordinarly with the sun-●● for defence of the city , and sooner before t●● sabbath , for its sanctification : and that of not eating the bread of the governour , for the ease 〈◊〉 the people : his causing restore their lands mo●● gaged by oppression : his making a covenant and entring the people into a curse with their ow● consent , for advancing reformation . o the that wisdom , be which king reign , would teac● them the knowledge of such witty inventtons ! counsel is an assembly of the witts for advice , an● for the exercise and tryal of inventions , that it may be known what is good , or what is better , and ●hat israel ought to do . chap : 5 , 7. i consulted with my self ( saith nehemiah ) and i rebuked the nobles and the rulers : and i set a great assembly against them ; ● appointed a high commission for bearing down of oppression : and that was amongst the rest of his noble inventions . 5. judgment is the chair-man and umpire of counsel , determining , approving , and referring sentences , as bad or good , good or better : and resting in one thing , as a close of the matter ; absalom sayeth , give counsel among you ; they ●y , the counsel of ahithophel is good , but the counsel of ●lusha● the archite is better : for the great counsel● had appointed the one to defeat the other : ●ounsel is good but determination is necessar : els ●e who hath much , is no better than he who hath nothing to say in a matter : and wavering in counsel proves but weakness of judgment . consultation should end in resolution , and resolution in ex●cution ( as we see in nehemiah ) for that whereof ●e are speaking is the practical judgment . 6. ●rudence that wise and religious matron , who with the gravity of her countenance putteth to ●ame and silence the folly of atheism , and insolen● of impiety , in her whole carriage keepeth such measure and decency as courteth into her devo●●on all that is worshipped : nullum numun ab●st si prudentia ; and guideth her affaires with such ●gh discretion , that by scripture and reason , di●●nes and philosophers she is deservedly preferred the government of manners , and intrusted with the ballance and standard of vertues , which in all things keep that measure quam vir prudens determinaver●● . she relieveth man of the great misery that lyet● upon him , teaching him to know both time and purpose : for to every ●oing there is a season , and a time to every purpose under heaven . she so fitteth resolutions to the exigent of occasions , as maketh them both safe and seasonable , decent and effectual she foreseeth the evil and avoideth it , and taketh the good in its season : she saveth a ma● the expence of apologies , and shame of non putaram and thus nehemiah was wise to know the counsel of his enemies , and conceal his own purposes t● the opportunity . and this is the rulers prudence neither to let the evil approach him , nor the good escape him ; nor ought he to say to the people come again another time , when it is in the power his hand to do them good , lest hind-bald occasion si● him , and his power perish with the opportunity 1 chron. 12. 32. the children of isachar we men that had understanding of the times , to know w● israel ought to do . tempu● nosce was the saying pittacus of mitylenae , reckoned the first of t●● greek sager . to day if ye will hear his voice , is 〈◊〉 saying of the only wise god : and , o that to haast known , even thou in this t●●● day ! was the w● and lamentation of the consubstantial wisdom god. be wise now therefore o ve kings : be infirmed ye judges of the earth psal. 2 , 10. 9. the good ruler is a person of courage a● valour , a gallant person . in this nehemiah was 〈◊〉 . this is the main and only thing so much culcat by moses upon joshuah his successor , jos. 1. 7. only be thou strong and very couragious . this joyned with the former maketh consilio & animis a noble device for a ruler : and he who is born with those induements hath a horoscope more prognosticative of advancement , than he who is born under the most regnant planets . the gallantry of the ruler is evidenced in a resolute and inflexible observance of all god holy commandments , maugre all opposition of his own lust and corruption : he that is slow to anger is better than the mighty , and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city ; or of the example and insinuations of others , or the scorn , and threats , and plots of enemies , or the eminent degree of transgressors . if morality and righteousness be the true measure of gallantry , surely the world hath many bastard ridiculous gallants , who dare do any thing but what is right and godly . but the courage of nehemiah appeareth particularly . 1. in his address to the king in behalf of his city that was desolate , and his people that were in reproach and affliction . it is no less unpardonable a reflection upon the justice and royal goodness of a king , to be diffident in requesting of him what is just , than to dare to ask unjustly . nehemiah when he is bid ask , all his asking is for jerusalem chap. 2. 6 , 7. 2. in that he can sustain the greif , disple sure , and scorn of malicious heathen enemies for the work of reformation ibid. 10 , v. 3. in that he dare atcheive so desperat like a work as was the repairing of jerusalems so vast desolations . v. 17. 4. in his unconquered faith and confidence of gods assistance , 20. v. he was strong in the lord , and in the power of his might . 5. in the atcheivment of a double employment , building and fighting . chap. 4 , 17. a coward may build a city in peace , and a slugard may defend himself in a strong city ; but a worthy only can build with one hand and fight with the other . 6. in his rebuking the nobles and the rulers for their oppression , chap 5. 7. an act of native gallantry , and an example for all that deserve to be in eminency ; the matter of holy iobs gloriation chap. 31. 34. did i fear a great multitude , or did the contempt of families terrify me , that i kept silence ? 7. in his rare generosity refusing , because of the fear of god , to eat the bread of the governour , or to bow to the example of those that had been before him , who had been chargeable to the people . the good ruler dare be singular in vertue , and accounts it his honour , not to take evil , but to give good example . what an unexcusable incongruity is it for a man who should be examplary to others in good , to submit to evil example ? and it is the voice of roman gallantry , discant al● potius nostro exemplo recte facere , quam nos illorum peccare . 8. in his inexorable resistance , even to the fifth time , of his enemies treacherous pretences for accommodation , with a design to do him mischief : 6. chap. wherein is no less manifest his singular wisdom . 10. the good ruler is a vigilant , active , and diligent person . we find nehemiah in continual motion , acting himself , and exciting others in their respective orders , like a great superior orb winding the inferior in their subordinate courses . for it is the inseparable , undenyable right of supremacy , to take inspection of all , and put every one to his proper duty . and as the superior orb moves not symmetrically in the place of the inferior , but moves in its place concentrically : just so is the case of the ruler . the slothful and soft ruler is one upon the matter ; and if there be any odds , a waking living dog is better than a sleeping dead lyon. it was nehemiah's honour , that neither the people , nor his own servants , nor the princes and rulers could be evil without a witness , as they were not good without an example . whence . 11. the good ruler is a person of an examplary conversation : alios quod monet ipse facit : he practiseth the same , that he commandeth : by a leading example he goeth out and in before the people : he walketh with a perfect heart within his house . the world is ruled by example . a good life is as necessar as good laws in a ruler ; and an evil example more hurtfull than evil laws : for that a pernicious law may quickly be repealed ; but bad example is not easily reformed . laws governed by righteousness , and a life ordered by law maketh the perfect ruler . thus we see nehemiah examplary in religion , in refraining and restraining oppression , in wisdom , courage , vigilancy , and all the forementioned vertues : and this he hath left as a pattern to rulers . 12. the good ruler is a constant person , persevering and abounding in well doing : he is fled fast , unmoveable , abounding alwayés in the work of the lord knowing that his labour is not in vain in the lord. thus we see nehemiah beginning with good designs and intentions , going on with gallant interprises and good actions , and ending conformably with a good conscience , and glorious expectation in the last act of his appearance : remember me o my god for good . he remembreth that better is the end of a thing than the beginning thereof ; and that he who indureth to the end shall be saved ; and that he is crowned who striveth lawfully , and therefore so runneth that he may obtain . he knoweth ezek. 18. 24. when the righteous turneth away from his righteousness , and committeth unquity , and doeth according to all the abominations that the wicked man doeth , he shall not live : all his righteousness that he hath done shall not be mentioned , in his trespass that he hath trespassed , and in his sin , that he hath sinned , in them shall he die . he knows the quinquenmum neroms , and the misgiving pretences and appearances of tiberius and others : and he is better acquaint with scripture than to be ignorant of the apostacy , ingratitude , and fate of joash 2 chron. 24. whereby is manifest that this observation is large as useful as true concerning the ruler . but the path of the iust is as the shining light which groweth brighter and brighter unto the noon-ti●e of the day . and such a one is the good ruler . now from this illustrat character shine forth in so many bright beams 1. the original , 2 , dignity , 3 , duty , 4. necessity , 5. usefulness , and 6. ●arity of the good ruler . all which ( so rich a piece is scripture ) may be easily deduced from one sentence of psal 82 6. i have said , ye are gods , and all of you are children of the most high . and because i know that both is evil manners , to come ●athly into , and go hastily from the presence of a ruler : i shall for a salutation shut up my view with this seasonable exhortation : that in this atheistical age , the ruler would do his author the honour , himself the pleasure , and a discontented , unbelieving world the favour , to shew forth so much of god in his person and administrations , that those who will not believe may see , and those who will not see may feel , that there is a god , that god judgeth in the earth , and that by his vicegerent ; that he be unquestionably good himself , an incourager of those that do well , and a terror of evil doers : that by the shaddow of divinity in the ruler , the world ( if possible ) may be convinced of the body and substance ; and by the sight of the beautiful portrait may be enamoured of the original . and you o christian people consider , christ is not divided , nor contrary to himself . he is by nature and eternal generation lord of the world , and god of policy and order , as well as of the church by pact and dispensation ; and it is more than probable that rulers hold not christ as mediator . christianity received into the policy is not so untoward or unpleasant a guest as to disturb its own quarter : and religion but getteth the medlers blow when it sendeth a sword or occasioneth division : for of it 's own nature it is a harmless peace-pursuer ; and they were sworn enemies and slanderers of our saviour who said he was an enemie to casar ; for he taught his followers to give unto casar the things that are casars , and unto god the things that are gods. learn then of him to pay what we owe unto the ruler . how much are we indebted to so rare and excellent a creature as is the good ruler ? we owe the ruler 1. honour in heart and behaviour . 2 , subjection , in lawful obedience or in humble submission . 3. information and assistance in our respective stations . 4. tribute , and the bread of the governour , 5. and with all our owing we owe prayer 1 tim. 2. 2. 1. sam. 24. 13. as saith the proverb of the ancients , wickedness proceedeth from the wicked : but god forbid that the hand of any that fear god should be upon the lords anointed a tender conscience so far exercised to godliness as to flee from all appearance of evil , cannot digest the least approach to , or appearance of wrong to the ruler : say i this as a man , or sayeth not the scripture the same also ? ibid. 5 , v. davias heart smot him , because he had cut off sauls skirt . the 5th view of this useful piece presents to us the exit and retreat of the ruler . rulers , like men upon a stage , walk much in a disguise , or like mercury , and aeneas , in a cloud ; but here we have the ruler going off with open face , and with an eye to god , to himself , and to his reward . remember me o my god for good . his eye is upon god. 1. as a witness : for remembrance is of things known , and gods knowledge is by sight and intuition . he that can say with david psal. 119 168. all my wayes are before thee , may save the travel and shun the woe of those that seek deep to hide their counsel from the lord , and their works are in the dark , and they say , who seeth us ? and who knoweth it ? isay 29. 15. and their turning of things upside down is as the potters clay : they attempt more than they are able , and presume where they have no power . a proud ruler may say to the lords messengers , who made thee of the kings counsel ? but they would remember , that elisha the prophet could tell the king of israel the words which the syrian king spoke in his bed-chamber : and who told him but god that heard them ? let rulers learn in their time to put god upon their counsels , and make him a witness of their practises ; left when they must goe off , they find with jacob , that god was there , though they knew it not , nor called him to the council . 2. as a friend : o my god. happy he , ruler or other , who can say with his saviour , i go to my father and my god. he may , in the apostles words , proclaim a bold defiance to all adversity : if god be with us who shall be against us ? he may meditat terrour with the greatest security isay 33 , 18. though the world should be shaken and suffer sack , he may say with the philosopher , but upon better reason , that he is sure to be no loser : yea though hell were poured upon him , and heaven should seem to have forsaken him , my god , my god even then shall support him , every one seeks the rulers favour ; and the ruler would study to have a friend of his superior . they who court alliance and interest , would be perswaded that this is the highest . bewar of that friend that makes god an enemy , and of that gain where god is losed . luther pronounces him a divine , who can well distinguish the law and gospel : and he is no less a christian , ruler or other , who can reconcile them in , my god. wouldst thou either get or know an interest in god , take the short and sure method of the psalmist , who also himself was a great ruler , in that golden ps. 16 , 2. o my soul thou hast said unto the lord , thou art my lord. 3. as a rewarder : for his , remember , being a figure that putteth the antecedent for the consequent , in proper speaking is , reward me . and shall not he render to every man according to his works ? prov. 24 , 12. ps. 62 , 12 and verily there is a reward for the righteous . fear not abraham , i am thy shield and thy exceeding great reward . i fear the bad reward of some , hath tempted others to do well to themselves in their own time ; but with greater reason i fear that those who are thus tempted , have but a faint respect to the recompense of reward . but god who is not unfaithful , to forget the service and labour of any , will sure be mindful of a good ruler . if iehosaphat be reproved , his faults remembred , and wrath threatned ; yet his good deeds are not forgotten : nevertheless there are good things found in thee 2 chron. 19. 2. 3. most frequently throught the scripture the saints petition for reward is presented in the word , remember , whereby they referr particulars to him who is able to do abundantly above all that they are able either to ask or think . david sayeth , remember me ; ieremiah sayeth , remember me ; hezekiah and nehemiah say , remember me ; and augustine sweetly rendereth psal. 8. 4. ver . domine quid est homo nisi quia memor es ejus ? lord , what is man but that thou art mindful of him ? and happy he whose name is written in that book of remembrance that is before the lord mal. 3. 16. and when each man comes to be rewarded , malicious opposers of reformation , and profane corrupters of religion and the covenant of the priesthood may readily come to be remembred chap 6 , 14 and 13. 29. 2. in his retreat he goes off with an eye to himself ; remember me &c. the ruler who would make a honourable retreat , and come fair off , would look to 5 things chiefly that concern himself . 1. his conscience . can he say with nehemiah ? chap. 5. 19. remember me o my god for good according to all that i have done for this people : and chap. 13. 14. remember me o my god concerning this and wipe not out my good deeds and i have done for the house of my god and for the offices thereof or with hezekiah 2 king 20. 3. i beseech thee o lord remember now , how i have walked before thee in truth , and with a perfect heart , and have done that which is good in thy sight ? or with samuel 1 sam. 12 3. i have walked before you from my child-hood to this day : behold here i am , witness against me before the lord , and before his anointed : whose ox have i taken ? or whose ass have i taken ? or whom have i defrauded ? whom have i oppressed ? or of whose hand have i received any bribe to blind mine eyes therewith ? and i will restore it you . or if in any thing , as a man , he hath erred , for that he must say to god with nehemiah chap. 13 , 22. remember me o my god and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy . a good conscience is a strong comforter : but gods sweet and tender mercies are the sinners last refuge and sure salvation : and it is bellarmines own conclusion . tutius tamen est adherere christs justitiae . and if so , why should unhappy men so voluminously dispute against their own mercy ? psal. 119. 77. let thy tender mercys come unto me that i may live , was the suit of the man according to gods heart , the pattern of rulers . and truely this generation would be advised to amend their manners before they change their religion , lest under the gilded large net of popery , by the doctrine of merits , they be involved and held in the inextricable grin of desperation : or if indulgence and pardon in end must do it , what ails them at gods , which is infinitly better than the popes , and incompareably surer , beside that it is manifestly cheaper ? but for the conscience of a ruler , who can say with titus that darling of mankind ? non extare ullum suum factum paeniteneum , excepto duntaxat uno . 2. his soul : the soul and conscience are of such affinity that he who destroyes the one cannot save the other : and what doth it profit a man though he should gain the whole world , and lose his own soul ? or what is the hope of the hypocrite , though he hath gained , when god taketh away his soul ? the soul is the man , and he hath got his prize who gets that for a prey . the end of our faith is the salvation of our souls psal. 119. 175. let my soul live , and it shall praise thee , was the rare and suit of that excellent ruler . and what a pitty is it to see a ruler upon a retreat from the world , and from the body , going off with such a amentable dirgie , as did adrian the emperour , in aelius spartianus . animula vagula , blandula , hospes comesque eorporis , quananc abibis in loca ? pallidula , rigida , nudula : nee ut soles dabis ●ocos . or with such a hideous rage as tiberius in sue●onius , like one speaking out of hell : du me deaeque ejus perdant quam quotidie perire sentio . 3. his fame and memory , a matter that highly concerneth the ruler , as in the last view shall be showen more fully . ● his posterity natural or politick . 5. his works , both which are expressed together in that prayer of moses the man of god psal : 90. 16 , 17. let thy work appear unto thy servants , and thy glory unto their children : and let the beauty of the lord our god be upon us : and establish thou the work of our hands upon us ; yea the work of our hands establish thou it . the good ruler not like the ostrich , which god hath deprived of wisdom , neither hath he imparted to her understanding ; that is hardned against her young ones as though they were not hers ; her labour is in vain without fear iob 39. 16 , 17. this regard to the work of god , and to the good of posterity , made moses record his song deut. 31 , and 32. and moved him to bless the people chap. 33. this moved ioshua to make a covenant chap. 24 25. this begot in david such a desire to build house unto the lord. this made hezekiah weep bitterly , that the begun reformation was like to cease by his death . this incited paul that great church . ruler so zealously to warn and guard th● believers against what should happen after his departure . this made moses and david before the death so carefully give charge to their successor concerning their duty . this moveth all men naturally at their death to leave their counsel and blesing to their posterity . and finally , this induceth good rulers in their time to establish good ordinances by which being dead they may speak to posterity . 3. like moses , he makes his retreat with a respect to the recompence of reward , remember me , o my god , for good , and that bo● proposed in the promise 2 sam. 23. 5. he hath made with mean everlasting covenant ordered in all things and sure ; for this is all my salvation , and all my desire ; or pledged in the testimony of a good conscience 2 king 20. 3. remember o lord how i have walked before the● in truth and with a perfect heart , and have done that which is right in thy sight . he who can say with iob my witness is in heaven , and my record on high , may justly say with isaiah , my work is with the lord , and my reward with my god. for surely there is an end , and the expectation of the righteous shall not be cutt off . now by these last words of the tirshatha , the ruler would be warned , in time to think of his retreat , how he may make it good with honour . for whether slow footed time , which changeth not his pace for fair weather or foul , for summer or winter , advance at the ordinary rate of journey ; or whether death take post , or changes take wing , and calamity come suddenly ; or whether all these hold the ordinary road with a warning , or take the by-way with a suprisal , it is time for the ruler to think of his removal . it is gravely observed by pedro mexia , that there is no death incident to men which hath not happened to emperours : discontent and grief is so ordinar to their rank , that almost it seems to be proper : and how few of them escape a misfortune , even children are taught from iuvenal . ad generum cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci descendunt reges , & sicca morte tyranni . and in this consideration the prayers made for rulers and emperours was a very necessary devotion , sanctifyed by the command of god , and confirmed by the examples of his servants in the scriptures . yet the prayers which would not let pom●ey die in prosperity , could not recieve him of final adversity . the ruler would always e●pect his summonds , give an account of thy stewardship , for thou mayest be no longer steward . the plays which are but too much in fashion , act things that are past ; but the ruler would erect a scene in his soul , and present there the things that may and shall be ; that which hath been is the same that is , and that which is , is the same that shall be ; and there is nothing new : the ruler must have a successor , as he himself succeeded to another . but beyond paticulars dan. 7 9. i beheld till the thrones were cast down , were a divertisment worthy of the ruler ; who if he would make a safe retreat , would beware of these things in particular 1. that he come not short in reality of that which was denyed moses in the type deut ; 34 , 4. the canaan above , the land that is afar off , the rest that remaineth for the people of god. i have caused thee to see it with thine eyes , but thou shall not go over thither . a sad matter for a ship to perish in the harbour , for a man to go to hell as it were in sight of heaven : for a ruler at once to be robbed of his soul and his authority , who can sufficiently bewail his misery ? i say this happened moses in the type ; for that he is already possest in glory is manifest from heb. 11. and luke 13 , 28. 2. of solomons fate , that by their apostacy and transgression they leave not the world to dispute their salvation ; as papists and armimans make him an instance of the final apostacy of saints ; though they fail in probation and fall short of their enterprise . it were the wisdom of the ruler by his unquestioanble goodness to put to silence evil speakers . 3. of the fate of joash , who for his apostacy , ingratitude , and trespass , was taken away in a hurry with terrour and misery 2. chron ; 24 , 23. and foreward . they who are bold to sport with eternity would bewar that time bear not witness of their folly . 4. of davids calamity ; that they entail not a judgment to their house and posterity ; the sword shall not depart from thy house . i the lord thy god am a jealous god visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children , to the third and fourth generation . manasseh is a witness how much hereditary misery may come upon posterity for the sins of rulers . 5. of ieroboams memory ; that he bear not the brand of infamy with posterity , who ●ade israel to sin . and this inviteth me to another view . the 6th view of these words obviously presenteth the memoire of the ruler : and , being recorded as a part of the history , giveth this friendly and pertinent warning to all in authority , that they would really be such as willingly they would suffer themselves by history to be represented to the world and to posterity : and that with iob they may say chap. 31 , 35. o that mine adversary had written a book ! &c , prov. 22 , 1. a good name is rather to be chosen than great riches , and loving favour rather than silver and gold : and the apostle recommendeth to all , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are of good report . cicero pro archia excellently saieth : ●rahimur omnes laudis studio : & optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur . and tiberins in tacitus lib. 4. annal : bringeth this so near , that in a manner he impropriateth it to the ruler ; ad ea tiberius cateris morta thus in eo stare consilia , quid sibi conducer● putent : principum diversam esse sortem quibus pracipu● rerum ad samam dirigenda . so that all men in their measure , good men more , and rulers who should be the best men , most and chiefly are governed by regard to their fame and memory . and this is their study : though , if so their fate be , to do well and be ill spoken of , is no less princely : according to the saying vented by antisthenes , used by alexander , and imitated by the emperour marcu● aurelius antoninus the philosopher . the ruler would seriously remember , that the world will not die with him : and that there will be men to speak and write when he shall not be found to answer : that fear and flattery the two abusers 〈◊〉 living rulers , like enraged cowards ( nam timidissimum quod que est idem crudelissimum ) turn the most insolent avengers , and sarcastick insulters over the dead that bite not . let the fates of sejanus that great minion , of tiberius his master , of domitian , and generally all wicked emperours and rulers be witnesses with a warning . tacitus that great state historian , and the rulers author , against whom nothing can be excepted , in the entry of his history tells us , that the acts and affairs of tiberius , ca●us , clandius and nero , while they flourished were falsly represented by fear ; but after they fell , were sett off with fresh hatred . if the voice of a flattering , fearful , interessed discontented , changeable multitude be rejected as partial , or sleighted as unsufficient , whose mouths not withstanding it were ●●ter they were stopped ; yet the ruler would ●ell consider what he leaves a tacitus , an imparti●●● author to say , who writes sine ira & s●udio , quo●●m causas procul habet ; who can tell him contemtis ●●mae , contemni virtutes . but lastly the ruler above all ●ould consider . what he deserves at the hands of ●od that cannot lie , who deceiveth not nor is de●ived , the faithfull witness , the soveraign ruler 〈◊〉 fame , unerring giver of names , and just dispen●●● of honours , who hath testified 1 sam ; 2 , 30. them that honour me , i will honour , and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed : and ●ov . 10. 7. the memory of the just is blessed , but the memory of the wicked shall rot . that ●uler hath given a desirable subject for history , and erected a fair and enduring monument for his memory , who can say with nehemiah , remember ●●e o my god for good , according to all that i have one for this people , and for the house of my god : for ●sal . 112 , 6. the righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance ; and ver . 9. his righteousness endureth for ●ver , his horn shall be exalted with honour . finis . grapes in the wilderness : or a discourse fitted to all times , treating of the dispensations of god , and of the pertinent duties and comforts of his people in these times . with a preface of the fulness of scriptur sufficiency for answering all cases . hosea 9. 10 , i found israel like grapes in the wilderness jer. 2 , 2. i remember thee , the kindness of thy youth , the love of thine espousals , when thou wantest after me in the wilderness in a land that was not sowen numb . 33 , 1. these are the journeyes of the children of israel , which went forth out of the land of egypt with their armies under the hand of moses and aaron . 2 verse . and moses wrote their goings out , according to their journeyes by the commandment of the lord , and these are their journeyes according to their goings out . 1 epistle of john 1 3 that which we have seen and heard , declare we unto you . written in the wilderness . edinburgh , printed by george mosman , and are to be sold at his shop in the parliament-close , anno dom. 1692. the preface , the jews have a tradition of that manna wherewith god fed israel in the wilderness fourtie years , that the taste thereof was such , and so various , that it answered every mans appetit , and tasted to him of whatsoever food his soul desired . and look how uncertain is that jewish tradition of the materiall manna that was gathered off the earth for the space of fourty years in the wilderness of the land of egypt : so certain is this christian truth of the spiritual manna the word of god , that bread of heaven , that angels food , wherewith god feeds his church in all ages successively , and every child of his house the israelite indeed respectively throughout the whole course of their life and travel in the world , which is the great wilderness : that it hath in it a real supply of all their necessities , and hath always in it a word in season to all persons , at all times , and in every condition : to the dead , it is life : to the living , it is health : to the weary , it is refreshment : to the weak , it is strength : to babes , it is milk : to strong men , it is meat : to the hungry , it is bread : to the thirsty , it is waters : to the drooping soul and sorrowful heart , it is wine : to the faint , it is apples and pomegranats , cinnamon , safron , spiknard , calamus and all spices of the merchant . to such who love dainties , it is marrow and fatness , honey of the rock and droping from the honey-comb : to the wounded , it is the balme of gilead : to the blind and weak sighted , it is eye salve and oyntment to annoint the eyes . to such neat souls as love to be all glorious within , and to keep clean garments , it is a crown , chains of the neck , braceless , ear-rings , pendents and ornaments of all sorts : and if they like to be in fashion and to go fyne in the court of a heavenly conversation and communion with god , it presents them a bright large glass whereat they may dayly adorn themselves to purpose . this glass is no falsifying nor multiplying glass , but a just discovering and directing one ; here are also discovered not only all the obliquities of gesture , and faults of feature ; and all spots upon the face or cloaths ; but likwise the very in most thoughts and intents of the heart with the most subtile imaginations of the mind are here manifested . here ye are directed to sit all your soul-ornament in the fynest spiritual fashion , and to compose your gestur and order your motion , so as you may be able to stand in the presence of him who is greater than solomon . this large bright glass doth stand in king solomons bed-chamber in the pook of canticles , and in it you may see your self from head to foot , there ye see the head beautiful with locks . cantic . 4 , there ye see the sweet comly countenance of the saint , which the lord is so much in love with , that he is in continual desire to see it : there you see those eyes that ravish his heart and so throughout even to the feet that are very beautiful with shooes . chap. 7. 1. for such as are destitute and unprovided , the word of god is a portion : to the poor , it is riches of treasure of choice silver and fine gold. here is that which dispelleth darkness , cleareth doubts , dissolveth hardness , dissappointeth fears , dischargeth cares , solaceth sorrows , and satisfieth desires . here is counsel and strength for peace and war. here is daily intelligence from heaven . and in a word , here is the best companion that ever a soul did choose . and blessed they who can spiritually tone that short but high note psal. 119. 98. thy commandments are ever with me . and that they are not with the soul as a burden of idle attendants are with a man , see what good offices they perform by their presence . prov. 6. 22. 23. they are as hobab to israel , and david to nabal , eyes and a guard to us in the wilderness . in the world , and chiefly in this world we change seats and societies , we shift conditions and habitations , we go thorow the wilderness of baca from troop to troop ; we are driven from temple , altar , and oracle , and we are divided from our relations and dearest acquaintance whom we loved as our own soul , we are spoiled of our companions with whom we took sweet counsel and went into the house of god. but blessed that soul who in all this can say i am not alone , my good old friend the word of god , the bible the guide of my youth hath not yet forsaken me , it is with me , yea it is in me , in the midst of my heart , and i bear about me daily a living coppy of those livly oracles , and they are more near me than my very self : for my heart is within me , and they are within my heart . i may be separated from my self by death that parts the dearest friends , my heart may be pluckt from my breast , and my soul dislodged of my body , but my companion , the word of god and me shall nothing part . prosperity shall not cause me forget it : and adversity will not cause it forget me . i will never forget thy precepts , for with them thou hast quickned me . psal. 119. 93. as those who live upon the shoar have a very just diall of the measure and motion of the water , which they can make use of without the sun ; so are the ebbings and flowings of our affections to the word of god , the surest , most universall , and constant witnesses of our daily condition : for albeit the darkness that is upon the face of our souls may pretend that it is night with us ; yet if it be full sea in our affection to the word of god , we may be sure it is noon day : and when it is low water in our affection to the word , sure then , it is mid night : and the sun was never seen at mid night . be sure , it is ill with that soul that is out of conceit with the word of god. now to say nothing of the malignant qualities of gross ignorants , prophane atheists , and obstinate unbelievers who are habitually dissafected to the word of god : nor yet to mention the willful groundless fits of pettish distempers in saints , who often times do even take up at their foot groundless and needless pleaes and discouraging apprehensions which they cannot so easily lay down again psal. 42 , 5 , why art thou cast down o my soul , and why art thou disquieted in me ? psal. 77. 2. my sore ran in the night and ceased not , my soul refused to be comforted . to pass these , i say , as bearing no direct impeachment of the abovesaid commendation of the absolute sufficiency of the word of god to answer all cases ; there are three things that in a time of tentation , in an hour and power of darkness do readily concurr to diminish the saints respects to the word of god. the first is , that their case seems odd , unparalleled , and unpracticable in scripture : they find no case equal with theirs in all respects that hath been cured . 2 in their weakness they thereupon conclude that their case is really hopless and irremedable . but 3 the saddest of all is , that they find the word not only silent for them , but to speak directly and aloud against them , as they think , smiting , hewing and hammering them , with sad and heavy threatnings and intimations of determined wrath rejection and ruine to come upon them from the lord. in all these they err , not knowing the scriptures , but that yet for all this there is hope , and that the scriptures are not to be casten out with as unkind and uncomfortable companions in such cases , let these things be considered for vindication of the scriptures to souls thus exercised . and 1. be it granted as the truth is , that a souls case may be such for circumstances , that the scriptures mention none parallel with it in all points to have been cured ( the same is all along to be understood respectivly of churches and nations as of particular persons ) yet i am confidently perswaded , that there is no case now incident to any whether nation , church , or person , but the scripture holdeth forth some either , as evil or worse , whether for sin or suffering that have been helped . there hath no temptation taken you ( sayes the apostle 1 cor. 10 13 ) but such as is common to man. is thy case sinful ? behold the scripture tells us , that he obtained mercy who once a day thought himself the chief of sinners . 1 timoth. 1 , 15. and that as an exquisite and rare piece of mercy is set forth in the gospel , for a pattern to all those who should afterwards believe in christ to life everlasting . christ loves to have sinners change and for that he puteth forth his pattern , as merchants do their samplers of rich wares : and sure he hath since that time put off many such pieces , and yet the pattern stands forth shewing that their is more , abundance to serve all that have need . to say nothing of paul's sin which sure was great enough , nor of many who since his time may have thought themselves the chief of sinners as well as he did ( where i think i see a kind of strife among mercies clients who shall be most beholding to free mercy and free grace ) this pattern makes it fully certain that there is mercy for the chief of sinners be who he will , and that he , whosoever he that supposes himself the chief of sinners , is ●ot thereby warranted to despair of mercy ; but rather to plead the greatest interest of necessity , and to look upon himself as the fittest subject for the lord , wherein to display his glory . is thy case afflicted ? and thy sufferings extraordinary ? see job's desperate case , see heman's distracted case , see that case of the church in the lamentations , in whose case there is hope , though it had not been done under the whole heaven as had ●een done to jerusalem . look to the cloud of witnesses . look to jesus heb. 11. and 12. chapters . but here is the great case of the troubled soul , cleanly sufferings for the exercise of my grace , ●● job's , or for the testimony of truth and a ●ood conscience , as those of all the witnesses and martyrs , i could well bear : in these respects , i ●ount it all joy to fall into diverse temptations , and could count it my honour and mercy as well ●● suffer for christ as to believe in him : i could ●o with such sufferings as job would have done with his adversaries books ; i could take them upon my shoulder , and bind them as a crowne to me , and as a prince would i go near unto him ; ●ut alas ! i suffer with an evil conscience , my afflictions are to me the punishment of my ini●uity , and the fruits of my folly . this case indeed , if any , requireth the tongue of the learned , and a word in season to the soul that is weary of ●● ; and if the word of god help me not here , i have lost the cause , and come short of my accounts . but there is hope in israel also concerning this thing . ezra . 10. 2. and i find the scripture clear in these particulars concerning this case 1. i find indeed a great odds betwixt cleanly suffering for righteousness , and suffering meerly for i● doing . the one is a thing thank-worthy , and glorifying of god in the highest manner actively the other is not thank-worthy , but is the mans misery . in the one a man hath a good conscience and joy therefrom : in the other a man hath an i● conscience , with terrour and sorrow proceeding therefrom . the one gives a man good confidence of assistance , and of the spirit of glory and of god to rest upon him : the other makes a man despon● and droop . the one stops , the other opens the mouths of wicked men . therefore sayes peter . pet. 3 , 17. it is better if the will of god be so , t●● ye suffer for well doing , than for evil doing . 2ly it is clear that we ought to bear such afflictions with the more patience , micah 7 , 9. i will be● the indignation of the lord , because i have finned again him . nor ought any living man to complain who suffers meerly for the punishment of his iniquity . la● 3 , 39. and if he must complain let him complain to god , and bemoan his case in quietness to him ▪ it is far better for men to bear their yoke quieth and sit alone , than to pine away in their iniquity mourning one to another whilst they do not 〈◊〉 to the lord. too much whining and complaining to men will be found labour which profitet not , try it who will. but as a man would complain to god. so he would beware to complain of god : he would leave his complaint upon him self . job 10 , 1. and lay the blame of his afflictions home upon himself . psal 38. 5. my folly makes is so . 3. it is clear from the whole history of the scriptures , that most of all the saints afflictions , whether conjunctly in the body of a church or nation , or severally in their own persons particularly , have been the chastizments of their iniquities and the rods of men , that is , such corrections as men use upon misdemeaning children : i find this true of publik affliction of a whole church or nation . 4 , it is clear , that the lords rods , whether publick or personal upon his sinful people , ●ow from love in the fountain , are mixed with ●ove in their course , and run forth into love in the ●ssue . if this seem strange to any , let him remember , that he who spareth his rod , hateth his child ●ut he that chasteneth him betimes delivereth his ●oul . gods thoughts concerning his people are thoughts of peace and not of evil , to give them an expected end . jer. 29. 11. and in the midst of wrath he will remember mercy , habbac , 3. 2. gods love to his people is very consistent with anger , though that be even servent to the degree of wrath , but not with hatred ; and hatred , not anger , is lov 's opposite : an angry love is ofttimes most profitable . heb. 12. 10. let none therefore be so weak and child-witted as to eonclude , i am sharply scourged , and sore smitten for my folly , herefore my father hath cast me off and cares not for me . and yet we find affliction , that makth a wise man mad , raising such apprehensions oft●●s in the wise heart of strong david . i do not here speak how the lord causeth his people to pass under the rod , and bringeth them within the bond of the covenant ezek. 20 , 37. and how he chooses them in the furnace of affliction isai 48. 10. and that was an affliction for sin and sadly deserved rod : and yet the lord when he would pick out a piece of the finest mettal , goes neither to coffer nor cup-board , where the glistering of peace and posterity dazle the eyes of undescreet behold ers ; but he goes to the smoak and soot of the furnace , and there he pitcheth upon the rare● saints of the last refine : the lord goeth down to the land of affliction and to the house of bondage to visit his people , and there he falls in love with them , there he wooes them , and there he wedds them in their mourning garments : for the get not the oil of joy nor the garment of praise till the second day of the marriage , and then the● rise from the dust and shine , their light cometh and the glory of the lord ariseth upon them . see isai 48. 10. cited , hos. 2 , 14. and foreward . isai 61. 3. and 60. 1. in fine , the scripture is full o● rare and satisfactory expressions of gods love to his people , even under sufferings which their own wickedness hath procured , whereof it will apper tain to speak more particularly in the sequel of ou● ensuing discourse . 5thly it is clear from scripture , that there is difference to be put betwixt sin procuring and bringing on sufferings and bitter afflictions , and sin discovered in and by suffering . let god ca● a holy iob in the furnace , and it will discover scum , that will cause him say , my transgressions are infinit , and yet the lord himself sustains iob's plea , that it was not for sin that he was pursuing him . 6. it is clear that there is a great difference often times betwixt the righteousness of god , and the righteousness of men afflicting his people : as we see frequently in david's cases . yea i find an excellent , rare , comfortable dispensation of god to his people , that he will sometimes scourge them with the golden rod of martyrdom , and correct their faults in an honourable way , and chastile them soundly , and yet never let the world know , what is betwixt him and them . the lord loves not to proclaim and blaze the bemoaned faults of his people , nor to make them odious to the world which hath a bad enough opinion of them alwayes : but if i must correct my child saith he , i will stay till the world and he fall out in some point of conscience , in faith or manners , wherefore he must suffer , and then in my gracious wisdom , i will shew a rare conjunction or meeting of these three planets in one house . 1. the correction of my child . 2. his glory , and 3. his acceptable duty ; and i will let him earn a reward of thanks and glory in that very suffering wherein i shall visit his iniquities , and he shall give testimony for me . god can go many earauds at once , and sold up many projects in one piece of providence : the lord will finish the whole work and cut it short in righteousness , because a short work will the lord make upon the earth . rom. 9. 28. the lord is good at dispatches . if the question be then , whether god will ever honour a man with whom he hath a controversie , to suffer for righteousness ? i answer , yes , and i confess i should hardly have been of that judgment , if i had not found clear divine truth going before me in it , comparing the whole tenor of the 38 psalm with the 20. verse thereof : where at once the psalmist is suffering from men for that which is good , and from god for his foolishness and iniquity . verses 4 , 5 , and 18. here it is fit to remember luther's seasonable warning , that when david in his prayers speaketh of his righteousness , we would refer it to its true correlative , to wit , towards men his enemies he was righteous ; but towards god that is his language , be merciful to me o god , be merciful to me , in the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my iniquities psal. 51. the accuser of gods children will be ready to carry ill reports betwixt him and them , and to keep up an ill understanding betwixt them , if he can , and in times of suffering for their duty he will not be idle : he will tell them a thousand stories of their own sins , to weaken their hands and cause them believe , that god will never accept service of them , but that they shall come foul off with all their fair essayes . ye have heard of gods gracious wisdom , and now these are the devil 's malicious wyles ; but a syllogism or argument framed of one premise of gods , and another of the devil 's , will never infer a conclusion of faith , and that can claime ●iducial assent . wherefore in such a mixed case , ( which i desire may be remembred to be every caseable ) let a man freely declare his iniquity 〈◊〉 god and be sorry for his sin , psal : 38. 18. let him repent and mean himself to god , who ( as i have said ) loves to keep his people's counsel and to keep their faults sub sigillo confessionis and under the rose , that is , he will be to them a good secretary , but ●●t them cleave to that which is good , and incourage themselves in a good matter , and beware of failing in present duty in a discourageing sense of former iniquities : for one fault will never ●end another , and yet that is even the best method that satan useth to offer in such cases : but the lord , that hath chosen ierusalem , rebuke him , for troubling his poor afflicted people , who are as ●rands plukt out of the fire . i have insisted upon his case , because of it self it is a weighty deserving one ; and i have not seen any who hath directly spoken to it , but one who dispatcheth it to good purpose in a word . it is worthy mr. scuder in his christians daily walk , ( this book was by famous mr. alexander henderson recommended and gifted as a vade mecum or pocket piece to his ●riend , at that time a young gentlman going into ●rance ) where , page 263 he speaketh thus . you will say , if you did bear afflictions for christ , then you could think and expect well of it ; but you oftimes suffer affliction justly for your sin . i answer ( saith he , for he had been speaking of that scripture , 2 cor. 4. 17 , 18 ) though this place principally point at martyrdom and suffering for christs cause ; yet it is all one in your case if you will bear afflictions patiently for his sake a man may suffer afflictions for christ two ways . first when he suffereth for his religion and for his cause . 2dly when a man suffereth any thing that god layeth on him quietly and for christs will and commands sake . this latter is more general than the former , and the former must be comprehended in this latter : els the former suffering for christs cause , if it be not in love and obedience for christs sake , out of conscience to fulfil his will is nothing : whereas he that endureth patiently endures affliction for christ , though he never be put to it to suffer for profession of christ : and i● such an one were put to it , he would readily suffer for christs cause : and such afflictions as these thus patiently endured , work also this excellent weight of glory as well as the other . by these and the like reasonings of faith , you may world your souls to patience as david and others have done by casting anchor on god and on his word fixing their stay and hope in god. let the issue of your reasoning be this , i will wait on god , and yet for all matter of disquietment will praise him who is the health of my countenance and my god. thus mr. scudder , and truely none could have spoken more , nor to better purpose in so few words . and thus have i spoken to scripture examples of cases parralleling the weightiest of cases , incident to any man now living . only be it remembered that cases are as faces , many agree in some things some in many things , none in all things . there is in every mans case something peculiar , aggravating it beyond that of another man , and ( as the heart knows its own grief ) every man knows best the plague of his own heart ; but he knows not , at least feels not his neighbours sores : hence every one judgeth his own case worst of all , it may be the best is bad enough , and yet the worstis not so bad but it may be better . in the second place , for vindication of the scriptures from the foresaid disheartning prejudices , i shall lay down this very self-ground whereupon the querulous soul doth walk , though with a halting foot . that those cases are hopeful and cureable that are paralleled and practicable in scripture , that is to say , that such whereof the scripture gives account , have been either hopeful and curable , or actually have been cured and helped . and thus i reason , è converso , or by exchange . that case is hopeful and curable which is paralleled and practicable : but such is thy case , it hath a match in scripture , and therefore curable . that is paralleled and hath a match in scripture i prove thus : a case concluded hopeless hath a match in scripture : but such is thy case , thou concludes it hopeless : and therefore it hath a match in scripture . that a case concluded hopeless hath a match in scripture , it is clear , in that the lord finds fault with those in ieremiah , that said their was no hope , and assures them there is hope ; if they will return and repent . it is clear likewise from the churches case in isaiah , who said her judgment was passed over of the lord , and for that is taxed , that she spoke unreasonably . likewise from david's case in the psalms , that said , he was cut off from god's presence , and yet he found heart to look again to god , and to cry to him and was heard , notwithstanding his former peremptoriness : likewise from the case of the church , or ieremiah for the church in the lamentations , who with one breath said , my hope and my strength is perished from the lord , and at the next breath could say , this i call to mind , therefore have i hope . and thereupon hath left a general experimental instruction to all others , that it is good that a man should both hope and quietly wait for the salvation of the lord , lament . 3. 26. but in the third place , the soul affected is to be advertised and put in mind , that it is an error and weakness to think that matchless and unparalleled cases , are therefore hopless and uncureable : for it is to be considered , that scripture instances and examples of parallel matching cases , are neither the only , nor compleat , nor principal ground of curing and resolving cases : for some cases were the first of their kind , and so could have no precedent , nor yet practicable example : and yet in that case , according to this crazie principle , that no unparalleled case is curable , the very fixed examples and choice copies of curable cases should themselves have remained uncurable , as having no precedent nor example : but the only square and compleat ground of curing all cases , is the whole scripture , whereof examples are but a small part , and that too , but as the illuminating colours , and not the substantial lineaments thereof : for exempla illustrant , examples do but enlighten things , and all that an example can do , is to show that such a case is practicable , and potentially curable : but it doth not , it cannot actually cure it . wherefore the principal , yea proper ground of resolving and curing all cases , are the universal fundamental truths of the gospel , the knowledge of god and christ , and of god in christ according to the gospel , whereof the covenant of grace is the sum and text ; and this david knew right well 2 sam. 23. 5. this covenant will mend all the holes of the believers house , and compleatly fit every case he can be in : till the foundations be destroyed it is never time to ask , what can the righteous do ? psal. 11. 3. but so long as there is a god in heaven that doth wonders , so long as christ is all , and in all , and ●o long as gods covenant with his saints endures , which shall be while sun and moon endure , and longer too , for his covenant shall live to lay its hands upon those two shining eyes of this corruptible world that is passing and posting off daily , and which now ( like the first covenant , heb. 8. 13. ) decaying and waxing old , is ready to evanish and die ; so long ( i say ) as these foundations stand sure , the righteous , in every case may still know what to do : for upon these shall mercy be built , and faithfulness established in the very heavens , psal. 89. 2. i shall illustrate this consideration with the case of relapses , a case right perplexing to exercised spirits , and wherein they find the scripture sparing of examples , at least of frequent relapses into the same fault , which , makes them apprehend there is no hope . these i write , not that any should sin ( and sure for that very cause , the spirit of god in wisdom hath beeen more sparing of such examples ) 〈◊〉 if any man have sinned and relapsed often into sin , let him remember . 1. christ's seventy times seven times , matth 18 , 22. and withall , that as far as heaven is above the earth , so far are his wayes above our wayes , and his thoughts above ours . isai. 55. 9. let him remember . 2 , the indefinit promises ezek 18. 27. and the like , that when and what time soever a sinner shall repent , he shall find mercy , 3. let him remember chiefly , the blood of christ that cleanseth us from all sin . 1 iohn 1 ; 7. and 4thly if he must have examples , let him read the history of israel's relapses in the book of iudges , notwithstanding which , the lord as often as he heard their penitent cryes , returned , and repented , and sent them saviours . and let him read a notable place psalm 78. 38. 40. in the 38 verse , many a time he delivered them , and forgave them : but how many times did he that in the 40. verse , how many a time did they provoke him ? even as often as they provoked him , a● often he forgave them : and when any man shall tell me precisely how often they provoked him , i shall then tell him peremptorly how often he forgave them . a simple soul may possibly think to prevail with god at a time , by pleading thus after the manner of men : help me o lord this once , and pardon my sin , and i shall never trouble thy majesty again . i apprehend such are sometimes the thoughts of some . but when heaven and earth shall be measured in one line , when god shall be as man or as the son of man , when his ways shall be as our ways , and his thoughts as our thoughts ; when i shall see the man that shall not be beholding to mercy , or the day wherein we ought not to pray , forgive us our debts , or the time when it shall be lawful to limit the holy one of israel , then shall i think that a convenient argument : but if i understand the gospel , it might be more beseeming god and his grace in the gospel , to plead after this manner ; o lord be gracious to me and forgive me this once ; and if ever i need , i shall come to thee again . providing always that the grace of god be not turned into wantonness , nor this our liberty used for an occasion to sin . now for confirmation of what hath been said in this consideration , i shall apply my self briefly to two places of scripture . the first is psal 22 , 7. where i observe these things from the whole tenor of the psalm . 1. a saint's case may be right odd , and in many things without a match , but i am a worme and no man , a reproach of men &c. 2. i see in afflicted saints a strong inclination to aggrege their own case , and to reason themselves out of case , with a sort of pleasure , verse 4. our fathers trusted in thee , and thou deliveredst them ; but i am not like other men , i am a worme and no man , the very language of dejected spirits to this day . 3. i see , that when they have reasoned themselves never so far out of account , beyond all example or match of case parrallel , there is yet some further ground , for the faith of the desolate soul to travel upon , in its search for discoveries of light and comfort , for we see how he goes on complaining , searching , believeing , and praying till he arrives at praise , which ever lyes at the far end of the darkest wilderness that a saint can go thorow : for when a saint is in the thickest darkness and under the greatest damps , there is still aliquid ultra , something before them ; and that is , light for the righteous , and joy for the upright in heart . 4. i see that a humble well tamed soul will stoop right low to lift up such grounds of hope and incouragement , as to a soul that is lifted up might seem but slender and mean : thou tookest me from my mothers belly , and caused me to hope upon the breasts . a humble faith will winn its meat amongst other folks feet , and when all examples fail such , they will find an example in themselves furnishing them with matter of hope . 5. i see there may be extant signal and manifest evidences of gods kindness to his people in former times , and in cases as pressing as the present , the memory whereof , for a long time may be darkned with the prevailing sense of incumbent pressures . verse 21. save me from the lyons mouth , for thou hast heard me from the horns of the unicorns . 6. though all parallels and matching examples of other mens cases fail a saint ; yet to him it is sufficient ground of faith and matter of praise , that his own case hath been helped , when once it hath been as ill as now it is , thou hast heard me from the horns of the unicorns ; and therefore i will declare thy name amongst my brethren , in the midst of the congregation will i praise thee . 7. if there , must be examples of leading cases , if so i may call them , then some must be the example by being first in that case ? and thus oftentimes , he that finds no parallel before him , leaves one behind him : and indeed we should be as well content , if so the will of god be , to be examples to others of suffering affliction and enduring tentations , as to have examples of others , therefore sayes he , verse 27. all the ends of the world shall remember this , and in the last verse , they shall declare to the people that shall be to come , that he hath done this . the 2d place of scripture i direct my thoughts to is iob. 5. 8 , 9. iob's case was clearly unparallel'd and absolutly matchless : and sayes eliphaz the temanite , i would seek unto god , and unto god would i commit my cause . and that he might do that upon good ground , he shewes in the 9 verse , for ( sayes he ) god doth great things . why , sayes the soul , mine is a great case , then he doth great things ; why , i know what he doth : no , neither thou nor all the world knows that , nor can find it out for he doth unsearchable things . whether that he is a god that cannot be known , be a greater mercy . or that he is an unknown god be to us a greater misery , is that which i know not : but this i know well , that more of the knowledge of god , and larger thoughts of him would loose many a knot , and answer many a perplexing case , to his people . yea , but sayes the soul , it shall be a wonder , a very miracle if ever my case mend ; why , then sayes eliphaz , he doth marvelous things . yea but god's wonders are not his every-dayes work ; but they are a few rare pieces of his kindness shewed to eminent saints , and great favourities , and we are not obliged to expect wonders : yet , i hope you are obliged to believe gods word , that he doth such things , and those too without number ; and you are obliged to obey gods voice , to seek unto him , and unto him to commit your cause , and you are obliged to give god his own latitude , and as well not to limit him if he will do wonders , as not to tempt him to wait for wonders : and psal. 88. 10. wilt thou shew wonders to the dead ? makes it clear , that god will turn the course of nature upside down , and make the world reel as we see psal. 18. at length , and will do wonders to purpose , that even the dead shall be witnesses of , before that his beloved be not delivered . now to descend into the particular grounds of the cures of saints cases , were to go through all the attributes of god , all the offices of christ , all the promises of the gospel , and articles of the covenant of grace , which are the substantial lincaments of that well contrived piece the word of god , which is so well illumnated with the lively colours of examples sufficient , and those so well mixed and so justly distinguished , one having what another wants , and the other having what it wanted , and wanting what it had , that it speaks the finger of god to have done it , and leaves a defiance to nature and art once to come near it . in the fourth place i offer this to be considered by the soul distempered , that is like to fall unkind with the word of god , thorow an apprehension . that all the threatnings of the word are directly against it . that all the most peremptory and seere threatnings of the word are to be understood and qualified with the exception of repentance . this is clear , 1. from christs express word . luke 13. 3. 5. except ye repent ye shall all perish , ●● from the account of events wherein we see ●●at the most peremptory threatnings have been ●iverted , and their execution prevented by repentance : witness , with many others , the cases of hezekiah and the ninevits . 3. from the exhortations and expostulations annexed to ●reatnings , with a solemn declaration of the ●ords gracious dislike of mens misery , whereof ●e scripture is full . in a word , the humble peni●●nt is worse feared , than hurt with threatnings . and even as a plentiful rain quenches thunders , alwayes the violence of storms and tempests , and ●oth tempers and calms the air ; so the tears of ●odly repentance , compose the thunder-and ●eather-beaten soul that is tossed with the tem●ests of thundering threatnings . in the 32 , psalm , ●ere was a great storme in davia's conscience . he ●ared all day long ; &c. but a free work of sincere repentance calmes all , and leavs the soul quiet ●●d serene : david takes a house upon his head , refuges himself in god by faith , and then let it ●t the unhappiest , thou art my hiding place , thou ●●t preserve me from trouble , thou shalt compass ●e about with songs of deliverance selah . verse 7. by this time , i hope , it doth in some measure ●●pear , that the scriptures are not wanting , in the performance of all offices of kindness , that can rationally be required in the most unpromising cases : and that they are much to be blamed who upon any of the foresaid pretences would pick quarrel against the scriptures . but such deal not fairly neither are their wayes equal : and i may we say to them , is this your kindness to your freind sure the scriptures have not deserved any such service of your hands . now to the soul that would keep up kindness with the scriptures , and so would be mighty in the scriptures i leave these directions in sh●● words . 1. acquaint thy self with the whole scripture and all scripture both in its letter and meaning for that is to know the scriptures : otherway it is but an unknown tongue to him that is ●●naquainted either with the phrase or meaning of i● the soul that is thus acquainted with all scriptures , if one scripture bind it , another will loose i● if one wound it , another will heal it : if one ca● it down , another will comfort it . 2. be a careful keeper of the word of god i● practice . david felt , and every soul that had their senses exercised will feel their affection to and proficiency in the scriptures grow according to their practice of the scriptures . psal. 1 : 9. 5 this i had because i kept thy precepts , and christ teacheth plainly , that he that is a doer of the will of god , is fairest to know the doctrine that is of god. i know no such way to be a good scholar , as to be a good christian. 3. intertain the spirit of god , if you would ●ave either comfort or profit of the word : isai 59 , 1. the spirit and the word are promised together : ●ohn 6. 63. christ tells us that his words are spirit ●●d life . 1 cor. 2 , 10. and foreward , it is the spirit that doth all by the word : and 1. iohn 2 , 27. ●● is the anointing that teacheth all things . one ●yes well of paul's epistles that no man can understand them without paul's spirit : and so may be ●●id of all scripture . sight is as needful as light , ●s blind men might judge of colours : and if the ●pirit were not as needful as the word of faith , ●en blind sense and hasty unbelief would not and to say that all men are lyars , and that god's truth failes for ever . the material doctrines ●nd objective revelations of the word and spirit ●e ever the same : and a spirit clashing with the word , is surely a ghost and an evil spirit . but ●●e word and spirit in the conveyance and deliver of the self-same revelations , are oftimes sepa●t in their influences : for sometimes the word ●●mes alone without the spirit to those who have ●es and see not . &c. sometimes again the spirit ●●mes with a discovery of the same truth that in the word without the help of the word , as infants , deaf persons , and even others at age ●●d having the use of their ears ; but being not ●ell versed in the scriptures , yet desiring to how and do the will of god , are oftimes , no ●oubt , by a secret immediate instinct of the spirit , god , without the actual remembrance and ●●lp of the word of god , taught and instructed acccording to the word : for god leads the blind by a way that they know not . and the apostle 1 pet : 3. 1. tells us , that some men at age , by good example may be won without the word why then may not the spirit of god do , what the example of a christian woman can do ? but that it concerns all that would converse comfortable with the scriptures , to call the spirit of god to their assistance is manifest from this , that ther● are many , and those the most concerning questions , that fall under a christians cognition to be resolved according to the word of god , which are determinable only by the spirit of god : eve● all these that may most desevedly be called to things of a man , which none knows , and therefore cannot competently judge of , but the spirit of god that knoweth all things , and the spirit the man , and that not either without a special presence and assistance of the spirit of god : nay you should conveen about these questions a council or general assembly , of the learnedst doctor or ablest divines in christendome , they could no● define them : such are the questions of a man● personal interest in god , and his state toward god whether a man have the spirit and be born of god and the like . they may give evidences of the● things in the general , and indefinitly , which ma● be as media to conclud upon , and which they ma● frame into universal propositions , that he who ha● these evidences is of god &c. but to subsume those propositions , and from these premisses to conclude particularly , belongs only to the spirit of god witnessing with our spirits that we are ●e children of god : for by the spirit we know ●●e things that are freely given us of god. the ●●ke is to be said of many particular matters of fact ●hat concern a man. i instance in one , but it is a ●ain on . the nature of the sin against the holy ghost , i find the best advised divines very warry as they have reason ) to determine in : and yet ●ore awar of personal application of their determinationss , because of latent circumstances impossible to be infallibly reached and discerned by any ●an in his neighbour . now whether is my sin against the holy ghost ? is a question so puzling and perplexing oftimes ( some know what i ●●y ) even to such as are dear to god , that it passes ●e reach of all created wisdom to ridd their doubt . ●nd let me say only by the way , there is no more compendious method in the world , to draw or ●ther to drive a man to the sin against the holy ●host , than the apprehension that he hath already ●●nned that sin : for that apprehension renders him ●esperat , and what will not a desperat man do ? o cunning devil ! but o wiser god! that gives sub●lty to the simple , and makes them able to stand against the wyles of satan . but how is the question ridd ? i answer , the spirit of god rids it thus , according to the scripture : that surely is not the sin against the holy ghost , whereof a man repenteth . now when the soul is at its wits end , ●nd ready to sink , the spirit of god sendeth such loose , into the soul of the sinner , of godly sorrow unto repentance , for that sin whereof he was so jealous , and the soul of him so joyes in hi● sorrow , and sorrows with his joy ( de peccato 〈◊〉 let , & de dolore gaudet ) that he cannot be satisfyed nor get his fill of that godly sorrow , which is so warme with love , and so wet with tears , tha● except a man that is wet to the skin should de●● that he has gotten the showre , he cannot deny b● he repents of that sin : and than sure he is not ●● sinner against the holy ghost , for it is impossible to renew such an one to repentance . i do no● here mean , that only an overflowing power of repentance , such as i have spoken of , is a cure 〈◊〉 the case : no ; for the very desire of repentance vindicats a man from any fear of this sin , ( because a sinner against the holy ghost , so sins and so delights to sin that sin , that he would not do other wise , if it were in his choise . ) but when the soul's perplexities about this question are over whelming , then it is fit that they be cured wi●● this measure of repentance that is so overflowing i marked before , and i mind it again , as goo● showrs calme and clear the air , so , much repentance it clears many doubts , resolves many cases , ridds the soul from many perplexities , and settles it in a sweet calme and serenity . the fourth direction i give to those th●● would keep so in with the scriptures , as to ma●● use of them with comfort and profit is this , th●● they despise not the discipline of tentations . book learned christians and divines are not the be scholars : but they that would be taught the mysteries and acroamaticks of religion and divinity must be luther's condisciples ; and he was bred at the school of tentations : he confessed , that his tentations had learned him more of the gospel than all his books had done . this school of tentations is of an old erection : and ( not to speak of others ) here our lord jesus took all his degrees . hence he was commenced master of experiences , and doctor universal in all cases : for in that he suffered being tempted , he is able also to help those that are tempted : and in all things he was tempted as we are , that he might succour them that are tempted . heb. 2. 17 , 18. and 4 , 15. and as his temptations accomplished him highly , for the rest of his mediatory work , so particularly and especially for the ministery : these were his tryalls for the ministery , matth. 4. at the beginning , he is tempted , and in the 17 verse , from that time iesus began to preach . wherefore let ministers remember , that if they be tempted , the lord is giving them the highest point of breeding for their imployment . but blessed is the man that endureth temptation ( or bides out the tryal ) for when he is tryed , he shall receive the crown of life which the lord hath promised to them that love him . james 1 , 12. now having thus spoken at length to the commendation of scripture what excellent uses it serves to in all cases , and what kind offices it performes to the people of god in every condition , let us for conclusion behold how it shewes to us the kindness of the lord , in that iethro-like it comes to visit ●s in the wilderness ; and let us hearken what it till say to us there : for there we are . text hosea 2. 14. therefore behold , i will allure her and bring her into the wilderness , and speak comfortably unto her . introduction . we have in the contexture of this chapter , a solemn confirmation of three great truths , that are noted in the scripture of truth . 1. that the lord will not cast off his people , nor forsake his inheritance , psal. 94. 14. which general assertion it will be fit to clear in these particular propositions . 1. god will never cast off the universal church , nor leave himself destitute of a people upon the earth , who may owne him and his truth , and may hold forth the word of life , shining ●s lights in the world , being blameless and ●armless in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation . thus in our creed , we believe a church universal , which sometimes is cloathed in scarlet , and sometime again is set upon the dunghill : sometimes is courted of the multitude in the city , and sometimes is persecuted and driven to the wilderness : sometimes is more visible and glorious , in the incorporat societies of national churches , sometimes more latent and obscure in some few single persons scattered up and down in the world ; who , it may be , in their time , are as little observed by the world , as the seven thousand true worshipers were by elias in his time . there is a time , prov. 28. 12. when a man is hidden : and the lord in the worst of times hath his hidden ones , psal. 83. 3. and when judgement returns unto righteousness , all the upright in heart will follow after it , psal. 94. 15. 2. god may utterly reject and totally cast off the visible body of a particular church : witness the church of the jews at this day , and the seven famous churches of asia . 3. god may sententially reject his people by threatnings , when he doth it not , nor minds to do it eventually and effectually in his dispensations . god may list up his hand against his people to overthrow them , and he may say by his threatnings , that he will destroy them , as it is psal. 106. 23. 26. when yet they are spared : he may frame a bill of divorse against his church but not give it her into her hand , zeph. 2. 2. the decree , or the threatning intimating the decree is one thing , and the bringing forth of the decree , or the execution of that threatning is another thing . repentance will obtain both a suspension and repeal of a sentence of rejection . in a word , god may cast out with his people , and not cast them off for all that : he may censure them within doors , when he minds not to put them to the door : the lord may say ; he cannot owne a whore , and yet he is married to her : and he threatens to cast off a whore , that so he may keep still an honest woman . 4. god may really and effectually cast out his people , when yet he doth not cast them off : a whore may be put to the door and taken home again , ier. 3. 1. a leprous miriam may be put out of the camp and taken in again : god may not only say by his threatnings , but seem to confirm it by his dispensations , that his people are out-casts , and yet he gathers the out-casts of israel , psal. 147. 2. the lord hath oft times in his dispensations so shewed himself to his people , testifying his displeasures against them ; that even those who were more than common counsellors with god. and were best acquaint with his wayes have had right sad apprehensions of total off-casting , ier. 14. 19 , hast thou utterly rejected judah ? psal. 85 , 5 , 6. wilt thou be angry with us for ever ? wilt thou draw out thine anger to all generations ? wilt thou not revive us again that thy people may rejoyce in thee ? and yet in the 9th . verse ( and o! if this were the answer for the mourners and inquirers in scotland , ) his salvation is near them that fear him , that glory may dwell in our land . so that these are three very different things , 1. gods casting out with his people . 2. his casting out his people . and 3. his casting his people off . 5. god may reject one generation of a church or nation , as a generation of his wrath , and yet his covenant stand with the same nation or church : witness that generation with whom the lord's spirit was grieved fourty years , and whose carcases fell in the wilderness . 6. god may cast off the incorporation of a church or nation , whereof sometimes he reserves a remnant to whom he will be gracious , and with whom he will establish his covenant , paul rom. 11 at the beginning shews , that be with israel as it will , god will not cast off his own elect , such as he himself was . and rom. 9. 27 : though a number like the sand of the sea be destroyed , yet a remnant shall be saved , as saith isaiah chap. 1 , vers , 9. and that is the grand consolation , when all goes to all , that of all that the father hath given him , christ will lose none , joh. 6. 39. a son of perdition when he meets with a temptation may go from christ's very elbow , both to hell and the halter at once : ' but however such may be lent to christ to make use of in a common service for a time ; yet certain it is , that they have never been given to him for salvation . but yet god is good to israel . psal. 73. 1. but here two distinctions are fit to be remembered , the 1. is paul's distinction rom. 9 , 6. betwixt israel and those that are of israel . common professors , carnal hypocrites and unbelievers may expect little mercy in a time of publick off-casting of a church or nation . the 2d distinction is hosea's in this chapter , betwixt the children of a whore and the children of her whoredoms . this whorish church had lawfully begotten children ammi and ruchamah , to whom the prophet , who likwise himself was one , and a brother of those children , is commanded to apply himself , and of these there were few in that time of publick apostacy . but then in the 4th verse of this chapter there are the ill begotten children of her whoredoms , whose names in the 1 chapter were called loammi and loruchamah , and these were many . the children of whoredoms are those who comply in judgment or practice with the common course of a churches apostacy , whose faith and principles ( if they have any ) are not the fruit of the immortall seed of the incorrupted word of god ; but of the inventions and commandments of men , or the delusions and impostures of satan , which their adulterous mother , the church that so breeds them , ( who is damned for that she hath forsaken her first faith ) is so fond of . if a woman be a gaudy , light person , it may readily render her children suspected : but if she be an arrand notorious whore , then it is too likely , and in the case of religion , it is almost necessary and certain , that si mater meretrix , filia talis erit . if the mother be a whore , the daughter will be such also , and so the proverb shall be fulfilled ezek. 16. 44. as is the mother so is the daughter . papists breed their children papists , and other folk breed their children such as they themselves are , and few children make their fathers religion better : and therefore sad is the case of young ones that fall into corrupt times : and sad is the condition of these times wherein young ones are bred corrupt . there is little appearance , if soveraign goodness interpose not , that they shall soon be better : because a person ordinarly persists in those principles wherewith they have been first possessed by education : for solomon tells us that whatsoever way a child is trained up in , he will not depart from it when he is old : and , quo semel est imbutarecens servabit odorem testa diu . a new vessel will keep the first scent long . but moreover there is real ground of fear , that such times shall still grow worse and worse : for evil beginnings have worse proceedings , they proceed ( saith the prophet from evil to worse ; jer. 9 , 3. and evil men and seducers , saith the apostle , proceed and wax worse and worse , deceiving and being deceived . 2 timoth. 3. 13. i hid me and was wroth , saith the lord , isai. 57 , 17. and he went on frowardly in the way of his heart : and what shall the end be ? and where will they stand ? if the lord say not that also which followes in the 18. verse , i have seen his wayes , and i will heal him . prelacy will breed popery to which it naturally inclines . profanness will make a straight path to atheism and barbarity . ignorance will nourish superstition . formality , indifferency , loosness , lightness , and luxuriancy of wanton-witted preachers especially ( but god be thanked , their skill is not so good as their will , nor their wit so great as their wantoness , and they are like evil favoured old whores out of case to do worse ; and therefore they must entertain their paramours with painting for beauty , and complement for courtesie ) will foster heresy . ceremonies straight way will learn to say mass ; and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord help it . but the other sort of children that are the children of the whore , yet not of her whoredoms , but of her marriage bed , are these whose faith is the off-spring of that first faith of the apostat church , and that unspoted chaste religion which she professed , before she forsook her first faith and brake her covenant of marriage ; and who owne their righteous father , whom their whorish mother hath dishonoured and forsaken , and who with grief and shame make mention of the lewdness of their mother , who mourn for her back-slidings , and plead ( as here in the 2d verse they are commanded ) for the honour and right of their father : with these it shall not fare worse for their mothers cause , for they are fellow sufferers of reproach with their father , and they bear his name : nor will he deny his interest in them , they are ammi , nor yet will he refuse them fatherly kindness and duty , they are ruhamah to him : and though their base mother by adulterating her faith doth forfeit her dowry of the priviledges of a true church ; yet their righteous father will find himself obliged by their mothers marriage covenant and contract , to give them the inheritance of lawfully begotten children : and they shall be kept and brought up in his house , when she shall be sent off to call her lovers baali , with her adulterous brats at her foot , who cry father to balaam . if i might insist , this consideration would clear the case well betwixt us and the popish church : but to speak to a purpose nearer us , if our mother will debord , let us tell her of it , and plead with her : if that cannot help it , let us be sorry for it : but let us not in any thing be partakers with her adulteries , lest we be thought bastards : let us owne our father , and study to be like him , even to be living pictures of his divine nature , that so it may be out of all question that we are his own lawfully begotten children , when we bear his name upon our foreheads , rev. 22. 4. and that is , holiness to the lord , zach. 14. 20. now these are they , even these who study sound faith , and sincere holiness , that go the world as it will , and let gods dispensations and their own apprehensions say what they will , shall never be forsaken nor cast off of god , psal 9. 10. thou lord hast not forsaken them that seek thee : psal. 37. 25. david in his old age who had seen many things in his time ; yet never had he seen the righteous forsaken . joh. 6. 37. him that cometh to me , sayes christ , i will in no wise cast out , heb. 13. 5. the lord hath said , i will never leave thee , nor forsake thee . ii. the second grand scripture truth that is confirmed so solemnly in the context of this scripture , is , that all the wayes of the lord to his people are mercy and truth , psal. 25. 0. we see in the former part of this chapter , in the 8th . verse , so long as she obeys and serves god , what kindness he shews her , he lets her want for nothing : and though 〈◊〉 most shamefully playes the wanton under all ●●at mercy , yet long he forbears her , and is still ●●ving her , till she begins insolently to reflect up●● the lord , and to speak more kindly of her ●overs than of him : then the lord , as one that cannot endure to be so far disparaged , as to have said that there is any service or fellowship so ●ood as his , finds it now time that she be taught , ●●at she can no where do so well as with her own ●●st husband : and this she must learn in the wilderness , where he remembers mercy in the midst of ●rath , and as it were forgets what he had even ●ow been saying , and from threatning falls a comforting and alluring of her , and there intertains ●●r with the most convincing expressions of love ●●d respects . and we may mark especially in ●●e text proposed , how the lord loves not to tell ●●s people ill news , and that he desires , in a ●anner , to tyne his threatnings in the telling , if ●● could be for his peoples good ; or , at least to ●ll them so cannily and convey them so artificial●● , and as it were , insensibly , and by the by ; and withall to drop them out so sparingly , as that they may neither hinder nor hide his great design ●● love and alluring mercy . i will allure her , and ●●ing her into the wilderness , and speak comfortably ●nto her : and when the lord hath gained his great ●esign and hath once won the heart of her , then followes mercy upon mercy and promise upon promise to the end of the chapter ; where he de●ares that he will betroath her unto himself for ever in faithfulness , and that there shall be ●● thing but inviolable kindness betwixt them in ●● time coming . the lords threatnings , fro●● and chastening rods , are all necessary mercy advancing the great mercy of god's people in ●● nearer injoyment of himself : and that which ●● its own nature , and at sometime is mercy , at ●nother time to such a person were no mercy , or cruel mercy , such as are the tender mercies of ●● wicked . but god will not shew wicked m●n mercies , cruel mercies to his people . i compare the mercy of god to his people , in all ●● wayes , to a white threed in a web , 〈◊〉 ing through many dark colours . a child , or ●● that knows no better , will readily think at eve● disappearing of the white , that there is no wh●● there : but when they look to the inner-side , th●● find the white appearing there that was interrup●● and lost , as they thought on the other side . ev●● so the mercy of the lord , which indureth ●● ever to his people , runneth uninteruptedly alon●● all his dispensations to them ; and if they point● any black part of the web , and ask , where●● your white threed now ? if they pitch upon a●● sad dispensation of providence , and ask , what mercy is here ? i will bid them , look to the inner-si●● for we must not judge by appearance , but we m●● judge righteous iudgment . there is a disappeari●● white threed of mercy on the innerside of all blackest and most afflicting lots of saints , and ●● any have not the faith to believe this in an h●● and power of darkness , yet i shall wish them ●● patience to wait , till they see the white threed ●yth again in its own place , and till they find undenyable mercy , that will not suffer it self to be mistaken , tryst them upon the borders of that dark valley : for mercy follows them all the days of their life psal. 23. 6. and sometimes it will compass them round about psal. 32 , 10. in a word all the very outfallings that are betwixt god and his people , they are amantium irae that is but amoris redintegratio , ●overs cast out and agree again , and they cast not out but that they may agree again : and so are god and his people , mercy shall conclude all that passes betwixt them : and that mercy is joyned with truth : for god hath said it , and he was never yet worse than his word to any ; but to many very oft much better . you see here ( which confirms the point not a little ) what a wilde ●iece she is , to whom the lord does all this , neither minding god nor his covenant nor commandments ; but courting her lovers and following her lightness : and yet the lord pursues her , ●ight and litle worth as she is , courts her , and invites her to come home . all this is strange , and yet all this is but like god , that the holy one of israel should thus like the adullamite judah 's friend gen. 38. go to seek a harlot by the way side . but consider . 1. that when the lord married her , he knew all the faults that followed her , and ●ook her with them all . if god had not known before what she would prove , it might be strange that thus he suits her : but if there be any thing to be admired here , it is his first love to her whom he knew to be such an one . but 2dly consider where will the lord do better ? where is there any in the world that without his own undertaking would serve him otherwayes ? and therefore till the lord find a better match , he thinks ( and with all reason ) even as good hold him at his first choise : especially since 3. he knows of a way how to gain her : and 4. sees her already rewing her courses , and saying that she will return to her first husband . and by all this 5. he will let it be seen that he is not so unstable and light as she is . she could find in her heart to entertain others in his place , and surely she was not ill to please , that could take an idol in his rooms : but yet he will make it manifest to all the world , that he is god and changes not ; and therefore he will mantain his old kindness to her , and will remember the love of her espousals , and the kindness of her youth : for 6. foolish as she was , he had gotten more love of her in former times , than he had gotten of all the world besides . and thus the very case stands betwixt god and his deboarding children and backsliding people unto this day . iii the third great scripture truth that is here solemnly confirmed is this , that gods way will his people is not the manner of men . 2 sam. 7 , 19 hosea 6 , 7. they like men transgress the covenant and chap. 11. 9. he like god and like himself ( and there is none like unto him : for if any were like him , he were not himself ) will not exe● cut the fierceness of his anger , nor return to destroy them ; because he is god and not man , jer. 3 , 1. the● say if a man put away his wife , and she go from him and become anothermans , shall be return unto her again ? ●●all not that land be greatly polluted ? but thou hast ●ayed the harlot with many lovers , yet return again ●nto me saith the lord. now that gods way with ●is people , is not the manner of men , warrands them to expect from him things not ordinary : ●or it was the greatness of his extraordinary kindness to david that made him say so of god : yea ●● warrands them to expect above expectation . isai. ●4 . 3. thou didst terrible things that we looked not ●●r . yea more , it even warrands them to expect above admiration . zech. 8. 6. if it be marvelous ●● the eyes of the remnant of this people in these dayes ; should it also be marvelous in my eyes , saith the lord of hosts ? and the ground of all is isai. 55 , 9. because as the heavens are higher than the earth , so are ●●e lords ways higher than our ways , and his thoughts than our thoughts . this is solemnly confirmed in ●he text proposed : where we have such a stupendious strange inference , a therefore that ( considering what hath been last said ) all the world cannot ●ell wherefore : a therefore , that if it had been left ●o all the world to supply what follows it , considering what hath immediatly gone before , i doubt it could have entered into any created heart to have once guessed it . she went after her lovers and forgot me saith the lord , and therefore i will allure here and comfort her . to this therefore is well subjoined , behold , which observation teacheth admiration of what we cannot reach to satisfaction : only , from all this , let us consider , whether the great sin of limiting god be not too ordinary , and too litle abhorred an evil amongst us . we frame to our fancy a litle modest god forsooth that must not take too much upon him : and by those fancies we model our prayers , and returnes , and pardons of sin , and accounts of providences , and events of dispensations , and all things . and if that be not to have another god before the true god , i have not read my bible right , nor do i understand the first commandment . but now after that i have wandered so long before , though , i hope , not beside the purpose , i am yet but entering the wilderness . sermon hosea 2 : 14 : therefore behold , i will allure her , and bring her into the wilderness , and speak comfortably unto her : a wilderness is a land of darkness ier. 2 , 31. and whilst i but look into the wilderness , i am surrounded with the darkness of a mysterious transition in the particle therefore . but when i begin to enter , and while my foot standeth even upon the borders of darkness , i see a light shining out of darkness , psal. 119. 130. the enterance of thy words giveth light , it giveth understanding unto the simple . this lights me over the border . where being come , i hear a voice which bids me behold , and beholding i see a strange wherefore , of this strange therefore , and it is this , that by any means the lord must have his peopl's heart , and be sole owner of their love without a rival or partaker . in the close of the former verse , she forgot m● saith the lord : that i cannot suffer , and therefore will allure her , behold i will allure her . she forgot me and could not tell wherefor , except it was for my indulgence , and that i spilt her with too much kindness ; as it is written for my love they are my enemies . and i will pursue her love , and follow her for her heart . i will allure her , and i will tell her wherefore not : not for your sakes do i this saith the lord god , be it known unto you ; be ashamed and be confounded for your own wayes , o house of israel . ezek. 36 , 32. but i will not tell her wherefore , but so it must be : therefore i will allure her , and if my former kindness and indulgence was a fault ; ( for the prosperity of fools destroyes them , prov. 1. 32. ) that shall be mended : i will bring her into the wilderness ; for she is so wild that i must tyne her before i win her : i must kill her , before i make her alive : i must loose her , before i find her : i must cast her down before i comfort her ; and therefore i will bring her into the wilderness ; and i will speak comfortably unto her . all this we are willed to behold . therefore behold . &c. in the words then we have these four things distinctly so be considered . 1. the note of observation behold . 2 , the intimation of the churches condition , i will bring her into the wilderness . 3. the lords great design upon his church in this and all his dispensations to her , i will allure her , which rules all the vicissitudes of her divers lots , as means depending in a due subordination upon this high end , whereinto they are ●ll to be resolved , as into the last cause and reason . this great design of god upon his people , is as the principles and fundamental propositions of sciences , which prove all particular conclusions , whilst themselves only remain unproven by infe●ence , as being received by evidence , of all that ●re but acquaint with the terms . for if it be asked , wherefore god will afflict his church and bring her into the wilderness ? the answer is , because he will allure her : and wherefore will he comfort her ? because he will allure her ; he must have her heart as i said before . but if it be asked , and wherefore will he allure her ? what sees he in her , that thus he should court her for her kind ness ? that must answer it self , that is the therefore that hath no wherefore , but. even so lord , for so it pleases thee ! 4. i shall consider the juncture and coincidency of her afflictions and his consolations ; i will bring her into the wilderness and speak comfortably unto her . therefore behold . from the first thing then , the note of observation we have this doctrine , that it is our duty ( and a weighty one ) well to consider the lords wayes with his people and his works towards them . therefore behold . &c. when god bids us behold , it is sure we shall have something worthy of the seeing . now that this is a concerning duty , seriously to observe the lords works and wayes towards his people , is confirmed by these three things from the scripture . the 1. is , scripture commands to this purpose , such as the many beholds that the lord either prefixes or annexes to his works , whereof we have one in this place ; and psal. 37. 37. we are commanded to mark and behold the end both of the upright and of the transgressours . and to the head of commands ( because i love not to multiply things without great necessity ) i refer all these things that are proper pertinents and pendicles of a command . 1. exhortations , such as ier. 2. 31. o generation see ye the word of the lord. 2. complaints and expostulations such as isai 26. 11. lord when thy hand is lifted up , they will not see . 3. promises , such as hosea . 6. 3. then shall ye know , if ye follow on to know the lord &c. 4. threatnings , such as psal. 28. 5. because they regard not the works of the lord , nor the operation of his hands he shall destroy them and not build them up ; with psal. 50. 22. consider this ye that forget god , lest i tear you in pieces and there be none to deliver . 5. commendations , such as psal. 107 , 43. whoso is wise and will observe these things &c , hosea 14. 9. and he that was a wise man and a great observer tells us eccles. 2 , 14. that the wise mans eyes are in his head . 6. we have also discommendations and exprobrations wherewith the lord upbraids such as observe not his works and ways isai 42. 18. they are deaf and blind that will not see : yea ieremy 4 , 22. calls them sottish , and the psalmists call them bruits psal 92 , 6. so then by the command of god which is the undoubted determiner of duty it is a necessary concerning duty to observe the lords works and ways towards his people . the 2d . thing that confirmes the point , is this , that the works of god are wrought before his people for that very end , that they may observe them : and he makes his ways known to men , that all men may observe him : take but one pregnant place for this . isai 41 , 20. that they may see and know and consider and understand together , that the hand of the lord hath done this , and the holy one of israel hath created it . the holy one of israel is no hypocrite , and yet he doth all his works to be seen of men . the third thing that confirmes the point is , the usefulness of the works of god : there is never a work of god , but it hath some excellent instruction to men that will observe them : every work hath a word in its mouth . there is something of use in every one : god speaks no idle words : every word of god is pure , yea his words are like silver tryed in the furnace seven times : there is no dross nor refuse in the bible : the light of israel and his holy one works no unfruitful works , like the works of darkness : gods works of providence are an inlargement and continuation of his first piece of creation ; and if the first edition of his works was all very good , perfect and unreproveable ; how excellent to all admiration must the last edition be , after so many ? but who is wise to understand these things , and prudent to know them ? who hath these two useful volumes of the word and works of god bound in one , and so makes joynt use of them in their dayly reading ? but howbeit many are unlearned , and to many the book be sealed , yet there are rare things in the book . so then since the works of god are so useful , it concerns us to observe them as things tending , even as also they are intended , to our great advantage . and upon this very useful consideration , we will find our selves obliged to observe seriously the lords works and ways to his people ; except we can answer that question , wherefore is there a price in the hand of a fool to get wisdom , seeing he hath no heart to it . prov. 17 , 16. i shall not here mention that which is , if not a strange confirmation , yet a clear illustration of the doctrine ; and it is the practice of saints in scripture who have been diligent students of all the works of god universally , and particularly of his ways to his people : and some have been such proficient by their observations , that they have been able to leave us a perfect chronicle , with a diurnal account of events in their time , as the scripture-historians ; others have searched so deep , by the special assistance of him that searcheth all things , even the deep things of god , that they have been able to frame us certain and everlasting almanacks of the state of future times ; as the prophets . but to pass these , as being acted and assisted by an extraordinary motion and measure of the spirit of god , look we thorow all the scriptures , how religious observers of the works of god and his ways whether in general to his people , or to themselves in particular , we find even ordinary saints and extraordinary persons in their ordinary conversation to have been . now being convinced that it is our concerning duty to observe diligently the works of god , and his dispensations to his people : two great questions require to be answered for our further satisfaction , and better instruction in this duty . 1 , vvhat are we specially to observe in the works of god and his dispensations to his people ? 2. how are we to observe the works of god ? to the first question then , be it presupposed , 1. that there is no work of god , nor any thing in any work of god , how common and ordinary soever , that is not excellent and glorious , and worthy to be searched out , psal. 111. 2 , 3 , 4. but 2. of all the works of god , some are more glorious and observable than others , and of every work of god , some things are more excellent and searchworthy than others . 3. that we are not able to observe or take up fully any work of god ; far less all his works . eccles. 8 , 17. whereupon it follows in all reason 4. that we are to apply our selves to the observation of some things especially in the works of god. otherwise as by a perpetual endless divisibility , of the least continuous body ( according to the principles of peripatetick philosophy ) a midges wing may be extended to a quantity able to cover the outmost heavens : so the observation of the meanest work of god , may abundantly furnish discourse deducable to perpetuity . but then what shall come of short-breathed man , whose days are an hand breadth , in the attempt of an impossibility ? he mustly by the gate , and leave the rest ( as italians do their chess playes ) to be told by his posterity . wherefore i shall but hint compendiously at these four things chiefly , to be observed seriously in the works of god , and his ways towards his people . 1. we would consider and observe seriously the works themselves with all their circumstances , and this is a part to know the times , to know what the lord is doing to his people in the times none would be such strangers in ierusalem as not to know the things that happen there in their days luke 24 , 18. david psal. 143 , 5. can say , i meditat on all thy works , i muse on the work of thy hands . we might think him a bad mariner who being at sea should not be able at any time to tell from what airth the wind did blow ; and we may think him a litle better christian who can give no account of the times , nor of the works of god in the times ; and knows not , it may be cares not , how the wind blows upon the church and people of god. every one that would be worthy of their roome in the time , would study to be acquainted with the accidents of divine dispensations in the time ; not out of athenian curiosity , but christian inquiry ; but if it be asked , how far is it betwixt antioch and athens ? or plainly what difference is there betwixt christian inquiry and athenian curiosity ? it may not be amiss ( as paul inpassing by beheld their devotion act. 17. 23. ) by the way to take notice out of act , 17. 19. 20. 21. of these three properties of athenian curiosity , which difference is from christian inquiry , 1. it runs all upon new things ; even the ancient truths of the gospel , and the best things in gods dispensations , if once they become old and ordinary , do not relish with curiosity . 2. curiosity satisfies it self with telling and hearing of those new things ; it hears to tell , and tells what it hears , and tells that it may tell , and nothing els , as the text says ; it is taken up with the report of things more than with the things ; it is an empty airy thing . 3. it is a time spending thing : they spend their time so , sayes the text : curiosity like nigards can spend well upon another mans purse , and give liberally of that which is none of its own : let no man trust his time to curiosity , which will be sure to give him a short account of all spent . but for further satisfaction in the difference betwixt athenian curiosity and christian inquiry , let all that be considered which rests to be answered to both the questions proponed before , upon a particular survey whereof , we shall be able to give a more distinct judgment in the case of this difference . only as it is kindness not curiosity that makes men inquire , how their friends do : so where there is true kindness to the people of god , it will kyth in a solicitous inquiry concerning their state in all things . but , as the man asked christ , who then is my neighbour ? so may the church and people of god justly ask , but who is my friend ? she sees so many as the levite , pass by on the other side , who never turn aside , so much as once to ask how she does , and to whom all is as nothing that she suffers . lament . 1. 12 , is it nothing to you all ye that pass by ? &c , let it be remembred then , that the works of god themselves with all their circumstances be duely considered . the 2d thing to be observed in the works of god , is , the author and hand that worketh these works . this the saints have observed in the works of god , psal. 39 , 9. this they will that others may observe , psal. 109 27. this all may , and ought , and shall in the end see psal. 9 , 16. isai 26. 11. who ever be the amanuensis or what ever be the instrument , gods works , as pauls epistles , are all given under his own hand , with this inscription , all these have my hands done . the scripture hath diverse expressions to this purpose , of the finger of god , the hand of god , the arme of the lord , and god himself appearing in his works , intimating the gradual difference of manifestations of a providence , appearing sometimes more darkly , sometimes more clearly in the works and dispensations of god. and yet even the smallest character of providence , if men had on their spectacles , is sufficiently conspicuous and may be discerned that it is the hand writing of the lord , for that it hath a peculiar stampt of divinity that cannot be counterfited . if god creat but a louse in egypt , that is an original whereof the greatest magicians can give no copy : because it is the finger of god exod. 8. 19. and yet many read the epistle without the inscription ; many see the hand work , and not the hand ; the work , and not the worker . not to speak of heathen atheists , of whom some have been darkned with the fancy of a voluble blind fortune : others dammished with the impression of on inflex●●●e inexorable fate : both equally opposed to the ●th of a wisely contrived and freely exercised ●●ovidence . nor to speak of heretical maniche● who attributed all evil events of sin or pain , to ●e daemoniacal influence of a malum principium an dependent unprincipiated principle of evil , in ●ain speech , a devil-god : nor of malicious blas●emous iews , who , albeit that they could not ●ny , that notable works and miracles were ●ought by christ , yet calumniously attributed at , which was the finger of god , to beelzebub ●e prince of devils . i say , not to mention these , ●w many are there in all generations , who have ●gmatically received the true principles of a gene● providence , that , either of neglect , do not , of infirmity and mistake cannot , or of malice ●ill not see , the hand of god in particular events : ●nd therefore we have this frequent conclusion gods dispensations whether of mercy or judg●ent , then shall they know that i am the lord. unbelief of a providence looseth all the pins and ●aketh the whole frame of religion : and the ●●th and actual observation of a providence sixeth that atheisme looseth . upon this pin of an observed providence , the saints do hang many excellent vessels of greater and smaller quantity . ●nd what doth not david build upon this foundation ? the lord reigneth . let us then observe ●rovidence ruling in all dispensations , and in every one of these , let us with old eli , both see , ●d say , it is the lord : and whether dispensations be prosperous or cross , let us remember him th● hath said , i make peace , and i creat evil . on●● let not the observation of providence either slaken our hands in any good duty : this evil i● the lord , wherefore then should i wait any longer 〈◊〉 him , was an ill use of providence . and this is b● like the rest of satans and unbeliev's conclusion nor 2. let it strengthen our hands in any sin● project or practice . it was the devil that 〈◊〉 cast thy self down from the pinacle because he hath ●●ven his angels charge of thee . let us not take providence 3. for approbation of our practice : senacherib who could say that he was not come without the lord against ierusalem . it was a wick●● word in david's enemies to say , god hath fors●●● him , let us persecute and destroy him : but david 〈◊〉 of another spirit , when god delivered saul i● his hand : let not my hand ( saith he ) be upon b● for wickedness proceedeth from the wicked , saith the proverb of the ancients . 4. let dispensations of providence be determining evidences of our state before god : for all things 〈◊〉 alike unto all , and and no man can know either ●● or hatred by all that is before him , eccles. 9 , 1. ●● a great vanity in a wicked man to think the 〈◊〉 of himself for prosperity . and it a great weak●●●● in a saint , to think the worse of himself for affliction and adversity , albeit all these come from the hand of the lord. and yet none are hereup●● allowed to be stoically or stupidly unconcerned 〈◊〉 the vicissitudes of differing dispensations : for ●●cles . 3 , 4. there is a time to weep and a time to 〈◊〉 time to mourn and a time to dance . and chap. 7. 14. the wise god by the wise mans mouth bids us , in ●he day of prosperity be joyful , but in the day of ad●ersity consider . the 3d. thing to be observed in the works of god and his ways to his people , is the properties and attributes of those his works : for as omne ●actum refert suum factorem , every thing made re●embles its maker ; so in the works of god generally , and more specially in his ways and dispensations to his own , we have a lively draught and ●elineation of all the attributes of the blessed worker . here is displayed the soveraignity of god which is exalted equally above limited ●oyality and licentious tyranny : for the kings ●●rength loveth judgment , psal. 99. 4. the soverignity of god flows from his unlimited indend●nt nature , is founded upon his transcendent un●erived right in his creatures , and runs in this method , 1. he is over and before all things : 2. all things are of him : 3. all things are his : and therefore . 4. he may do with his own what he will : ●e is the only potentat , and to him belongs the kingdom , the power and the glory for ever , amen . this ●overaignity of the works of god , or of god in ●is works , is a common pass-key that will open all ●he adyta , the secret passages of the most mysterious reserved works of god , in his most surprizing ●ispensations to his people , and gives the only answer to questions about many of his dispensations otherways unanswerable : instance these few . question . why hath the lord elected one to salvation , and appointed another to damnation and that , it may be , of two brethren , as iaca● and easu twins born , where all things are equal in the object ? answer . because the potter hath power over the clay to make of the same lump one vessel to honour and another to dishonour , rom. 9. 21. question 2 : why , i● pursuance of the design and accomplishment of the work of our salvation , did the lord bruise his own son and put him to grief ? it pleased the lord isai 53. 10. question 3. why doth the lord shew mercy to one , and harden another ? answer . so he ●● rom , 9. 18. question 4. why to all those that an● really in a state of grace , doth the lord dispens● grace so differently in time , measure , method manner and other circumstances ? answer , th●● is as the spirit of god will 1 cor. 12 , 11. question 5. why doth the lord distribute an equal reward of glory to those whose works and service i● very unequal in the world ? answer . because it is lawful for the lord to do what he will with ●● own . math. 20. 15. question 6. why doth the lord vouchafe grace to those most ordinaril● who naturally ly at the greatest disadvantages , ● that the poor , the fools , babes , yea the most desperat forlorn sinners , publicans and harlots , a● called and do receive the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven and enter thereinto , whilst th● wise , the mighty , the righteous , civil , well natured and well bred pharisees are passed by ? wh● should all this be ? answer . even so father for so seemed good in thy sight . math. 11. 26 , question 7. why doth the lord choose one people , and ●ation to make them his people , bring them with 〈◊〉 the bond of his covenant , and give them a free ●●spensation of his ordinances , whilst he doth not to others , and loves them that are of themselves , may be , the least lovely ? answer the lord loves and chooses , because he loves and chooses ●eut . 7. compare the 7 , and 8. verses . question 8. ●●w comes it that the lord surprises his saints any times with such unexpected kindness and ●ercies , as distress their wits and dash their mo●sty so , that they are equally ashamed and ignorant of that kindness , wherewith they are so loaded ●d weighted without wearying , that they are ●terly at a loss to express , let be to requite it ? hence is all this , i say ? answer . because gods way with his people , is not the manner of man : and what can david say more to it ? 2 samuel 19 , 20. question 9 , but how is it that the lord withdrawes his comfortable presence many times ●om his people , when they are most earnest to keep ●m , and solicitous to entertain him ? answer . ●hat is as he pleases , cant. 2 , 7. it becomes us well to ●ait his dyets , and it as well becomes him to be ●aster of his own dyets . question 10. why is it ●at the lord gives many of his finest and most ●oly saints , such a sad inward life of desertions , ●ears , tentations , that are able to distract even a ●ise heman from his youth ? and to make them ●iferenters also of such exercises ? answer , i find ●is question made by heman psal. 88 , 14. but i ●nd no answer to it . and it may be , the lord would have said it is ill speired . the just answer to this and such like questions is , job . 33. 13. g●● gives not account of any of his matters . question 11. ● dispensations how is it that either all things f● alike to all ; or if there be any odds of lots , the worst falls to the saints in this life ? and that som● times men that are singulary holy are strangely afflicted ? as iob. answer . job 9 , 22 , 23. this ●● one thing , therefore , i said it : he destroyeth th● perfect and the wicked , if the scourge slay suddainly , he will laugh at the tryal of the innocen● o soveraignity becoming him only who doth ● heaven and earth whatsoever he pleaseth ! th● next property and attribute of god observable i● his works , is wisdom : and this sweetly influence the former : for albeit god always will not , yet always he well can , give a good account of his ma●ters : known unto god are all his works , from the beginning , act 1● . 18. yea the lord som● times manifests the wisdom of his works evidentl● and eminently , to his peoples admiration rath●● than satisfaction , and lets them see more wisdom in his dispensations than they can fathom : o th● depth ! rom. 11. 33. i dare not cast my self into the depth of this wisdom of god in his dispensations , lest i be not able in haste to recover my self only let us mind that what we know not now ●● god 's mind in his dispensations , it may be w● shall know afterwards to our great satisfaction we should likewise observe in the works of god power , holiness , justice , goodness ( whereo● more in the sequel of our discourse ) and particularly we would observe the truth , for which the psalmist so much commends the judgements and ●nd works of god : we should observe , how every work of god verifies some word of his book , and ●ow all fulfills the whole . we find it frequent in the mouth of christ and his apostles , and sure it was first in their eyes : thus and thus it was done that the scriptures might be fulfilled . the works of god are an enlarged commentary of ● daily new edition upon the word of god. and be sure , this shall not be an orleans gloss that will overturn the text ; nor will the only wise god so far forget himself , in the least to counter work his word . and if thus we observe the correspondency of gods works with his word , our song shall be : as we have heard , so have we seen in the ● city of our god. and that according to his name so is his praise to all the ends of the earth . psal. 48 , 8 , 10. only let us be sure to have the word on our side , if ever we would expect good of the works of god : for if gods word be for us , himself is on our side ; & if god be for us , who shall be against us ? who is the man , what is the thing ? neither death nor life &c. the fourth thing to be observed in the works of god is the voice of them . gods words have a hand , and are active working words : his works have a tongue , and are speaking works : his words may be seen . ier ; 2. 13. o generation see ye the word of the lord : and his works may be heard , mica . 6. 9. the lords voice cryeth to the city , and the man of wisdom shall see the thy name , hear ye the rod and him that hath appointed it . there is both a visible voice and name , and an audible rod. men have no ears for gods word or if they hear it , they dally with it , and make i● but what they please , darkening it with the du● of their carnal self-pleasing glosses : but god hath another voice , the heavy voice of a bloody lashing rod : that voice will cause men hear , and i● speaks so distinctly that it will make the meaning of a despised word so plain , that it shall be even visible what god would say to such hearers . as the apostle sayes . 1 cor , 24 , 10. there are so many kinds of voices in the world , and every voice hath its own signification : so the several works o● god have their several signifying voices to the sons of men. some works of god have a voice o● instruction : some have a voice of lamentation : jesus once weept over the city ierusalem with the proper voice of his body : jesus often weeps over cities , churches , provinces and kingdoms with the metaphoricall voice of his dispensations : some works of god have a voice of gladness and singing psal. 9. 4. thou lord hast made me glad through they work some have a voice of victory and triumph and dividing the spoile ; i will triumph in the works of thy hands ibidem , in that same verse : miriam sang exod. 15 , 1. the lord hath triumphed gloriously ; and psal. 47. the lord is gone up with a shout , the lord with the sound of a trumpet sing praises to god , sing praises , sing praises to our god , sing praises . some works of god have the voice of a lyon roaring , some of a thunder cracking , some of waters rushing : some works of god have a still whispering voice , some have ● clear speaking voice , some have a loud crying voice . the still voice whispers in the conscience , the plain clear voice speaks in the word , and the loud voice cryes in the rod : the lords voice cryes to the city , hear ye the rod and who hath appointed it . now they hear and observe the voice of god's works that make the true use of every dispensation that it requires , that lament when the lord mournes , that dance when he pipes , that tremble when he roares , that hearken when he teaches , that answer when he calls : and thus every godly soul is an eccho to the voice of god : the spirit says come , and the bride says come : the lord says return , and the sinner says , behod we come : he says , seek ye my face , and the soul says , thy face will i seek o lord. but as christ says , it is only he that hath an ear who will hear , and ( as the prophet micah says ) it is only the man of wisdom that will see gods name and hear the rod. and i take him to have a bad ear , and little skill in discerning voices , that cannot give the tune of god's present dispensations to his people in these nations . but it will appertain to the answer of the next question , to give the particular notes of this tune , and to hold forth the proper uses of present dispensations to the church and saints of god. the 2d question proponed was , how are we to observe the works and dispensations of god ? to the question i answer , that we are to observe the dispensations of god. 1. with selfdenyal and humble diffidence of our own wisdom and understanding . there is 1. so much of mystery in th● dispensations of god. verily thou art a good that h●est thy self o god the saviour of israel , isai 42 , 15 and 2dly so many even good observers , godly men , have verily mistaken so far in their apprehensions of divine dispensations , ( witness job and his freinds who darkned counsel by words without knowledge ? iob 38. 2. and 42 , 3. whereupon the lord poses ●ob in the former place , and which he freely confesses in the latter ) that it is needful in this point , if in any , to hearken to instruction prov 3 , 5 , 7. lean not to thine own understanding : be no wise in thine own eyes . humble david though wise david , who for his discerning was as an angel ●● god 2 sam , 14. 17. would not exercise himself ●● matter too high for him , psal , 131 1. whereof the dispensations of god are a high part , which h● acknowledges to be too hard for him to understand psal. 73. 16. and his son solomon whose wisdom is so renowned , taxes all rash and unadvised inquiry into the works of god eccles. 7 , 10. there is no safe nor true discovery of the works of god but through the prospect of his word psa● 73. 17. we must ●o to the sanctuary with gods works the word will let us see , that wicked men are se● upon slippery places , even when they seem to stand surest , psal. 73. 18. and when their roots are wrapped about the earth , and they see the place o● stones , while they lean upon their house and holy it fast , while they are in their greenness , they are cut down , and as the rush they wither before any other herb . iob. 8. 11. and foreward . yea whilst the saints look not upon their own state and gods dispensations to them , according to the word , they are ready to mistake right far . i said in my prosperity , my mountain stands strong and i shall never be moved : thou didst hide thy face and i was troubled . and upon the other hand , when i said , my foot slippeth , thy mercy , lord , it held me up : wherefore let us ay be ready to hearken to better information , in our apprehensions of divine dispensations and particular events , remembring that all men are lyars . but for the general issue of things , we may be well assured without all fear of mistake , that it shall be well with the righteous , and ill with the wicked : for this is the sure word of prophesie isai 3. 10. 11. yea not only shall it be well with the righteous in the end , but every thing how cross soever in the way shall conduce and concurr to work his wellfare : and this is a truth that shall never fail , and wherein there is no fear of mistake , rom. 8. 28. and the scripture abounds with noble instances of this truth . but by the contrary , all things how prosperous soever that fall to the wicked in his way , shall in the end redound to his woe , and turn to his greater misery : of this likewise there are in scripture instances not a few . learn we then to observe dispensations of particular events with humility and submission to a better judgment . 2dly we must observe the works of god with patience , if we would know the lords going forth we must follow on to know hosea 6. 3. in our observation of dispensations we must not conclude at a view nor upon their first appearance . there is i , so much of surprisal in many dispensations , that often they escape our first thoughts : verily , says jacob , god was in this place , and i knew it not genes . 28 , 16. when the lord brought back the captivity of zion , sayes the church , we were as men that dreame psal. 116 , 1 , when the angel delivered peter , he wist not whether that it was true that was done ; but thought he saw a vision act. 12 , 9. there is 2 , oft times much error in our first thoughts of things that needs to be corrected by second thoughts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , second thoughts are the wiser . i say ( ays david ) i am cut off from thine eyes ; but i said it over soon , i said it in my haste , i took no leasure throughly to consider the matter : and therefore i will look again toward thy holy temple , i looked , but i must look again ; i said , but i must say again . the scriptures gives many instances , of the saints mistaks and errors in the first thoughts of gods dispensations : and in these pat●untur aliquid humani , they are but like men . somtimes again 3 , the lord goes thorow in his dispensations by a method of contraries : he brings his people into the dark , before he cause light shine out of darkness ; he brings them ( as the text says ) into the driery wilderness , and there he comforts them ; he wounds before he heal ; he kills before he make alive ; he casts down before he raise up . and therefore there is need of patience to observe the whole course of dispensations and their connexion : for if we look upon them by parts , we will readily mistake in our observation . i find likwise 4. in many dispensations a reserve , the lord keeping up his mind , as it were to bait and allure his people to observe : verily thou art a god that hidest thy self o god the saviour of israel , isai 45. 14. o lord we cannot see what thou wouldst be at : what i do thou knowest not now ( sayes christ ) but thou shalt know afterwards . like a man if he see his hearers slack their attention to a serious discourse , he breaks off and pauses a little , to reduce them to a serious attention : so does god in his works to gain us to a diligent observation . threfore in our observation of dispensations , we would be like abraham's godly servant genes . 24 , 21. he held his peace , to wit whether the lord had made his journey prosperous or not . moreover 5. in some dispensations the lord uses a holy simulation , and makes as if he would do that which he hath no mind to do . sometimes he makes to take leave of his people before he tell his erand , let me go says he to jacob , when iacob was but yet beginning to know that it was he , and ere ever there was a word of the blessing , which he came to leave with iacob for his encouragement in his encounter with his brother . and christ made as if he would have passed by his disciples at sea : and the like semblance he made luke 24 , 28. now if we can have the patience to observe , we will sometimes see the issue of dispensations other than it appeared . and for patient observation of dispensations 1. respice finem a good advice , behold the end . psal. 37 , 37. it is the end that we are bidden mark and behold , a● i said above . we must not conclude of dispensations neither by appearances nor parts : we must wait till we see every part do its part : for all works together rom. 8. 28. and 2 , respice usque finem , behold or observe to the end , is an other direction necessary to the practice of the former : whose would see the end must behold with patience to the end . daniel 12 , 8. enquires concerning the end of things , and he observes till the time of the end , he looks thorow all interveening times of the accomplishment of these events manifested to him ; so albeit none of us hath a prophetical spirit to lead us thorow future times , yet the faith and patience of saints teaches us to wait all our appointed time . in our patient observation of dispensations we must be like the prophet isai 21 , 8. where he saith i stand continually upon the watch tower in the day , and i am set in my ward whole nights . my soul waits for the lord sayes david . more than the watch waits for the morning psal. 130. 6. i say more than they that wait for the morning , and by such patient observation he had seen many a foul night have a fair morning : sorrow may be at night , but joy comes in the morning . psal 30 , 5. 3dly we should observe the lords dispensations with search and secrutiny psal. 77. 6. my spirit made diligent search . 1. we should search the lord's affection in dispensations , and whether they be in mercy or in wrath : many get their will and asking in wrath psal. 78. 30. 31. some are rebuked and chastened , but not in wrath nor displeasure as david prayes for himself psal. 6 , 1. therefore the question would be ier. 14. 19. hast thou rejected ●udah ? hath they soul loathed zion ? 2dly we would search the reasons and procuring causes of sad dispensations iob 10 , 2. shew me wherefore thou con●endest with me ? 3dly we would search and inquire ●nent the event of dispensations , wilt thou not revive us again that thy people may rejoice in thee ? psal. 85. 6. we are allowed likwise 4thy to search and enquire anent the continuance of dispensations : to this purpose we read in scripture many a how long lord ? in sad dispensations likwise 5ly we should search for solid grounds of comfort , and for this we should remember bygone times , and remember the kindness we have tasted of in them , psal. 89. 49. lord where are thy former loving kindnesses psal , 77. 10. i will remember the years of the right hand of the most high . but in the observation of dispensations our search would be , 6ly chiefly about our duty : our main question would be , lord what wilt thou have me to do . act 9 , 6. and our great petition with david must be , lead me o lord in they righteousnes because of mine enemies , make thy way straight before my face , psal. 5. 8. teach me thy way , o lord , and i will walk in thy truth : unite my heart to fear thy name psal. 86. 11. 4. we should observe the dispensations of god with regard , the challenge is isai 5. 12 , that they regard not the work of the lord. this regard is a due judgment and estimation of the works of god with reverence becoming the majesty , worth and excellency of the worker , and the works , and that leaves an impression of piety and religion upon the heart of the observer : according to that pathetick exclamation rev. 15 , 4. who shall not not fear thee , o lord , and glorify they name ? for thou art holy : for all nations shall come and worship before thee : for thy judgments are made manifest . due observation of the works of god is a great curb to atheisme and prophanity : and atheisme and prophanity are as great enemies to due observation of divine dispensations . put men in fear o lord that they may seek thy name . 5ly we should observe the lord dispensations with affection : lament . 3 51. mine eye affecteth mine heart : the prophet's observation of dispensations made him cry , my bowels , my bowels , my heart is pained within me ! jer. 4. 19. i reckon him a savage person , and one that hath vicera fera & triplex circa pectus robur , the bowels of a tygar or bear , and that his heart is brass , oak , or stones , who is not affected with the dispensations of our times ; who grieves not for the afflictions of joseph amos6 . 6. and who cryes not alas for the day , for none is like it . it is the day of jacob's trouble . jer. 30. 7. 6. we should observe the lords works with memory : in our observations of things present , we should reflect upon these that are past in former times . i remember the days of old psal. 153. 5. and likwise we would lay up in memory our present observations for the time to come psal. 48. 12 , 13. mark ye well that ye may tell it to the generation following . we have both joined together psal , 78 , 3 , 4. that which we have heard and known and our fathers have told us , we will not hide from their children , ●hewing to the generations to come the praises of the lord , and his strength , and his wonderfull works that he hath ●one . the psalmist says psal. 111. 4. the lord hath made his wonderful works to be remembred . o! then ●t not the memory of the lords works go down ●n our days . let us comfort our selves with what ●s remembred : and let us transmit the memory of the lords works to succeeding generations , that they may share of the same comforts . and i believe the people of god in this time have much to ●o with their memory : we hear not what we were wont to hear , nor see what we were wont to see : we are now left to gather up the fragments of former enjoyments by the hand of a sanctified memory . one says , o , i shall still think well of christ ! he shall be to me as the apple tree alongst the trees of the wood : for the day was then i sat down under his shaddow , and his fruit ●as sweet to my taste . cant. 2. 3. another says o ●ut i love the house of god well ! and o when shall i come and appear there before god! for the ●ay was when i saw the lords glory and his power in ●● sanctuary . psal. 63 , 2. and o when shall i see ●e like again ? o how shall that be ? then make ●e of thy memory , and remember that david ●●m the wilderness returned and dwelt in the ●use of the lord all the days of his life . remember likewise isai 64. 3. that god did for his people terrible things which they looked not for , ●he came down and the mountains flowed down at his presence ; and this they build their hope upon in their present case . conclude thou then with david 2 sam. 15 25. that if thou hast found favour in the eyes of the lord : he will bring thee again , and shew the both his ark and his habitation ! this scripture hath long lodged in my thoughts , and while min● own heart , like sarah behind the tent door laught and says , shall these things be ? in reproach ●● scornful unbelief , i thus both use and please to reason . those who find favour in the eyes of the lord he will bring them again , and shew them both his ark and his habitation : to wit the sanctuary but the many wandering saints and out-cast ministers and people of these nations find favour in the eyes of the lord : therefore they shall be brought back to see the ark of the lord and his habitation . let unbelief answer the first proposition : le● even their enemies answer the second , and the●● who shall deny the conclusion ? 7. we would observe the works of god and his dispensations with use : the useful observe is the good observer of divine dispensations , an● this is that which before , in scripture phrase w●● called a harkening to the lords voice in his dispensations , and a discerning of their tune . there no work of god , but it hath a voice , and it hath a use ; and the works of god are of so universal ●● that hardly is their any truth in the word of god but we are taught it by some work of god. it ●t pertinent , nor take i pleasure here to enlarge general , of the proper uses of the several ●orks of god ; but having above supposed , as ●e truth is , that to any who hath an ear to discern ; the voice of present dispensations to the ●hurch in these nations is beyond all dispute a ●urnful one . i shall therefore shortly hint at the ●oper uses of such mournful dispensations : and shall direct them all from the third chapter of the lmentations . the first use of present dispensations is , for lamentation . verses 48 , 49 , 51. mine eye , ●ine eye , mine eye ! mine eye runneth down with ●vers of waters . mine eye trickleth down and ●●seth not , without any intermission : mine eye affect●● mine heart . o call all that are skilful to mourn , and let them raise up a lamentation . but ●hough neither our eyes weep nor our voice la●ent , yet even our condition it self doth weep and mourn to god. jer. 12. 10 , 11. many pastors have destroyed my vtneyard , they have troden my portion un●●r foot ; they have made my pleasant portion a desolate wilderness , they have made it desolate , and being deso●●e , it mourneth unto me , the whole land is made de●●ate , and no man layeth it to heart . come then and ●●t up a lamentation together all that are sorrowful for the solemn assemblies . lament smitten ●epherds , lament scattered flocks , lament hungry and thristy souls , lament desolate congregations , lament poor doubting disconsolate christians , lament closed churches , lament empty ●●ulpits , lament silent sabbaths , turn your joy into mourning , o our blessed communion-time lament cities , lament burrows , lament ye d● villages , and my soul shall mourn in secret places , cause the lords flock is carryed away . jer. 13. 17. say ! it is a lamentation , and shall be for a lamentation . we never saw the like since popish ●●terdictions , so many glorious lights obscured these nations . and if an enemy had done th● then might we have born it ; if pope , if turk , pagan : but thou o — a friend , a protestant , prince of the covenant ! what thing shall i ta●● to witness for this ? but because the apostle bids us mourn as those th● have hope . the 2d use of present dispensations sh● be to hope , verse 21. this i recal to my m●● therefore have i hope . verse 24. in him will i hope verse 26. it is good that a man should both hop● and quietly wait for the salvation of the lord isai 8. 17. i will wait upon the lord that hides his face from the house of jacob , and i will loo● for him . it is wonderful to see , how contrar● conclusions faith and unbelief will draw from the same premisses . the lord is wroth and hides h●● face , then say believing isai and jeremy we wi●● hope in him and wait for him ; yea but set unbelieving joram to it , and he will tell you shortly why should i wait any longer for him 2 kings 〈◊〉 32. and if he must know why ; jeremy ( lament 3. 26. ) can tell him , it is good : and if he ask what good is in it ? isai will tell him more particularly chap. 30. 18. the lord is a god of iudgment , 〈◊〉 blessed are all they that wait for him psal. 52 , 9. will wait on thy name , for it is good before thy saints : ●here we see it is the judgment of all the saints , ●at it is still good to wait on god. o then let us ●ait on him that hideth his face from the house 〈◊〉 jacob ; for surely there is hope . but where is ●ur hope ? our hope is in god that saveth the up●●ght : he is the hope of israel , and the saviour there●● in time of trouble jer. 14 , 8. so long as he is god , 〈◊〉 long is their hope : and to say there were no hope , were to say there were no god , and they ●ob god of his glory and title who fail in their hope . the 3d use of present dispensations is submission . verses 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. it is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth : he sitteth alone and keepeth silence : because he hath born it upon him : he puteth his mouth in the dust , if so be there may be hope , he gives his cheeks to him that smiteth him , he is filled with reproach , and verse 39. wherefore doth a living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sins ? what ever be the lords dispensations , is our part to submit . and because submission 〈◊〉 gods dispensations is a hard duty to our rebellious corrupt hearts , i find the lamenting prophet tacitly insisting to perswade submission upon ●hese grounds . 1. from the mitigation of dispensations : the lord punishes not as we deserve : ●●e are living men and are not consumed , and that ●his mercy renewed every morning . and indeed that is less than hell to a sinner , is mercy un●●served verse 22 , 23 , 2dly from the good that may be expected of the saddest dispensations verse 27. it is good that a man bear the yoke in h● youth : there is no lot so ill , but a well exercise soul can make good of it . 3dly from the hope ● an out-gate in the issue . verses 31. 32. the lord will not cast off for ever , but though he can grief , yet will he have compassion according ● the multitude of his mercies . 4. from the lords unwillingness to afflict . verse 33. for he doth not afflict willingly nor grieve the children of men . 5. from the lords soveraignity verse 37 , 38 out of the mouth of the most high proceedeth not evil and good ? 6. from mens deserving justly the saddest things . verse 39. wherfore doth a man complain for the punishment● his sins ? and verses 35. 36. the lord approv● no unjust dealing . but true submission is not stupid , idle , heartless thing : and if we suffer o● hearts wholly to be idle , they will not fail , like unemployed souldiers , to mutin , and so find themselves both unhappy and unlawful worl● therefore they must be diverted to that which good . take we then the 4th use of present dispensations to imploy our hearts with all , and that is se●● examination . verse 40. let us search and try o● ways ; a pertinent and very necessary work for su●● a time . amongst the many things we get leisu●● now to think on , let this be minded as none the least : as the ●yning pot for silver and the furnace for gold ; so is affliction to a sinner , a discovering and purging thing . affliction ( as i not before ) will cause men hear on the deafest side of their head , it will open their ears to discipline , it will cause them see things that before they would not see . let us then set in earnest to the work of ●elf-examination while we have the advantage of ●uch a help . the 5th use of present dispensations is repentance in that same 40 verse and let us turn again to the lord , what ever by self-examination is discovered to be amiss , ( as hardly any man shall search himself faithfully but many such things will be ●ound with him ) let all that be amended : for if ●ur scum be only discovered and go not out from ●s , we shall be in hazard to be consumed in the furnace . repentance well becomes a sinner at any ●ime ; but especially when god with rebukes is ●hastising man for iniquity , and persuing sin with ● rod : and gods hand will fiul be stretched out , nor will his anger turn away , till the people turn to him that ●nites them , isai 9 , 12 , 13. if we would freely turn to the lord from all iniquity , we needed neither fear the wrath of men , nor be beholden to their kindness , the lord should then command deliverances for iacob , as it is said psal. 44 4. and should cause the best of them be glad to go his erands and serve at his commands , but our iniquities turn away and with hold good things from us ier. 5. 25. o if once that sweet word were going thorow the land , hosea 6. 1. every one sending it to his neighbour and saying , come and let us return unto the lord. the 6th use of present dispensations is much prayer , verse 41. let us lift up our heart with our hands to god in the heavens , and if the people of god set once to prayer in good earnest , it will be high time for their enemies to fear a mischief ; for sure the cloud of the saints prayers will break in a tempest upon their fatal heads . the three last verses of the chapter are dreadful to them . render unto them a recompence o lord , according to the work of their hands : give them sorrow of heart ; thy curse unto them : persecute and destroy them in anger from under the heavens of the lord. and if the destitute people of god were mighty in prayer , wrestling with god , weeping and making supplication to the angel as iacob did , i could tell the church of god good news , that then the lord would build up zion , and would appear in his glory , and tha● he would regard the prayer of the destitute ; and no● despise their prayer psal. 102 16 , 17. for the lord is even waiting his peoples call , isai 30. 18. 19 the lord waiteth to be gracious , he will be very gracious to thee , at the voice of thy cry when he shall hear it , he will answer thee . and what will he give us ? he will give us our removed teachers with the fulness of the blessing of the gospel , in a plentiful and powerful dispensation of the word isai 30. 20 , 21. o then let all that love ierusalem pray , and let us wrestle together by prayer , and each pray with another , and for another , and to anothers hand , and let us all join hands , and see who can give the kindest lift and go nearest to raise up the tabernacle of david that is fallen , that we bear not the shame , that this breach is under our hand . now all these uses of afflicting dispensations , are as pertinent to the cases of particular persons , whose heart knows its own grief , and who know every one the plague of their own heart . and by all the rest prayer by the holy ghost is prescribed , as a chief ingredient in all the cures of an afflicted case jam. 5 , 13. is any man afflicted let him pray . prayer hath its famous witnesses in the scriptures , of the great things that it hath done ; neither wants it its witnesses in the breasts all the saints . one word of sincere prayer will cause devils , and men , and lusts , and fears , and cares all run , and will burst the strongest bands . one word of sincere prayer from the end of the earth , will at a call bring god to the soul , and with him light , joy , peace , inlargment and soul-solace . but if any be so obstinate , as the jews were in the case of the blind man , that they will not believe famous well qualified witnesses , who know what they speak , and speak that which they have seen ; i say but of prayer to them , as the blind mans parents said to those of him john 9 , 21 , ask him , he shall speak for himself . try but prayer in earnest , and i have no fear to be found a false witness : for its own works shall praise it self best , and then i shall be thought to have spoken within bounds . and thus i have answered the questions proponed for instruction in the observation of divine dispensations : all which may serve ( as i said ) to state a clear difference betwixt athenian curiosity and a christian inquiry into the works of god and his ways towards his people . having already prosecuted the doctrine in a way ( as i hope ) not unuseful , there remains the less to be said to it by way of use distinctly , in the usual way . only be it remembered that we observe the lords dispensations in manner aforesaid : and for incouragment take but one place psal. 107. 42 , 43. the righteous shall see it , and rejoyce and all iniquity shall stop her mouth . whoso is wise and will observe these things , even they shall understand the loving kindness of the lord. and so much for the first thing in the text , the note of observation behold . i will bring her into the wilderness . the second thing in the words is , the intimation of the churches condition . i will bring her into the wilderness , and hence the doctrine is , that these to whom the lord minds good , may expect to come to the possession of intended blessedness by the way of a wilderness , behold says the lord i will allure her , and speak comfortably unto her : there is my design upon her , and these are my thoughts of good concerning her , but first i will bring her into the wilderness . in the prosecution of this doctrine , three things are to be considered . 1. what is this wilderness ? 2. wherefore doth the lord bring his people into the wilderness ? 3. what use we are to make of this intimation of such a condition ? 1 , first then , what is the wilderness ? i answer 1. in general , it is a figurative expression of an afflicted condition , i will bring her into the wilderness ; that is , i will erercise her with such afflictions as men are wont to meet with in a wilderness . and therefore 2dly i find a wilderness condition importing these things particularly . 1. it imperteth a condition of want and scarcety both of temporal and spiritual things heb. 1. 37. those of whom the world was not worthy were destitute of all things : 2 cor. 6. 10. the apostles that made many rich , were themselves as poor : and they that possessed all things were as having nothing . psal. 107 4 , 5. they that wander in a wilderness are hungry and thristy ; and their soul fainteth in them . david psal. 63. 1. says my soul thristeth for thee , my flesh longeth for thee , in a dry and thusty land where no water is : he had no doubt his own temporal wants , and those great enough , but his greatest want was of the waters of the sanctuary , as is clear from the 2d verse , to see thy power and thy glory so as i have seen thee in the sanctuary : and the same was his condition in the 42. and 43. psalmes , and this is the supposed condition of all the people of god. isai. 41. 17. they are poor and needy , seeking water and there is none , and their tongue faileth for thrist . the want of water which is a most common thing , denoteth the extremity of scarcety and want . and this is the first thing in a wilderness-condition . the many hungry bellys , and no fewer hungry souls in these times which are crying , my leanness , my leanness , do plainly say , that we are entred more nor a days journey into the wilderness . the 2d thing imported in a wilderness-condition is desolation and barrenness , psal. 63. 1. and psal. 107. 33. a wilderness is a dry land , a thristy land where no water is . jer. 9 , 12. it is burnt up like a wilderness , and likwise a wilderness is a desolate place : there no foot of man doth come ; there the cities are made heaps ; there nettles grow upon the ruines of glorious temples . this desolation and barrenness is the cause of scarcety and want in a wilderness . and this likwise we have felt in our wilderness ; we want , but we know not where to get it : the wells are stopped , good occasions for our souls are removed , our teachers are removed into corners , the songs of our temples are become howlings . we may sing the 8 verse of the 46. psalme with a sad note , come behold the works of the lord , what desolations he hath made in the earth : and where desolations end , there beginneth barrenness and dry breasts . as in one place we have the wells of water and the streams from lebanon stopped , in the next place we come to , we find clouds without rain , and pits without water , trees whose fruit is withered , and without fruit , epistle of iude 12 verse , men who either never had any thing , or elss have lost what once they promised . as if christ ( o sad ! ) had come by and said , henceforth never fruit grow upon you ; if we were thristy beside the water , or hungry beside food , or sick beside the physician , or sorrowful beside a comforter , or in darkness beside light , we might the better bear it : but that it is other ways shews we are indeed in the wilderness . 3dly the wilderness importeth a solitary condition of separation from comfortable , sweet and useful society : david felt this in the wilderness psal. 42. 4. when he remembred that he had gone to the house of god with the multitude , with the voice of joy and praise , with the multitude that kept holy day : and for that his soul was poured out in him : heman felt this in his wilderness psal. 88. 18. lover and friend hast thou put far from me , and mine acquaintance into darkness , : the afflicted , overwhelmed composer of the 102 , psalm felt this likwise in his wilderness , 6 , and 7 , verses . i am like a pelican in the wilderness , and like on owl of the desart . i watch and am as a sparrow alone upon the house top . isai 35 , 1. the wilderness is a solitary place . good company and sweet comfortable useful society hath this to prove it a choice mercy , that ( as the rest of that nature ) it is never well known nor prized by us , till we are denyed it , and deprived of it . and now ( with pharoahs butler gen. 41. 9. ) i remember my faults this day ; and i fear i have too many fellows in the fault , who either neglect disdainfully , or els abuse good company to the increase of vanity . now begin i to understand more of that text eccl. 4. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. and what a woe is it to him that is alone , and yet i doubt not but the kindness of the lord is shewn to many , even in separating and scattering them one from another : and to confirm me in this judgment , i remember the opinion of some who have been in account for skill in things of that nature : and thus they have thought , that when a family or bairn-time incline to a consumption ( which being a disease hereditary runs much in a blood ) in that case it is good that they part company , and live at a distance one from another , for that the disease is strengthned by their social conversation . i apply , that the evil and hazard of the company of those that are tenderly beloved children of god , may move him even in kindness to send them apart : but they will find it a kindness not so comfortable as needful . as i could like to be hungry beside good meat , or weary beside good lodging : so i would choose to be solitary beside good company , that is , so to enjoy my self by my self , as that i might likwise enjoy the help of christian company at will with conveniency . and as i am sure that god was never the instituter of the monks order ; so , sure i am , none can choose to shun good company , but such as would choose their own affliction , and forsake their own mercy . only i must here mind that good people are not always good company : but a good man or woman are only then good company , when they shew their goodness in company , so that they may do good to the company : and therefore , though it may seem a paradox , yet it is too true ; that we cannot always say we have been in good company , when we have been in the company of good men. let good people keep fellowship and company ; let the evils and vanities of good people be discharged the company , let good people do good in company , and so good people shall be good company . but as often as we miss good company , let it mind us that we are in the wilderness , and be it here added ( because i love not to multiply ) that it is no small part of the saints wilderness to be vexed and intested with evil company . the scripture descrives a wilderness to be the place of owls , ostriches , wolves , lyons , serpents , satyres , devils , dragons and all evil beasts and doleful creatures : and as it is said of christ literally , mark , 1 , 13. that in the wilderness he was with the wild beasts , so christians are mystically neighboured with the like in their wilderness : their righteous souls are vexed with hearing and seeing daily their doleful and detestable practises , besides their persecutions whereof it follows to speak , particularly . 4. the wilderness importeth a wandering and unsetled condition , psal. 107. 4. they wandered in the wilderness in a solitary way , they found no city to dwell in , heb. 11. 37 , 38. those of whom the world was not worthy wandered about in desarts , and in mountains , and in dens and caves of the earth . we read in the history of scripture , how israel wandered , and how many seats they changed in the wilderness of egypt fourty years , we read of the patriarchs psal. 105 , 13. how as strangers in the land of promise they went from one nation to another , from one kingdome to another people . we read , in the 1 sam. of david's wandering from one wilderness to another , and amongst the rocks of the wilde goats which he ●esents with tears , psal. 56. 8. thou tellest my wanderings , sayes he , put thou my tears into thy bottle , are they not in thy book ? and this is even the wilderness-condition of the saints and servants of god this day in these nations . how many driven from station and relations , and put to seek lodging amongst strangers ? what strange unsettlings are there among us ? by outing , confinement , banishment , denouncing fugitive ; and all these by laws and acts so contrived , as if they meant only to grant the lords servants ieremys deploring wish ier. 9 , 2. o that i had in the wilderness a lodging-place of waysaring men , that i might leave my people and go from them . and all these are beside all the particular wanderings of the lords scattered flocks whose condition we may see ezek , 34. 6. and throughout : my sheep wandered through all the mountains and upon every high hill , yea my flock was scattered upon all the face of the earth and none did search nor seek after them . 5. the wilderness importeth a condition of tentations , matth. 4 , 1. christ was led into the wilderness to be tempted psal. 95 , 8. 9. israels time in the wilderness , is called the day of tentation . i know it is there meant activly of these tentations ; as is clear from the 9th verse , your fathers tempted me , proved me , and saw my works . ●ut when i look back upon moses , who himself ●as with the church in the wilderness , and well ●ew their case , i find him reckoning it a time ● passive tentations also , such i mean wherewith ●●ey were tryed and tempted deut. 8. 2. and thou shalt remember all the way , which the lord thy god led thee these fourty years in the wilderness to humble thee , and to prove thee , to know what was in thine heart , whether thou wouldst keep his commandments or not . it is ●ar 1. from jam. 1 , 15. that god tempteth no ●n . 2. it is a great question whether satan ●●th a hand by tentation in every sin of man. ●t 3dly i judge , that satan hath not such a hand every sin as some are ready to say and think . ●he devil is not so ill , we say , as he is called , nor ● ugly as he is painted : many men father those ●s upon the devil , that have their own hearts ●th for father and mother : and many sin with●●t a tentation ab extra , or from without . yet the 4th place , it is manifest from iam. 1 , 14. 15. at a man is tempted at least by his own lust , as often the sins . and thus there is no sin without some ●nd of tentation , either from another or from the ●ner himself : and where there is much sin and ●ovocation , ( as was amongst the israelites in the ●ilderness ) there is much tentation . let the ●ords people then expect to find their wilderness place of temptation . and are not tentations ●awed thick in the way of gods people in these ●es ? is there not a ne●t spread upon mount tabor ? may we not say with the psalmist , p● 142. 3. in the way wherein i walked have they la●● snare for me ? is not the cass now , you must either do thus or thus as men ( who because they have ●● conscience of their own , therefore care not ● yours ) shall please to command , or els do other wa● upon your perill ? and when things might therways be better ordered and established , a● not laws and acts contrived so as occasions 〈◊〉 be sought against those , against whom , like da● chap. 6 , 5. there can be found no occasion , except the matters of their god. is not this the hou● temptation ? rev. 3. 10. but when enemies h● given over , and done their worst , in come 〈◊〉 friends ( who as peter to christ matth. 16. 23 ) 〈◊〉 a temptation to us , o , say they , look to your self , and play not the fool. and when all the prevail not yet , in comes carnal , worldly , 〈◊〉 believing , grudging and disquieting though● from our own hearts , and these , as in a refer guard , give the last and most dangerous assault , ● specially if the force of our spirits be any w● daunted or disordered by the foresaid attempt and therefore james . 1. 14. ( looking over t● former as it were ) tells us that then a man is tem●ed , when he is led away of his own lust and enti●e and then it is high time to look to our selves , wh● our enemies are those of our own house . ma● have born the force of outward attempts who h● much ado to sustain the impetuous assaults of th● own disquieted and disquieting hearts . psal. 42 , and 43 , 5. why art thou cast down o my se●● and why art thou disquieted in me ? and therefore iames pronounces him the blessed man chap. 1. 12. that endureth tentation . the tentations of an afflicted lot is the great affliction of our lot : and therefore in scripture afflictions are called tentations , and they that escape the tentations of affliction have got above all hazard of affliction otherwise : for tentations being the snare of affliction , when that is once broken , the strength of it is spent , and it's force is over . 6. the wilderness importeth a condition of fears , and perplexing doubts : for the wilderness being a land of darkness . jer. 2 , 31. and a place where there is no way , it puts the traveller inevi●ably to many sad fears , and perplexing doubts . the afflicting fears and doubts of saints in the wilderness may be reduced to those three chief ●eads . the 1 , are concerning their spiritual con●ition and state before god. the 2 , are concerning their present incumbent duty and work. the ● , are concerning thee vents of incumbent dispensations . i cannot endure , nor dare i expatiat more ●rgly in a discourse of these particularly , lest either saint in the way , or once turning off but a little ●to those dark mysterious paths , i be not able ●ickly to recover the high way : for if i speak to ●●e purpose , i may readily prognosticat that to ● the fate of my discourses , which is of their case ●ho once are ingaged in the intricacies of these ●●rplexities , that hardly can they quickly ridd themselves . this only i must say , that those ●●uls that have been at their wits end in these things , and have not known in all the world what to do , can best tell what it is , to be brought into the wilderness . and this i observe , that even as men have got a custome to plant wildernesses in the midst of pleasant gardens ; so many me●● in their otherwise good books and sermons , imprudently either starting difficulties unseasonably or pursuing them excessivly , do rather creat that clear perplexities to poor souls , and give them the entertainment of a toilsome divertisment in plac● of solid refreshment . but my project invites m●● if i could be so happy , rather to plant a garden i● a wilderness , than a wilderness in a garden . i fea● there is in the world but too much artificial religion and exercises , like garden-wildernesses , invented rather for pleasure than created by necessity i fear some christians , like some preachers , read more off their book , nor they repeat off their hear● but i doubt the pleasure of an artificial wilderness will either relieve or compense the grief of ● real one. elaborat , fine , accurat discourses o● christians doubts and cases whatever they deserv● in their own place , will be found but physician of no value , and miserable comforters to sou● that are in earnest ; except he that reveals secr●● and looseth the prisoners lighten the doubtin● soul's darkness , with a beam of his own presenc● in the 42 , psal. david had said well to it , but th● says best , 11. verse , he is the health of my countenam and my god. as gardens are more pleasant f●● men in health , than for sick men ; so , discourses of christian cases , in doubts and perplexties , will readily do better , either before or after the distempter , than in the time . much prayer and communion with god , is the best book of cases that ever a doubting soul read , and is blest with the maniest discoveries and manifestations of god , to those that walk in darkness and have no light . 7. the wilderness importeth a condition of reproach and persecution : iob 30. 5. descrives the reproachful base condition of his adversaries that mocked him from this , that , they fled into the wilderness and were driven forth from among men who cryed after them as after a thief . and rev. 12. 6. the woman in travel the persecuted church fled into the wilderness . this was davids wilderness-condition . psal. 55. 3. because of the voice of the enemy , because of the oppression of the wicked ; for they cast iniquity upon me , and in wrath they hate me , and in verse 6 & 7 i said , o that i had wings like a dove : for then would i flee away and be at rest . lo then would i wander far off , and be in the wilderness , selah . the scourge and persecution of false tongues , being worse than the venome of asps , the sting of serpents , or poyson of dragons that ●aunt the wilderness , makes often the wilderness a refuge and rest to be desired by the reproached people of god , and the wrath and cruelty of wicked men makes the saints often times find lyons , bears wolves and dragons to be better neighbours . heb. 11. 36. cruel mockings is the first item in the account of saints sufferings : and then follows scourging , bonds , killing sawing , tempting , torturing and wandering about . and the apostle 2 timoth. 3. 12. warns all that will live godly in christ jesus , that there way lyes thorow this wilderness of persecution , whereof reproach is not the least part : for compare gen. 21 , 9. with galat. 4. 29. that was carnal ishmael's persecution , wherewith he persecuted his brother isaac the son of the promise . and they had tryal , says the apostle , of cruel mockings : and the slandering tongues of wicked men are compared in scripture to the sharpest and most bitter instruments , sharp arrows , coals of juniper , swords , spears and the poyson of serpents : racking and torturing may break a mans bones , but reproach , says the psalmisi , hath broken my heart , and it hath dammished my very spirits , for i am ful of heaviness psal 69 , 20. and now when the people of god live in a land of trouble and anguish , from whence come the young and old lyon , the viper and fiery fleeing serpent , isa. 30. 6. pray , who will not call that a wilderness ? and where are they , think you , whose soul is among lyons ? psal. 57. 4. if any shall search the records of our scotish inquisition ( the creature that likes not to be called the high commission ) they may be soon convinced that these are no fictions of fanaticks and disaffected persons . but the question is not demonstrative ; ( for i warrand they have more loyalty than to deny these things that they say are so good service to — ) but juridical ; for jure factum di●u●t , they do all by law forsooth , and so justify all their practises : but are all laws righteous ? or is there such a thing in the world as a throne of ini●ity which frameth mischief by a law. psal. 94. 20. they think possibly ( as paul once thought ) that they ought to do these things , and that they do good service ; to god indeed they do not say , but ●● — they cry . but stay till christ examine the bra●est man amongst the examinators , upon that little qvestion , why persecntest thou me ? and then my lord ●nquisitor comes in upon second thoughts with his confession , i was a blasphemer , a persecuter , and in●rtous . 1 timoth. 1 , 13. and then the fools excuse is alledged by him that thought himself so ●ise ( for sapientis non est dicere , putavi ) i thought that i should have done these things . but what think you now sir ? why now i see that which formerly ● called loyalty , zeal and good service , must change ●ts name without any change in the thing : for it ●●oth was , and is , no other thing but blasphemy , persecution and injury . such a thing as this has been . 8. the wilderness importeth a melancholi●us , sad and dejected condition . this follows from all the rest . any who ever travelled alone thorow a wilderness , may easily understand this ; and there is reason for it : because a man is there deprived of any thing that may chear his spirit , and of all gladening objects ; besides that he is possessed with fearful apprehensions of evils that may befal him : and his spirit in the very entry is amused with the uncouth and solitary nature of the place . to say no more of this : the very countenances of of the lords people in these times look like a wilderness : and s●d cause why ; we see many things to make us sorry , little to make us glad . we see such things as we nor our fathers have not seen the like . and if there were no more , and albeit for our own particular we had no occasion of grief , and though like nehemiah we were serving the king with wine , and were of as jovial an humor as he who was not wont afore time to be sad : yet if any should ask the kings question . nehemiah 2 , 2. why is thy countenance sad seing thou art not sick ? this is nothing els but sorrow of heart may we not sadly reply with him in the 3 d verse why should not my countenance be sad when my city , the place of my fathers sepulchres lyeth waste , and the gates thereof are consumed with fire ? that is , when the church of god is laid desolate . but i suspect there are few that truly love god , or are kindly sons of zion but they have their own particular grievances in these times wherein they share of the common lot of the church their mother that sits in the dust : and ●● is good it be so : for wo to them that are at ease ●● zion . amos 6. 1. the particular grievances of saints and their pressures , serve well to keep them mindful of the churches common lot : for fellowship in calamity is such a pregnant incentive to sympathy , that even jesus himself was made the more compassionat , for what he himself suffered being in all points tempted as we are , yet without sin , he cannot but be touched with the feeling of our infirmity . heb. 4. 15. and does it not well suite all the children to go in mourning when the mother sits desolate and afflicted as a woman forsaken ? e● how could they expect to be comforted with her , if they do not mourn for her ? solomon that great master of religion , nature , and reason , hath determined eccl. 7. 2 , 3. that it is better to go to the house of mourning than to the house of feasting . and that sorrow is better than laughter ; for that by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made better : and he who is greater than solomon , who himself often weept , but never ( that we read ) once laughed , pronounceth them blessed that mourn , for that they shall be comforted . matth. 5. 4. 9. this wilderness importeth a condition of weariness and fainting : this yet follows naturally from all that hath been said psal. 107. 5. those that wander in a wilderness , their soul fainteth in them ; psal. 63. 1. davids wilderness was a thristy , or ( as the original hath it , ) a weary land : and isai 32 , 2. it is expresly rendered a weary land. the saints case in their wilderness is often like that of the egyptian . 1 sam. 30. 11 , 12. who was so outwearyed that he fell off from his company and sunk in the wilderness . david often complaineth that he was weak , that his spirit failled , his soul fainted , this throat was dry , his eyes failed whilst he cryed upon the lord and waited for him . and no wonder it is that the saints so often weary and faint by the way : but a great wonder it is , that any of them should hold up to the end : they have such long stages in the race that is set before them , and those in a thirsty wilderness where hardly they can drink of the brook by the way : and they must run it so oft about with fresh parties whereof possibly the worst comes last upon them , when they are already so much exhausted , that there is great reason , for him that would wager upon their heads , to ask , whether they have so much confidence remaining as to answer that question jer. 12. 5. if thou hast run with the footmen and they have wearied thee , then how canst thou contend with horses ? and if in the land of peace wherein thou trustedst they wearyed thee , how wilt thou do in the swelling of jordan . but the lord that makes the question must answer , and one prophet must answer another : and how jeremy could do all that , isaiah can tell chap , 40. from the 28 verse to the end : the everlasting god , the lord that created the ends of the earth fainteth not , neither is weary , &c. let the people of god in their wilderness expect to have their hands full of it , and as much as shall put them to a strict necessity either to believe or utterly to give it over . psal , 27. 13. i had fainted unless i had believed to see the goodness of the lord in the land of the living . now this is the wilderness : and thus is answered the first thing in the point , what is the wilderness . ii. the second thing to be considered in the point is , wherefore doth the lord bring his people into the wilderdess ? the scripture sheweth that for one or more of these five reasons the lord doth this . 1. he doth it for their sin : and that in these five respects . 1. to convince them of sin . it is long many a time ere the lords sinful people will see or acknowledge their sin : yea they will say they are innocent when their transgressions are most evident . jer. 2 23. and therefore verse 35. i will plead with thee , because thou sayest i have not sinned . such as are kindly melancholians may know by experience , what effectual impressions the change of places hath to the changing of mens minds : and for this it is necessary often times that men be sent to learn that in the wilderness , which they could not , it may be they would not , see at home in a land inhabited : jer. 22. 21 , 22. i spoke unto thee to thy prosperity , but thou saidest i will not hear , and therefore thou shalt go into captivity . affliction is quick-sighted , and necessity is wise and ingenious : affliction according as it is blest , or not blest of god , hath very contrary effects upon men : solomon tells us that affliction makes a wise man mad : and he that is greater than solomon tells us , that affliction sometimes makes a mad man wise luk. 15 , 17. it brought a distracted prodigal to himself . many men think it a piece of wit and gallantry to mantain their sinful courses in a day of prosperity ; and if he be a beneficed person or one in place , he is ill worthy either place or benefice who is so scant of discourse , that he cannot ( if this our craft be in danger to be set at nought act. 19. 27 ) make an oration in defence of diana ; and at least , cannot say to his companions with more truth than wit , though yet with more wit than honesty , sirs ye know that by this craft we have our wealth , ib. verse 25. yea if the lord by his servants plead with some men in prosperity for their iniquities , anon he shall have a reply till he bring forth his rod which is sitted for the back of fools ; and is the only cogent argument with such persons . take two instances shortly , one is isai. 31. 2. those people were bent upon idolatry , and when they were reproved and threatned for that by the lord , then they were confident in the assistance of egypt : and when yet they were taxed for that , no doubt , they would tell the prophets , self-defence was not unlawful , and many such witty stories , till the lord concludes the dispute with that , yet he also is wise , and will bring evil , and will not call back his words , but will arise against the house of the evil doers , and against the help of those that work iniquity . and now let those great wits and grand disputers say to it jer. 13. 21. what wilt thou say when he shall punish thee ? say to that gallants , or you have said nothing . the next instance is ezek. 17. from 11 verse to the end ; zedekiah had given an oath of fealty and subjection to the king of babylon , he rebells against the king of babylon and breaks his oath : the lord pleads with him for that , o! might he say ( mark you the language of our times ) it was a forced oath made against his will : yea , may be , it was an unlawful oath for him to subject himself and the lords people to heathens by a bond : and therefore why might not he take his occasions to break it , if once he had but strength to maintain the breach ? and , may be , ( as papists think that faith ought not to be kept to hereticks , so they call protestants ) he thought neither ought it to be kept to heathens : but ● mark from the place 1. against the popish whimsy that it is called significantly the king of babylons oath , in the 16 verse . i mark 2. in the same verse against other covenant-breakers . that whatever by zedekiah was or might be alledged , it was all but a prophane despising of the oath : for untill once it be lawful to take gods holy and fearful name in vain ; it shall never be any thing els but prophanity and perjury to break covenant upon interest . i mark 3. from the 20 verse against all patrons of perjury , and such as teach rebellion against the lord ; the lords great argument , which usually he reserves to the conclusion of such debates : well , says the lord , in the 19 verse , he hath sworn an oath , and hath broken it : but i will let him know what an oath is ; i will swear another and will keep it : as i live saith the lord , surely i will recompense it upon his own head . and in the 20 verse , i will spread my net upon him , and he shall he taken in my snare , and i will bring him to babylon and will plead with him there , for his trespass that he hath trespassed against me . and this was performed 2 kings 25. 6 , 7. and 2 chron. 36. 20 , 21. prosperity to many is as the day light to owles and batts , it daz'ls their eyes , and blinds them , that they do not see their errors till it be too late . zedekiah saw not his faults till he saw them without his eyes at riblah in the land of hamath . to say no more of this : if other arguments will not convince men that are guilty of perjury , there is a necessity they must go to babylon for instruction . as the lord lives , ( they are the words of god , and it is their meaning ) perjury shall get a convincing stroak . it is a scots proverb , as sore greets the child that is beaten after noon , as he that is beaten before noon : the church of god and his saints in these nations have gotten a forenoons correction ; but wo to them that get the after-noon stroaks . see the parables ier , 24 throughout . to conclude this reason then ; let us not seek conviction of our sin the length of the wilderness , nor at the rate of bitter affliction : but let us all take the councel ier. 6. 8. be thou instructed o jerusalem , lest my soul depart from thee , lest i make thee desolate , a land not inhabited : the 2d . account whereupon the lord brings his people into the wilderness for sin , is , for the vindication of his glorious and holy name from all appearance of connivance at , or partaking with his peoples sins , numb . 14. 21. as truly as i live , sayes he , all the earth shall be filled with the glory of the lord ; that is , with the glorious manifestation of his justice against his peoples sins : and he often threatens , that those who profane his name and make it to be blasphemed , he will return their shame upon their own faces . if any of us hath a friend who is leud and dissolute and debauched , we are ashamed of him ; because his faults reflect upon us : and therefore we hold our selves obliged for our own vindication to testify our displeasure against him . and so it is with the holy one of israel and his sinful people . the 3d. account is to imbitter sin to them , jer. 2. 19. know therefore and see , that it is an evil thing and a bitter , that thou hast forsaken the lord thy god , and that his fear is not in thee . as abner said to ioab of the war , so i say to every one of their sin , 2 sam. 2. 26. knowest thou not that it will be bitterness in the latter end ? prosperity sweetens sin to sinners , which of it self is sweet enough to their corrupted palate : but the gall and wormwood of affliction gives it its own kindly relish . the 4th . account is , that he may put a stop to his people in their course of sin. thus hosea 2. 6. i will hedge up thy way with thorns , and make a wall , that she shall not find her paths ; and verse 7 she shall not overtake nor find her lovers : many in prosperity are so engaged by custom to courses of iniquity , which nothing but affliction can interrupt and put a stop to ; and they must take their march into the wilderness to divert them off the paths of wickedness . o that all who are in affliction , and in the wilderness , would take this advantage of their impetuous over-hailing lusts and idols ; and had wisdom to improve such a good occasion , of a perpetual divorce and separation , from the sins that were wont easily to beset them , and as easily to prevail with them ! it is not time , when people are in the wilderness , to rush every one to their course , as the horse rusheth into the battel , never once asking what is this i am doing : but it is then seasonable daniel 4. 27. to break off our sins and iniquities ; least we go further on , than that we can safely retire our selves . the 5th . account is , that they may truly repent and throughly return from sin to god. in the 7 verse of this chapter , when by affliction she is put to a stand in her course of sin , it is yet intended further that she return to her first husband , and this is brought to effect , hos : chap. 6. verse 1. come , sayes she , and let us return unto the lord : for he hath torn , &c , simple cessation from sin , without true conversion in time of affliction , may put a person or people to pharaoh's expences of multiplyed rods and plagues one after another , with the hazard of utter destruction in the end . learn we then in the wilderness to say as is meet to be said unto god , iob , 34. 31 , 32. i have born chasitsement , i will not offend any more : that which i see not teach thou me ; if i have done iniquity i will do no more , let us turn throughly from all iniquity , and that with all our heart . and thus to the first reason and its several respects , why the lord brings his people into the wilderness : it is their sin . 2. the lord brings his people into the wilderness for their tryal and exercise , deut. 8. 2. the lord did all that unto thee , to prove thee , to know what was in thine heart , whether thou wouldest keep his commandments or not . rom. 5. 3 , 4 , 5. tribulation sets all graces on work in the saints : thus the lord dealt with the church psal. 44. from the 17 verse to the 23 , and psal 66. 10. thus he dealt with iob. the lord is come to these nations with his fan in his hand , he is winnowing us as wheat , and he will throughly purge his floor matth. 3 12. and who may abide the day of his coming ? and who shall stand when he appeareth ? for he is like a refyners fire , and like fullers sope ; and he shall sit as a refiner and as a purifyer of silver : and he shall purify , the sons of levi , and purge them as gold and silver , that they may offer unto the lord an offering in righteousness . malach 3 , 2 , 3. now the secrets of many hearts are discovered : now we ●ee the ground of mens stomachs , and what corruption and rotten stuffe hath been lurking under ●he beauty of untryed profession . would not some have said , am i a dog ? if that which they have how done had been told them a few years ago . now it is seen daniel . 11. 34. that many did cleave to the covenant with flatteries ; but the next verse being the 35. says further , that some of them of understanding shall fall , to try them , and to purge , and to make them white , even to the time of the end , because it is yet for a time appointed . therefore blessed is he that endureth to the end . and let him that standeth take heed lest he fall . the strange discoveries , the great stumbling , and many off fallings ●f men in these times , afford me the serious and confirmed thoughts , how few there are that shall ●e saved , and how hardly these few . malachie's ●efiners fire comprehends both all the tryals of a present time , and also and specially , the great and solemn last tryal of the judgment of the great day , when many a mans work shall be burnt up , and himself shall be saved , yet so as by fire . 1 cor. 3. 15. ●hen shall all the sinners and hypocrits in zion be affraid and surprized : for that they cannot dwell ●●th devouring fire , nor with everlasting burnings . isai. ●3 , 14. there will be many amissing that day in the congregation of the righteous , that here ha●● sitten chief in the assembly . in general this is th● verity : but towards the particular persons of ●● ther 's , i must walk with charity , as toward ●● self , with fear and humble jealousie : this o●● all would remember , that they who cannot endu●● the wide sieve of larger tryals in a present time , wi●● never be able to abide the narrow search of a stri●● judgment at the end of time . but as the lord will have his people tryed , so he will have the●● likwise exercised and their graces imployed . idleness is a hateful and unhappy evil in people . we fa● an idle man must always have something to work he , that ceaseth to do well , will soon learn ●● do ill . to prevent that , the lord puts work 〈◊〉 his peoples hand : for he hath not given the● graces and talents , to hide in a napkin under th● earth , but to be imployed and improven to use and therefore he appoints affliction as a ta●● master to call forth all their graces to work● and to receive the tale of every mans work , that it may be known what profit they make . th● time of affliction should be a bussy time , like eating time and harvest , to the people of god. but alas ! to many may be said in truth , that which pharaoh said to the israelites in cruel scorn , ye ●● idle , ye are idle exod. 3 17. only his inference and mine run very contrary . ye are idle , says he , and therefore ye say , let us go and do sacrifice to the lord but ye are idle , say i , and therefore ye say no● let us go and do sacrifice to the lord now , if the lord bring his people into affliction for their exercise , hence it is consequentially inferred , that if their afflictions do not exercise them to purpose , they are not like to come out of them in haste . i fear many but play with their afflictions , and look upon all the sad sights they see in the wilderness , but as so many farleyes , fit to entertain their curiosity and to cause them gaze : and i exhort all to be serious with their afflictions . 3. the lord brings his people to the wilderness , that they may be the more fit to receive the impressions of his will , and communications of his goodness . thus we see throughout this chapter , the lord designes jointly her reformation and consolation by all these bitter threatnings and afflicting dispensations . and chapter 5 , 15. of this ●ame prophesy of hosea . i will go , says the lord and return to my place , till they acknowledge their offence , and seek my face : in their affliction they will seek ●e early . and ( as the whole have no need of the physician , but the sick ) they now finding the disease of their affliction to purpose , and so being the better fitted for the communications of the lords goodness , in their deliverance , return to him in this confidence , that he who hath torn will heal them &c. and that his coming to them , verse 3d ; shall be as the rain to the earth , which being parch●d with drought is well ready for a showre . people ●n prosperity readily are not so fit to receive either the impressions of gods will ; for then speak to them , and they will not hear , jer. 22. 1. or the communications of his goodness : for then they an say we are lords , and we will not come to thee . jer. 2. 31. but affliction fits them better both for the one and for the other . in prosperity , as in the noise of a city , every thing is heard , but nothing is hearkened to : and the common noise swallows up the most distinct and audible voices in a confused insignificant sound . but in affliction , as in a wilderness , the stillest whisper of a voice is soon discerned and seriously attended to . likwise i● prosperity , as in a plentiful city or country , men enjoy all things , and esteem nothing : but in affliction , as in a wilderness , wanting all or many things , they account the more of any thing . in a word , the lord in the wilderness and by affliction is tuneing his people to obedience , that he may bring them forth singing the songs of deliverance . gods commands and his mercies will have another kind of lustre and relish to a soul coming out of a sanctified wilderness . formality in religion , with much vanity and many superfluities wait but too well upon prosperity : but the cold wind of the wilderness bloweth these all away , and strengthens the vital heat of the inward man , and makes solk more religious than formerly with less noise and adoe . prosperity is an unthankful piece : for readily the more it receives , the less it accounts of what it receives ; and ( as a full soul loaths the honey comb ) with a fastidious insolency it thinks , and by falsely thinking truely makes abundance of mercy a very misery : but ( as to the hungry soul every bitter thing is sweet ) the wilderness , and an afflicted lot blessed of god , will give a man a good stomach for a piece of the bread of adversity , and a cup of the cold water of affliction ; and will teach him to say grace to it thus : i am less than the least of all thy mercies genes . 32 , 10. so said iacob when he was coming from his twenty years travels in the wilderness of his afflictions in padan aram. prosperity extenuates , sanctified adversity aggravates mercies : to it any thing less than hell is a mercy . lament . 3. 22. it is of the lords mercies that we are not consumed : to it any mercy is a great mercy : a great mercy is an extraordinary one : and an extraordinary is a marvelous incomprehensible one . prosperity counts its mercies by subtraction , it will take its bill with the unjust steward , and for a hundred it will write fourscore , and for fourscore , it will write fifty : but in the wilderness men learn to cast up their mercies by multiplication with the help of division : in the same place cited lament . 3. 22. that we are not consumed , to some might seem but one mercy , and that a poor one too : yea but the lamenting prophet finds mercies in that mercy . and truely the mercies of the lord are homogeneous things , whereof every part hath the nature and denomination of the whole : as every drop of water is water ; so the least piece of any mercy is mercy : and the afflicted , humble , thankful soul loves to anatomize and diffect the lords mercies into parts , as physicians do humane bodies , that they may informe themselves the better of the number and nature of the parts , and of the frame and structure of the whole . the 136 psalme hath this common with those mercies which it recounts , that there is more in it than every one can see : this only to my purpose , everyone may see , how the psalmist tells out the lords mercies by parts , and insists upon one and the same mercy , to shew that every part of it is a mercy ; and that , as all the rest , derived from the underived , uncreated , unexhaustible , and ever runing fountain of the lords mercy that endures for ever . prosperity , like the widow and her sons in the matter of the oil , loses and comes short of many mercies for want of the vessels of faithful accounts and thankful acknowledgments . the saint in the wilderness as the disciples in a desart place , obeys christs frugal command , it gathers up the remaining fragments of mercies that nothing be lost , and with those it fills whole baskets : as by the blessing and miraculous power of christ , the broken meat , after that dinner , whereat so many thousands were well filled , was more than that which at the first was set down whole . o! but it is good holding house with christ ! it is good to have our portion , be otherwise what it will , with his presence and blessing , and to have it coming thorow his hands . and as the power of divine contentment can make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the half more not the whole ; so the wilderness will teach the people of god , the mystery of improving mercies , to make the increase more than the stock . this , as the rest of divine arts , is best profest in the wilderness : and therefore it is that the lord sends so many of his most hopeful children thither to be bred : and there they are continued till the 〈…〉 past their course and taken their degrees , and then they return masters of the arts able to teach others , and to comfort them with the same comforts wherewith they themselves were comforted of christ. 2 cor. 1. 4. 4. the lord brings his people into the wilderness , that he may lead them by , and deliver them from that which is worse . exod. 13. 17 , 18. and it came to pass when pharoah had let the people go , that god led them not thorow the way of the land of the philistins , though that was near : for god said lest peradventure the people repent when they see war and they return to egypt ; but god led the people about thorow the way of the wilderness of the red sea . the lord prepares his people a place in the wilderness from the fury and persecutions of men . rev. 12. 6. and albeit before , i called persecution one of the parts of a wilderness-condition ; yet i would have it understood , that every one that comes into the wilderness , is not led thorow all the wilderness , nor made to see all the evils thereof , nor do all afflictions tryst upon every afflicted person : for often times god makes one a mean to prevent and escape another : even as in the case in hand , the lord sends sometimes his people to enjoy davids and ieremys wishes in the wilderness , that so they may be ridd of ill neighbours : for we say in the proverb , better be alone than in ill company . and likwise the lord by bringing his people into the wilderness delivers them from the contagion and vexation of the sins of those with whom they conversed aforetimes . albeit the wilderness , as i before said , be a place of temptation ; yet the lord , by some one tentation which his people can better guide , many times leads them out of the way of some other one or moe which might be of more hazard to them . surely it is no small mercy to be out of the way , when tentations are marching thorow all the land in solemn procession , and they cry before them , bow the knee , and when the wicked walk on every side , who but the viles● men , ( psal. 12 , 8. ) would covet the preferment of the midst ? and would not any person of a holy breath , prefer a cottage in a well aired wilderness , to the foul winds and corrupt infectious air of these plaguy times ? the plague of a general defection which ( as the pest doth other deseases ) hath engrossed all abominations , is now so common , that except it were with aaron numb . 16. 48. to stand between the dead and the living with the incense of much intercession , that , if it be possible , the plague may by stayed , i should think him a person of that stoutness which they call rashness , and of a pretty well confirmed , if not of a much hardned heart , who otherwise could gladly come into the company of , or mix himself with the men of this generation . we say when all freits fail , fire is good for the farsey : if god cure this generation of one plague by another , i shall think it no more than is necessary : for psal. 14. 3. generally they are all gone aside , they are altogether become filthy ; there is none that doth good , no not one : and now i think i hear a voice from heaven saying of this generation , as that other rev. 18. 4 said to iohn , of mystical babylon ; come out of her my people , that ye may not be partakers of her sins , and that ye receive not of her plagues . and there is another great mischief that the lord leads his people out of its way — in bringing them into the wilderness , and it is the plagues that come upon wicked men , and all gods enemies . the people of god want not their own visitations , but they are not like the plagues of the wicked , their enemies . isai. 27. 7. hath he smiten him as he smote those that smote him ? or is he slain according to the slaughter of those that are slam by him ? yea the saints afflictions are excellent antidotes and preservatives against the plagues of their enemies , who are not as , but indeed are the ungodly and the wicked . we see the properity of the saints afflictions psal. 94. 12 , 13. blessed is the man whom thou chasteness o lord , and teachest him out of thy law , that thou may est give him rest from the days of adversity , till the pit be digged for the wicked . a strange thing a mans motto to be perussem nisi perussem : i had perished , if i had not perished : and that chastisment should hide a man from the day of adversity : but both the history of scripture , and the saints experience from time time in all generations , do yeeld abundance of particular instances in confirmation of this general assertion . it appears by lots slowness to depart , that he took it as a grief to go out of sodom filthy as it was : and yet the lord by that is sending him out of the midst of the overthrow . it is no doubt a grief and great affliction to many of the saints and servants of god , that they are removed from their people and place : but when judgements come upon aplace , better to be away than in place . and in the judgment of judicious and great divines , it prognosticats no good to a place , when the saints and servants of god are driven out thereof . let any read muscuus upon math. 24. alas then for her that bare me , and whose breasts gave me suck ! for the city the place of my nativity and education , for the word that is past upon her , and the prophesy : when it shall be said to faithful ministers of the gospel , go here or go there ; go to the south , or go to the north , but go not to edinburgh , then wo to thee o edinburgh . these are the words and prophesy of mr. robert rollock which are to be seen in print before the translation of his book upon the colossians , and is not this the time spoken of . 5. the lord brings his people into the wilderness , to humble them , that they may know of whom they hold mercies , and learn afterwards in prosperity to carry soberly . when israel was upon the entry of a land flowing with milk and honey , moses insists wisely throughout the book of deuteronomy upon the memory of their case in the wilderness , and tells them plainly chap. 8. verse 2. the lord did all that to humble thee : to this end it was that the lord commanded the pot of manna to be kept by the ark ; and for this was institute the feast of tabernacles . prosperity is an insolent piece , and will readily cause men forget their maker that hath done all these things for them , and came a free-hold of mercies : we are lords say they , and therefore we will come no more unto thee , jer. 2. 31. or els they will give the glory of their mercies unto idols , in this same hosea 2. 5. i will go after my lovers , says she , who give me my bread and my water , my wool and my flax , mine oil and my drink : and therefore the lord is concerned for the mantainance of his right , to put them out of possession , till they make a legal entry by a humble acknowledgment to him their righteous superior , and be repossessed by a novo damus , as is clear from this chapter and many other ways the insolency of prosperity is expressed to the dishonour of god , and damnage and hurt of our neighbours , by prophanity , presumtion , carnal confidence , intemperancy , oppression , and the like : and therefore sayeth the lord , zeph. 3. 12. 13. i will leave in the midst of thee on afflicted and poor people , and they shall trust in the name of the lord , and the remnant of israel shall not do iniquity . he that knows how he has gain'd his estate , should know how he imploys it , and they that come to mercies hardly , should use them well and humbly . if ever god bring his church and people again to good days and prosperity , o! let it be remembred that once we were in the wilderness . and thus to the second thing in the point viz. wherefore doth the lord bring his people into the wilderness ? follows the use which is the 3d thing in the point . the first use is of warning , and i would sound an alarme , and proclame a march into the wilderness to all the people of god. our leader and commander , iesus christ the captain of our salvation hath long since taken the field , and is gone out on our head heb : 13. 12 , 13. let us then who have taken the sacrament and military oath of christ , and have given our names unto him , go forth unto him without the camp bearing his reproach . the cloud is now lifted up from over the tabernacle : and therefore it is time for the children of israel to set forth : yea the ark of the lord , his ordinances and his people with the best of their leaders are already in the fields , and are suffering hardship as good souldiers . let us not then for shame lunch at home , let us learn the religious gallantry of uriah the hittite that valiant man , 2 samuel 11. 11. and uriah said unto david , the ark and israel and iudah abide in tents , and my lord joab and the servants of my lord are incamped in the open fields ; shall i then go into mine house to eat and to drink , and to ly with my wife ? as thou livest , and as thy soul liveth , i will not do this thing . it is time our loins were girded , our shoes were on our sect , our staff in our hand , and our stuff and provision upon our shoulder : for we must to the wilderness , and what if we go out in haste ? it is good to be in good company : it is better ( if moses had any skill ) to suffer affliction with the people of god , than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season heb. 11. 25. they who will not suffer with the people of god may suffer with worse company . they who will not go forth with lot unto the mountains , may possibly sit still till they get brimstone and fire from heaven , and the smoak of sodom about their ears : for he that will save his life unlawfully shall loss it unhappily : and he that will loss his life in resolution , may find it in reality . even as a man doth , in stepping of a ditch , with any thing that is either of weight or worth to him , his clock , his case of letters , or papers of concernment , his heavy purse or the like , lest he loss and indamnage himself and them both , he casts all over before him , and so coming over with the less trouble , he lifts all again upon the other side , and so losses nothing of that which he cast away , but that he might keep it and himself both ; whereas if he had kept all about him , he might have lost himself and all together : but all is not ost that is in peril : let us then with chearfulness turn our face towards the wilderness . the second use shall be for information to all such of the lords people , as are either upon their way to the wilderness , or are already arrived there : they would not think strange of such a condition : it has been , it is , and it will be the lot of the lords children cant. 8. 5. the high way to christs mountain of myrrh and hill of frankincense lyes thorow the wilderness , and there he comes forth to meet them , and leads them up in his bosome , leaning upon his own arms . there doth no strange thing befall the saints when the lord brings them into the wilderness : for even as moses exod. 3. 1. led his flocks into the backside of the desart ( and was not that a presage of what followed , when he led israel as a flock through the wilderness ? ) so doth the lord oft times with his people : albeit the wilderness is a solitary unfrequented place where no foot of man cometh ; yet in it you may take up and trace the footsteps of the lords flock who through much tribulation have entred into the kingdome of god , and there ye may follow them who through faith and patience have inherited the promises . the saints will find the footsteps of the flock in their greatest wilderness , and may be helped with the light of precedent examples in their greatest darkness . for now that the lord through so many ages , hath led his saints to heaven , by so many different paths of dispensations , ( for there is but one common road of religion , the kings high way ) i doubt there is any untroden path remaining to be discovered by this generation . i only fear one difference , which makes indeed a great odds in lots , be found betwixt our case and the case of those that have gone before us , and it is this ; that they were better men in as ill times , for worse i would none . but in that , i pray whom shall we blame ? and know we not how that should be helped ? see that ye walk circumspectly as wise , and not as fools : redeeming the time ; because the days are evil . eph. 5. 15 , 16. if ill times find no good men ; let ill times make good men ; and good men will make good times , or els bad times shall make good men better . but of the parity of cases i said much in the preface . the third use of the point shall be for direction : bsince the people of god may thus expect to be rought into the wilderness , it concerns them to take their directions for the wilderness : for our direction in such a condition , i shall , without insisting , briefly hint at some things i to be avoided . 2 dly some things to be endeavoured things to be avoided by such as are brought into the wilderness , are i unbelief . psal. 78. 22 , 23. the israelites believed not god in the wilderness , and therefore he was provoked heb. 3. 18 , 19. the apostle tells us expresly , that those who believed not , their carcasses fell in the wilderness , and for their unbelief , they could not exter into the land of promise . 2 , discouragment would be avoided numb . 14. 1. the people through discouragment cryed and weept for the report that the spyes gave them : and frequently els-where , they expressed their discouragement upon the emergency of every new difficulty , their cry was always , that they should die in the wilderness : and in that they read their own fortune , numb . 14. 28. for the lord was provoked for their unbelief and other sins , to do to them as they had said . beware of unbeliefs bode-words ; for like the devil's responses their accomplishments are always evil to those that take them . in all the world i know no such ready way to apostacy , and utter forsaking of god as discouragment . experience hath said so much to confirme this , that i shall not need to bring reason into the field : but this i must say , have the experience of discouragment who will , they have it to their expences . and if i were to die , i would leave discouragment this testimony that it is dear bought misery . 3. avoid murmuring , fretting discontentment with the lords dispensations with complaints of his unkindness . numb . 14 2. all the children of israel murmured , and chap. 6 42. they murmured against moses and aaron : but moses could tell them , what are we , that ye speak against us : nay but your words are against the lord ; yea and numb 21. 5. it is expresly said , the people spoke against god and against moses . and still their tune was , w●y have ye brought us up out of egypt ? just like many in our generation , why say they , your re●ormation , your covenant and your ministers have served you well : but verily their words are against the lord : for we owne his name in these , and glorify him whom they dishonour . when the children of israel murmured in the wilderness , they had forgotten how once they groaned because of their oppression in egypt : and in that they may be more excusable than we : for the red sea had ridd perpetual marches betwixt them and their oppressours ; but we get not leave to forget our oppression in the times of our former subjection to them , who derive their power from her who is spiritually called sodom and egypt revel : n. 8. i mean prelats who are indeed the house of the elder brother , but fallen back , for that they have come short of the blessing ; and now hold of the pope , the younger , who hath supplanted them handsomely and got betiwxt them and the birth-right ; so that now the elder serves the younger : those , i say , pursue even to the wilderness , according as it is prophesied rev. 12. where john saw the dragon pursue the travelling woman into the wilderness . 4. we would beware of tempting god. psal. 106. 14. they tempted god in the desart , and what that temptation was , see psal. 78. 18. 19. 20. they limited the lord , and said , can god furnish at able in the wilderness ? can he give bread also ? can be provide flesh for his people ? whatever our temptations be in a wilderness , though we should fast till we be as hungry as christ was in the wilderness , yet let us learn of him , not to tempt the lord , by limiting him to ordinary means , since it is writen that man shall not live by bread alone , but by every word of god , neither let us rashly nor presumptuously cast our selves into any needless difficulty , nor cast our selves down from a pinacle of the temple : for that again it is written , thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. just thoughts of god , and these are large ones ) would fit the saints with a present help in all imaginable difficulties , psal. 46. 1. god is our refuge and strength , a very present help in trouble . 5. we would beware of unmortified , imperitus , clamorous lusts . psal. 106. 14. they lusted exceedingly , in the wilderness , and psal. 78. 18. ●hey sought meat for their lust . god had given meat for themselves : but they must have meat for their lasts also . truely he had need have a good rent that would keep a table for his lusts : for lust is so ill to satisfy , that albeit one world serves all the men in the world , yet all the world will not satisfy the lust of one man of the world : witness ●e who weept that there were not moe worlds to conquer . but he who must have his lust as soon served as himself , that man is not for the wilderness . i shall advise all that are brought into the wilderness , to do with their lusts , as moses did with his wife and children when he went with israel into the wilderness , send them back , dismiss them for fear they make more adoe . solomon prefers the wilderness to the company of a clamorous angry woman in a wide house : but how miserable must he be who lives in company with those scolding wretches , his craving clamorous lusts even in the wilderness . 6. we would be ware of apostacy and turning back unto egypt : numb . 14. 4. they said one to another , let u● make a captain , and let us return into egypt : and verse 3. were it not better for 〈◊〉 ( say they ) to return into egypt ? whatever we me●● with in the wilderness , or whatever may be before us o let us never think of going back into egypt luk. 17. 32. remember lots wife , remember heb 10. 38. that the just shall live by faith : but if any mo● draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him , sa it the lord remember ( as i have said even now we find our egypetan oppression more grievos than ever . now for positive directions and things to b● indeavoured by all , that are brought into the wilderness , take these . 1. and before all , we would labour for the pardon of sin , and the presence a reconciled god : this was davids great su●● psal. 79 , 8. o remember not against us former inquities , but let thy tender mercies speedily prevent u● for we are brought very low : and in the 9 verse , he us , o lord , for the honour of thy name , and purge away our sin . and over and again in the 80 psalme , as in many others , his request is , make thy face to shine upon us . moses was very peremptory in this : for exod. 32. 32. he says , and now if thou wilt , forgive this sin : if not , blot me i pray thee out of thy book , which thou hast written : and in the 33. chapter 15 verse he adds , if thy presence go not with me , carry us not up hence . unpardoned guilt and an unreconciled god , will be very uncomfortable company in a wilderness . 2. as moses in the wilderness numb . 13. we would spy the good land that is before , of the twelve that were sent , only two , ioshua and caleb were faithful in their report : moses himself trusted their relation , and put them on to pacify the clamorous people . faith and hope are the two only faithful spies , that will be sure to give such a report of their discoveries , as may both confirme believers , and compose the tumults , and quiet the clamours of unbelieving spirits . this was it , that sustained the apostles , without fainting in all their afflictions : this was the star that guided them thorow their wilderness . 2 cor. 4. 18. we look not at the things which are seen , but at the things which are not seen . in our way through the wilderness we would raise our estimations of heaven , thither we would direct our expectations , and thence we would derive our sure consolations , we would see if the spies can bring us down , now and then , a branch of the grapes of the land for our refreshment : and if our father will honour us with a present of the first fruits of our inheritance , or a cup of the new wine of the kingdome , that we may ( as we use to speak ) remember him in the wilderness . psal. 116. 13. that we may take the cup of salvation and call upon the name of the lord. in the history of israels travesl , exod. 19 2 , we read , that when they came to the desart and pitched in the wilderness , they encamped before the mount , and moses , in the 3d verse , went up unto god. we would so order our camp in the wilderness , as that we may be always within sight of the mount : we would labour , in all our wanderings , to keep a clear sight of heaven , and to have our head within the clouds ; as it is said of moses exed . 24. 18 moses went into the midst of the cloud , and got him up into the mount . 3. the people of god in the wilderness would remember much , both what god hath done formerly to his people in the like condition , and what he hath promised to do for these that afterwards shall come into it . albeit the scripture generally all over aboundeth with matter to this purpose : yet for the first , what god hath done , recommend specially the four last books of moses which are an exact journal of israels travels in the wilderness : for the latter , what he hath promised to do , read the 35 chapter of isatah throughot with chap. 41. from verse 16. to 22. with 42 , 1● with 49. 9. 10. 11. 12. with 61. to the 9. with 6 24. 25. see ier. 12. 10. 11. 14. and to the en● with jer. 23 , to thè 5. see ezek. 34. throughout . psal. 107. to the 9. with this 2 d chap. of 〈◊〉 throughout , all these ( as i said not to exclude other places which may be obvious to those that are better versed in scripture , i do recommend . 4. in the wilderness , we would be much in intimate and more than ordinary fellowship with god : as i cited of moses before , we would enter the clouds and go up into the mount to god : and we shall be no homlier than welcome . cant 4 , 8 , invites us to this . we never find david higher upon it , than in the wilderness . we owe that sweet 63 psalme to the wilderness of iudah , in the 8 verse where of it is said , my soul followeth hard after thee , thy right hand upholdeth me ; and in the 5 verse , my soul shall be satisfied as with marrow and fatness , and my mouth shall praise thee with joyfal lips . if a soul make a visit to god from the wilderness , they may expect joseph's brethrens entertainment , they may resolve to dine with him at noon . our lord jesus learned this of his father , this is a desart place , says he , and we cannot send the people away fasting lest they faint by the way . yea and after they may have that sweet musick ; my soul shall be satisfied as with marrow and fatness , and my mouth shall praise thee with joyful lips ; and psal , 57. 7 , 8. my heart is fixed , o god , my heart is fixed , o lord , says he , i am now well at my heart ; i will sing and give praise : awake up my glory , awake psaltery and harp ; i myself will awake early : and that was also a wilderness psalme . we owe the 4 : psalme to the wilderness likwise , and the 84 whereof more anone . take we then the direction , that the times of our affliction be times of more than ordinary communion with god. 5. in the wilderness we would be diligent to seek good occasions and means for the relief of our afflictions , and supply of our wants : need must make vertue with us , psal. 84. 5 6. blessea is the man in whose heart is the ways of them , who passing thorow the vally of baca , make it a well . we must not like the unjust steward , refuse in this case both to dig and beg : we must use all means lawful both spiritual and natural , with god and men : we must with nehemiah , both pray to the good god of heaven , and supplicat the king. nehemiah 2. 4 , 5. the day has been when the nobles and estates of scotland and our courtiers , would have suted and courted the king for a commission , to build the city of the lord and of their fathers sepulchers , the church owning that faith wherein their fathers died , who have left there to posterity the sepulchers and lasting monuments of their fidelity , zeal and religious gallantry : when a great man would have pleaded for a liberty and protection to a faithful minister . then israel and the lords people in their bounds , in commendation of their zeal and diligence sang that song numb 21. 17 , 18. spring up o well , sing ye unto it : the princes digged the well , the nobles of the people digged it by the direction of the law-giver with their staves . but now since our princes and nobles turned herdmen to the philistines , and servants to prelates , their work hath been to stop , and take away , and strive for isaac's wells , to deprive the people of god , moe ways than one , of those occasions of pure and plentiful ordinances , which they had digged and drunk of : had with labour provided and with refreshment enjoyed . see the case in ane allegory gen. 26. from the 17. verse to 23. i fear when this generation is gone ( and if carcasses fall not in the wilderness , if god make not a clean field , if he do not root out , and make a speedy riddance of this evil generation from the face of the earth . wiser men than i are much deceaved ) that nigrum theta or black mark shall be found written upon the sepulchres of most of our nobles , nehemiah 3. 5. that the put not their necks to the work of their lord. and when it is come to that , then who knows but the sons and little ones of our nobles may be well-diggers ; and as it was in the case of the drought , ier. 14. 3. may come to the waters and to the pitts ; may be such as shall seek out , and labour for the means of their souls refreshment . the lord may bring the little ones of those transgressors . whose carcasses fall in a wilderness , into a land flowing with milk and hony , numb . 14. 31 , 32. mean time , let us be digging in the wilderness , let us seek occasions for our souls , and where we do not find them , let us make them . 6. in the wilderness , we would thankfully receave and improve thriftily all offers of accidentall occasions that providence layes to our hand . psal , 84. 6. the rain also filleth the pools , that is , the lord will now and then be giving his out-wearyed people , some unexpected means of present relief and refreshment , which they must acknowledge and use , till they get better and more lasting occasions . rain water in a pool , is neither so good nor so enduring , as a spring or fountain of living water : and yet the former is good , where the latter cannot be had : for to the hungry soul , every bitter thing is sweet , and little will do a poor man good . if god give us an occasion of a good sermon , or a communion , or make any other good means to drop upon our heads , as unexpectedly as the rain falls from the heaven ; or if we have the benefit of the neighbour-hood of a faithful minister for the time , these things , howbeit for their nature and vertue they be fountain water , yet herein the best of them is but like a pool , that they are of an uncertain endurance . for such is the condition of these wilderness-times , that where one day you have a fountain , the next day you have nothing , or an empty cistern : nor is there throughout all the land , so much as one rehoboth gen. 26. 22. one well that the philistines do not strive for . therefore we must drink for the drought that is to come , we must hear for the time that is to come ; isai. 42. 23. we must make the best we can of every occasion that remaines , or accidentally offers for the time , and we must feed upon the little oyl in the cr●ise and the handful of meal in the barrel , till there be plenty in the land. 7. in the wilderness we would make use of good company : yea we would make much of it where ever we can have it . psal. 84 7. they go from sirength to strength , as our translation reads it , but the original hath it , they go from company to company , or , from troop to troop . indeed solitude and want of good company is not the least of the evils of the wilderness , as i shewed above , in the description of the wilderness : and i believe the people of god in these times will bear me witness in this . but we would seek good company and make use of it . mal. 316 the fearers of god , that were then in the wilderness , spake often one to another . but wandering and unsettlment ( another great mischief of the wilderness ) will not let the saints lodge together : and for that the word of the psalme says , they go from company to company : when they are driven from one company , they must draw in to another . many men never grow good till they are going to die ( and indeed , in this world , he that mindes to be good , may make him for another world ; and blessed be god , we know of another ) even so the saints oft times scarce begin to know the usefulness and sweetness of one anothers company , nor to use it accordingly , till they must want it . nor do they any thing worthy of their society , till they be going to separat . i said in my heart , that this also is vanity and a sore evil . learn we then more timely to make use of good company . 8. in all our motions and removes in the wilderness , we would follow and be ruled by the cloud of gods presence : thus israel was guided through the wilderness , see numbers 9. from the ●5 . verse to the end . the cloud was a visible token and sacrament of gods presence with them . we would so live and so move in the wilderness , as that we keep always in the presence of god , i mean his propitious comforting presence , whither the presence of god directs us , thither let us go , be it east , west , north , or south , be it fore ward backward , to the right hand or left hand and where we cannot abide with gods presence , if the cloud of the lords presence be liftted up to us off a place , be it otherways never so commodious and sweet ; let us not take it evil to leave that place . if god say to us , as to abraham , gen. 12. 1. get thee out of thy country and from thy kindred , and from thy fathers house , unto a land that i will shew thee ; let us , with abraham , obey and be gone : let our desire be only with jacob. gen , 28. 20. that god may be with us in the way , and then let him take us through fire , through water , through a wilderness , or what he will. if the cloud remove from him a wealthy and pleasant place , where are twelve wells of water and threescore and ten palm-trees , so that we may there encamp by the waters , exod 15. 27. to the wilderness of sin , an impleasant and a scant place , where we may be threatned to be even slain with hunger , exod. 16. 3. we must march with the cloud . in a word we must so carry our selves in our whole course , as that we may have the lords presence and propitious countenance whatever we do , wherever we be . in this case , let us sing the ●4 psalme . the earth is the lords and the fu●●ness thereof , the world and they that dwell therein , and psal. 4. v. 6 , 7 , 8. must be our song . let men project and pursue for themselves places of pleasure , preferment and profit , ( as most shamfully they do ) let them carve and cut out fortunes and portions for themselves , and let them with noise divide the spoil of a church that is fallen into the hands of her enemies , who are the wicked of the earth ; and of many faithful ministers who like the man in the parable luk : 10 , 30. have fallen among thieves : but stay till mischief and evil go a hunting , and then their ill come places shall not know them . psal. 140 11. evil shall hunt the violent man to overthrow him ; but in the mean time , what comes of the poor outcasts and wanderers ? why , they shall not want a place to go to ; in the 13. verse of that 40 psal. the upright shall dwell in thy presence : they may travel through places enough ; but be their harbour what will , that is there home . and as it is a hidden place to worldlings , so it is a hiding place to them , psal. 31. 20. thou shalt hide them in the secret of thy presence , untill the lord return to build up jerusalem , and then he will gather the out-casts of israel , psal. 147. 2. for he that scattered israel will gather him , and keep him as a shepherd doth his flock ; for the lord hath redeemed jacob and ransomed him from the hand of him that was stronger then he : therefore they shall come and sing in the height of zion , and shall flow together to the goodness of the lord , ier. 31. 0 , 11 , 12. and foreward to the 15 verse . take we therefore the conduct of gods presence in the wilderness , and let us be thereof so observant , that by the least wink of his eye we be directed ( psal. 32. 8. ● will guide thee with mine eye to sit still , or let out , to turn to the right hand or to the left at his pleasure : and be our turnings in the wilderness what they will , be sure we are not out of the way , so long as we enjoy gods presence , and the comfort of the light of his countenance . and that will make us with mose , heb. 11. 27. endure all that we meet with , who endured , as seeing him that is invisible . 9. in the wilderness we would live by faith , and learn to take god for all things , psal. 84. 4 blessed are they that dwell in thy house , they will be seeing and enjoying many things , that will make them praise thee ; but what if they be put to travel through the valley of baca ? then in the 5 verse , blessed is the man whose strength is in thee . he is the fountain . psal. 36. 9. and he it is that makes all the streams of his peoples consolations to flow in their seasons , psal. 87. 7. all my springs are in thee . o but it is well lost that is found i god : and all that is happily wanted which is supplyed in him . o for more of the fountain ! o for a larger faith to draw at this deep well! o noble well! a well that in all our journeys will follow us . 1. cor , 10. 4. we read that the israelites drank of a spiritual rock that followed them , and that rock was christ. we may still encamp and ly about these waters , be our marches what they will in the wilderness . this is the only rehoboth , the well of room : the philistines cannot trouble this well : it is of ● higher spring than that enemies can get up to stop it : if the lora make his paths to drop fatness , if they drop upon the pastures of the wilderness , see who can hinder it : for the rain waits not for man , nor stayeth it for the son of man ; therefore blessed is the man ( ier. 17. 7 , 8. ) that trusteth in the lord , and whose hope the lord is ; for he shall be as a tree planted by the waters , and that spreadeth out her roots by the river , and shall not see when heat cometh ; but her leaf shall be green , and she shall not be carful in the year of drought , neither shall cease from yeelding fruit . o let us entertain those large thoughts of god that i have now so often recommended , and then without boasting we may say with him , that was as oft in the wilderness as another , psal. 34 2 my soul shall make her boast in the lord. if they be spiritual , sanctuary mercies that we miss , then remember ezek. 11. 16. although i have scattered them among the countreys ; yet will i be to them a little sanctuary in the countreys where they shall come . remember and sing 84 , psal. already cited , with psal. 63. and 42. if they be remporal earthly mercies that we desiderat , then remember psal , 24. above cited with , deut. 8. 2 , 3. the lord led thee through the wilderness and humbled thee with hunger , and gave thee manna , that he might make thee know that man doth not live by bread only ; but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the lord , doth man live . i leave it to every one to try what is in god and in the blessing of god. and in the mean time , let us learn to take more upon trust with god. there is no waste ground in god : meet his people with scant where they will , they will meet with none in him . jer. 2. 31. have i been a wilderness unto israel ? sayes god : they could not say he had . even as christ said to his disciples luk. 22. 35. when i sent you without purse and scrip , and shoes , lacked ye any thing ? and they said nothing : why ? many truely of the saints and servants of god in these times , who cannot boast of much wealth , yet do not speak of want : many wonder how they live and yet they are both living and life-like , and for one , i shall say that first and last , once and again , god hath cast my lot more to satisfaction , than i could have chosen with most deliberation , hereby teaching me that which i have taken for my lesson , and till i can say it perfectly by his grace , i shall still be learning to choose nothing for my self : and though i shall not say with leah gen. 30. 18. god hath given me my hire , yet i may be excused to think that god hath given me a hire ; for albeit moses's respect to the recompence of reward heb. 11. 26. and it may be not that either , but rather a free love and respect to the name of god , ( hallowed be that great and precious name ) rev. 2 , 3 , give the chief determination in all an upright mans most serious deliberations ; nor would he ( as he shall not ) be reckoned with those men math. 6. 2. who have their reward ; yet my present satisfaction with my condition outvyeth , till it is envyed of , the lot of those who have sought a fortune by moe turnes : let ravens hunt , and catch , and rugg , and prey , and croack over what they have gotten , and cry from more , i judge him happy . — cui deus obtulit farcà quod satis est manu . that hath enough and finds no want tho his allowance be but scant . and i have learned 2 kings 5. 26. that this is not a time to receive money , and to receive garments , and olive-yards , and vineyards , and sheep , and oxen , and men servants , and maid servants . i fear something worse than the leprosie of na●nian cleave to the gehazi's of this time . if god will give me my life for a prey , in all places whither i go , by his grace i shall not seek great things for my self : for i fear he will bring evil upon all flesh , and will break down what he hath built , and pluck up what he hath planted , even the whole land . ier. 45. 4 , 5. i love tacitus pasci a morsel , be it of green herbs , with quietness : and i hope i have learned philip. 4. 11. in whatsoever state i am , therewith to be content . yea and i am the more content , that i find my case somewhat common in the time . to confirme it i give you a story . a vapouring time-divine who hath changed his gang twice already , and possessed two honest mens churches , one after another , seeking a fatter pasture , lately met accidentally with an honest deprived minister of his old acquaintance , and seeing him in case better than wont , asked confidently ; ha sir , how is it that you look so well upon it , in this world ? the other , a notable man , gave him a notable answer : why , thus it comes , said he , we go in god's common . gods common is better pasture than the worlds inclosure : and what wonder if we who go i● gods common , look better on 't than you who go in the devils inclosure . at this the petulant man kept silence , and iniquity stopt her mouth . i remember it is said psal. 112. 10 the wicked shall see it , ( that which befalls the righteous to his satisfaction and honour ) and be grieved , he shall gnash his teeth and melt away : the desires of the wicked shall perish . now as we would by faith take god for all things els in the wilderness ; so in the case of fainting and weariness , which as i shewed in the description , is the last and not the least evil of a wilderness-condition , we would take him for our strength , psal. 48. 5 blessed is the man whose strength is in thee psal. 73. 26. my flesh and heart faileth : but god is the strength of my heart : cant. 8. 5. the church coming up out of the wilderness , l●aneth upon her beloved : isai. 12 , 2 , the lord iehovah is my strength and my song : isai. 33. 2. be thou their arm every morning : haback . 3. 19. the lord god is my strength , and he will make my feet like hindes feet , and he will make me to walk upon my high places : to the chief singer on my stringed instruments : if strength quite fail , and be exhausted , he makes the weary to renew their strength : if strength be weak , and the soul drives heavily , and comes up with a slow pace in duty ; then he shall run : if when they winn to that , they fear it shall not last , nor they be able to continue at that rate ; then they run and weary not , they walk and do not faint . isai. 40. 31. 10. and lastly , in the wilderness we would long and haste much to be through , and press with importunity for a delivery : this we see in david . psal. 42. psal. 63. psal. 84. and psal. 107 6. those who wandered in a wilderness cryed unto the lord in their trouble . and moses who had been long in the wilderness was very earnest to have gone over jordan , to see the good land , though for his fault at meribah it was denyed him . deut , 3. 25. 26. this direction is nothing so strange , as is the disposition of those to whom it is meant : for i begin to observe many who have seen the lords glory and power in the sanctuary , but too modest , not to say worse ( be it from desponcency , or from some worse quality ) in their suits for a restoration of these mercies : either the length of our affliction hath put us so far out of memory , or the deepth of it hath put us so far out of hope of better dayes , that as if there had never been , nor never should be better dayes , we content our selves with the present . truly it astonishes me to see such a spirit of slackness possess many ; as if the lord had said to us , ier. 29. 5 , 6 , 7 , 10. build ye houses and dwell in them , &c. for thus saith the lord , that after seventy years be accomplished in babylon , will i visit you , and form my good word towards you , in causing you to return to this place : our disposition looks like those that were to have a seventy years affliction and long continued captivity . and indeed considering daniel 9. 13. all this evil is come upon us , yet made we not our prayer before the lora our god , &c. i observe , that security and a slack disposition is the attendent , or rather the presage and fore-runner of a continued affliction : and by the contrary a spirit of restless importunity , is a comfortable prognostick of a speedy delivery : see it confirmed in the instances of daniel , nehemiah , ezra , who upon the very point of the deliverance were stirred up , and with themselves stirred up the people by prayer and fasting to ask mercies of their god. take then the direction isa. 62. 6 , 7. ye that make mention of the lord , keep not silence , and give him no rest , till he establish , and till he make jerusalem a praise in the earth . and thus with patience i have got through the wilderness , and considered the intimation of the churches condition , which is the second thing in the words of the verse . in conclusion , be it minded only , that all that hath been said to this point , doth alike concern the church in general and saints in particular : for neither i nor any other , who from this mount of contemplation do view the wilderness at a distance , can expect to have it said to us , as was said to moses of the land beyond iordan , thou shalt not go over into it : but rather as was said to abraham : all the land which thou seest shall be thine : arise and walk through the land , for to thee will i give it . not to speak of what we have had , or at the time have , none of us can promise in the life of our vanity , that we shall not have , if not at once , yet successively , one after another , all the described parts of the wilness for our lot. i will allure her . the third thing in the words is , the lords design , i will allure her . hence the doctrine is , that the lords great design in the vicissitudes of all dispensations to his people , is to gain them to himself ; that he may have more of their kindness and service . the point is confirmed ; 1. from the account scripture gives of gods various dispensations to his people : take but this chapter for an instance ; he both afflicts her and comforts her , and all that he may have her heart . 2 , from the first and greatest command in the law of god , which is , that we love him with all our heart , &c. as the law is understood to be the mind of the king ; so the greatest command of god is the surest evidence of his will concerning this , that we abide only for him , and do not play the harlot , nor be for another man , chap. 3. 3. it is easie courting where we may command : and in this the lord hath he advantage of all other lovers : the soveraignity of his propriety in us , bears him to challenge our heart and service , without once asking our consent , and to resent every repulse and refusal , not simply as a displeasure , but really as a wrong , in defrauding him of what is his own , by a just title of many respects , antecedent to our voluntary consent . 2. the lords design is so manifest in his kind way with his people , that as it cannot be hidden , so it seems he would have it known that every one may think him a suter : even as when a man frequents the house of his beloved ; presently , by his frequency and other circumstances of his carriage , the meanest servant of the house discovers his design : yea , and the lord is not ashamed here expresly to tell his errand , i will allure her . some men if they intend a match with , and have a design upon a person , they set their designs abroad ; either in policy to further them , and thereby to know how the person intertains such reports , that accordingly they may behave themselves in their intended address ; or else in vain glory to vaunt of them : so the lord causes the report go loud of his blessed purpose , that it may be seen he is both serious in the matter and glorious of it , to have sinners love him . now the lord allures either morally and externally , or internally and effectually . morally and externally , while he courts souls with arguments and motives fit to take with rational and ingenuous spirits . effectually and internally , when by the power of grace he makes such fit motives and arguments have their due weight and work upon hearts . according to this division , for explication of this blessed design of the lords alluring his people , i shall first touch upon some of the chief motives that are fitted to this purpose , ( for to reach them all i presume not ) 2 dly , i shall treat of the inward power of grace , that makes these motives effectual upon the soul. and 3dly , shall conclude the point with use. 1. of motives , the first is his own glorious excellency outshining every shadow of likness , let be equality : who is a god like unto thee ? and that i am now upon a love designe , and upon the imployment of eleazer abrahams servant gen. 24 to seek a wife to my masters son , i am concerned as a friend of the bridgroome to express my self in the proper termes of such a subject : and o that my heart could indite good matter , that i might speak the things that i have made concerning the king ! let it then be condescended , what is required , by any but willing to be satisfied , to commend a person to the heart of his beloved , and in him you have it . 1. for his dignity and descent , he is the king , and the kings son : 2. for his induements , in him are hidd all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge : yea and he is full of grace and truth : and if you speak of a spirit , a great spirit , isat . 11. 2. 3. the spirit of the lord resteth upon him , the spirit of wisdom and understanding , the spirit of counsel and might , the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the lord , and shall make him of quick understanding in the fear of the lord &c. 3. for his beauty , he is white and ruddy , the chief among ten thousand , and fairer than the sons of men 4. for his disposition and humour , he is tender , compassionat , loving , meek , condescending , kind and gracious : o but the soul may have many a good day , and much sweet contentment in his company ! 5. for his estate and fortune , he is the possessor of heaven and earth , the heir of all things ; and there is no lack to those that have him , and they have him that love him . 6. for his use and vertue , he is all , and in all , and in him we are compleat : 7. for his necessity , he is the person that cannot be wanted , by any that would be happy : deut. 30. 20. he is thy life , and the length of thy days . and if any think they may do as well elswhere , let them answer the question john 6. 68. lord to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life . now this is my beloved , and this is my friend , o daughters of ierusalem . cant. 5. 16. the lords second motive and external allurement is his words : words are very charming and enticeing things : and how forceable are right words ? says job . hence the latines wisely give the name of verba dare , to that which the court calls a complement , but the countrey plainly calls a cheat. hence the way of fishing which catcheth by the ear , applauded of the greatest wits , approven and much practised by lovers , the most ingenious because the most serious anglers , who busk their hooks with words , and bait with the artificial flee of complements . hence , as the world goes , he is the finest man that can say fairest to it : and albeit solomon both a wise man and a great preacher and spokes-man hath said proverb . 17. 28. even a fool when he holdeth his peace is counted wise ; yet with most men , even a wise man , if he bold his peace , is counted a fool : but the truth is , multum ille assecutus est qui bene didicit loqut , bene qui tacere non minus assecutus est , he hath attained much who hath learned to speak well : and he hath attained no less who hath learned to hold his peace well . but to say no more in general of the allurements of words : how specially excellent are the words of the lord to the purpose of soul-converting and heart-alluring ? zach. 1. 13. they are good words and comfortable words , jer. 15. 16. thy words were found and i did eat them , and thy word was unto me , the joy and rejoycing of mine heart . gold and treasure is alluring unto any , honey and apples to delicate persons : and if it were even the mortal forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil ; yet if it be good for food , and i leasant to the eyes , and a tree to be desired , it must be had , if the price should be death , gen. 3. but the words of god are more to be desired than gold ; sweeter also than honey and the honey comb , psal. 19. 10. psal. 119. 72 , 103. verses . if nature could propine the world with golden apples as a present of her first fruits , sure those would ravish the hearts of the greatest potentates , and would raise wars among princes for the possession and keeping of the tree that bare those , they would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apples of strife , properly and indeed : and the words of god , which are the flower and first fruits of all fit words , are apples of gold in pictures of silver , prov. 25 , 11. they nourish solidly , comfort cordially , and inrich mightily . how charming the lords words are , we have famous instances in the gospel , that with his words he catched those , that were sent and intended to catch and entrap him : he sent them back with this report , never man spoke like this man. and here in the ●●xt it self , i will allure her , saith the lord , and i will speak comfortably unto her . the third . chief motive and allurement is , the works of the lord and his doings , he hath done for his people , and is daily doing to them , that which cannot but rationally entice any ingenuous soul to be for him : if god had not loved us , i should have wondered at every thing he does for us : love is the chief of the wayes of god to us . god loved the world. god so loved the world , a wonder indeed ! but after that stupendious portent of his works to us , that he loved us , i shall wonder at nothing he does for us : for what will we not do for those we love ? but again , i must wonder , that he loved us , and in this love to us , he was humbled and emptyed for us : for us he came into the world : for us he took the likeness of sinful flesh , and the form of a servant : for us he suffered temptations , crosses and contradictions in his life , and for us he tasted death ; he gave him ●●s for us : he came under the law , and sin , and the wrath , and curse of god for us : for us he drank the cup of astonishment , which would have made all the elect tremble to eternity . yea and he rose and was victorious over death for us : ●e hath also ascended heaven for us , and there he interceeds for us : he is our friend at court , he stands in the way there , that nothing pass against us : and when there is hazard he warns us , and by his word and spirit he keeps intelligence with our souls , and gives us daily accounts of the true state of our spiritual business : thence he issues daily many favours on our behalf , psal. 103 2 , and forward . forget not all his benefits , who forgiveth all thine iniquities , &c. and his negative mercies are not the least part of what he doth for us : that he prevents and holds off us so many temptations , suares and evils that otherwise would even over-run us : and that for all these he waiteth to be gracious to us , at the voice of our cry when he shall hear it : and in a word that he is so wholly taken up for us , as if he had nothing else to mind but us . now to a rational ingenuous spirit , and every one that deserves to be called a man , all these will be the coras of a man , and bands of love. hos. 11. 4. yea there is some secret alluring , quality , in the saddest and darkest of gods dispensations to the soul of the saint . hence we never find the godly soul more fond so to speak ) of its beloved , and more earnest upon him , than in the time of desertion , which of all dispensations is the most afflicting to such an one . if the lord withdraw , such an one will fall down sick of love to him ; and then go tell him o ye daughters of ierusalem , that i cannot live in his absence : and if he do not come quickly skipping like a young roe or hart ; yea , and if he take not the nearest way over the mountains of bether , he may come too late , to lay his hands upon the eyes of his distressed beloved , psal. 28. 1. if thou be silent to me ( sayes david ) i shall be like them that go down into the ●●t : o lord , i cannot live , i value not life , if thou be not the god of my life : i have resolved i shall never be glad , till thou be the health of my countenance , and make me glad with thy works : for i see little difference , betwixt sorrow and joy , if thou be not my chiefest joy . and in our text , the wilderness is the alluring place to this ungracious froward church . the fourth chief motive wherewith the lord allures his people , is , his gifts . gifts and tokens use to pass betwixt lovers , and accordingly in this chapter , the lord allures this whoorish church with gifts : so verse 15. i will give her her vineyards from thence , and the valley of achor for a door of hope . a gift is a tempting and inticing thing : and therefore the lord hath forbid iudge , the taking of gifts ; for a gift blinds the eyes of the wise , and perverts the words of the righteous : and therefore isai 33. 15. he is a rare man , that can shake his hands from holding bribe● . and the more strange it is that men can take so largely from god , and not be thereby enticed after him . solomon sayes , a mans gift make room for him , and whithersoever it turneth it self , it is so prosperous , that every one is a friend to him that giveth gifts , prov. 18 , 15. and 19. 6. but let us consider gods gifts : his gifts are 1. free gifts : and what is freer than a gift ? for if it were not free , it were not a gift : none of us can earn the east benefit at gods hand ; for who hath given to the lord , and it shall be recompensed to him again ? but of him , and through him , and for him are all things , to whom be glory for ever , rom. 11. 35. 36. 2. his gifts are good gifts , he is the giver of all good ; and from him every good and perfect gift descendeth , he will with-hold no good from him that walketh uprightly . i confess , that sore evil unde● the sun. eccles. 5. 13. may be seen in all other gifts as well as riches , that they are often keepea for the 〈…〉 hereof to their hurt . but god never gave men that gift , ( they have it of the evil one ) by abuse to turn good gifts into evil for themselves . 3. his gifts are rich and rare gifts , grace and glory , and every good thing : yea himself : for the covenant gift , is , i will be their god : yea our selves and our souls he gives life and breath , act. 17. 25. ●er . 38. 16 he gave us this soul. 4. his gifts are large gifts , act. 17. 25. he gives all things , and 1 cor , 47. what hast thou that thou didst not receive ? and here i observe , what a great advantage in his alluring us the lord hath of us all by his gifts . if we possess and keep still his gifts , we cannot handsomly refuse his sute for our kindness and service , for no ingenuous woman will possess or retain that man's gift whom she minds not to entertain . but if any should presume disdainfully to return the lords tokens to him , and to send back his gifts ; then he hath yet the greater advantage : for if we send back all his gifts , and return all to him that ever we had of him , then must we needs with all send back and return our selves , and our souls , and all that we are , or have , or can : for he gave all these ; and he requires no more than what he gave . so that of necessity we must either be all for god , or we must be nothing ; or else we must be most base in being anything that we are not for god , and in retaining his tokens , when we have rejected himself . and now let wild ungracious sinners , look how the● shall come handsomly off : and this i would recommend , especially to such as claim to more ● a spirit and breeding than ordinary : if there be any gallantry , here is the opportunity to shew themselves men . 5. his gifts are frequently renewed or rather continually heaped gifts , he loadeth u● daily with his 〈◊〉 : he is still giving and daily sending variety of ●●● . mercies , and he is still heaping benefits upon us : and these ( if we intertain th● giver , and give him our consent ) we are to take tokens for good , and an earnest of greater things to be enjoyed ; for the valicy of achor is a door of hope . the fifth chief motive , wherewith the lord allures his people , is , his carriage and demeanor towards them . a goodly deportment , a quair behaviour with an obliging carriage is very taking . davia's and daniel's behaviours did much to allay , if not to vanquish the fury and malignit● of their malicious enemies . the carriage of 〈…〉 vespasian the emperour was such , that thereby he was , and was called deliciae generis humani , the darling of mankind . but , o , how transporting is the lords way and carriage towards his people ! secular lovers use to frame their carriage , as well as their cloathes , into the best fashion and dress , and they study to make their entries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with all their sailes up ; and would seem to be rather what they should be , then what they are , and indeed be : they put on their best behaviour with their best sute , only at shows and solemnities ; for as they do not wear their best cloaths , ●o neither practice they the best manners , always at home . but as the lords carriage to his people , is alluring , at his first appearing , and in his first address to their souls ; so they may expect to have it always the same : for he is god and changes not , and all that is but his ordinary . but behold his carriage , i pray you ; with much patience he waits upon his peoples consent , as if their love were worth the waiting upon ; and indeed it it be not so , it is enough that he account it so ; in much mercy he overlooks many faults in them , and puts the best construction upon many of their unhandsome and unkind actions : in much kindness he makes them many a visit : with much earnestness he invites them , with much respect he intreats them , calling them by all their best names , in discretion fitting their titles to his design . in much condescendence and tenderness he complyes with them , and applyes himself to them , and all this he doth so equally , constantly and faithfully , that they must say , if they be ingenuous , that all his wayes to them are mercy and truth : and for all this he is content so ●ar to condescend , as to submit himself to their reasonable and impartial consure : o israel what iniquity hast thou found in me , and wherein have i wearted thee ? testify against me , micah . 6. 3. surely , if ever i did any thing below my self , it was in matching with thee . ●f i had insisted upon particulars in this , and the motives already mentioned , where had my rest been ? but of gods carriage and way with his people this is the sum , that it is not the manner of men. and i think the lords ravishing conversation with his people , would easily pass into admiration with him , who professed ( ●●ov . 30 19 ) that he could not know matters much more easie . o that the secular courtier might , after many changes o● shapes and fashions at last be turned into a seraphick lover ! and that the ingine and wit which is thrown ( where it evanishes ) into the air of vanity , were employed to court the uncreated beauty of that ever blooming flower of eternity . the sixth chief motive wherewith the lord allures his people , is , the example of others , who have led them the way in loving , choosing and commending him . example is an alluring thing : and the world is more ruled by example than by law. example oft-times usurps upon reason ; sometimes it agrees with her ; but seldom is it subject to her. and thus while men ask rather quid fit , what is done , nor , quid fieri debet , what ought to be done , many follow the broad way that leadeth to destruction , while but few do find the narrow that leadeth to life , many choose rather to go to hell in company , than to go to heaven alone . but in religion and in travel , i would hold the rule , to choose day light rather than company : nor would i willingly wait for any man till night , who in the dark , might lead or mislead me whither he would . if once a man turn his eye off the fixed light of scripture , the wandering star of example may lead him whither he knows not , and lodge him where he would not . now how the lord allures his people by example , see cant. 1. 3 4 there the church finds others before her , whom she would gladly follow : the virgins love thee , draw me , we will run after thee ; lord i love good company well , and therefore let us all go together . and as she finds good example before her , she leaves the like after her , that allures others to follow her , as she had followed others , cant. ch 5 , and 6. whither i● thy beloved gone , o thou fairest among women , ●●hither is thy beloved turned aside ? that we may seek him with thee : and all this by the lords direction , chap. 1. 8. go forth by the footsteps of the flock . o that god would raise up many lights of religion in this dark generation ! many who might be exemplary in piety , who might go before others , ●s the hee-goats before the flock , jer. 50. 8. o that god would perform more in our days , that which he hath promised of old . zach. 8. 21. the inhabitants of one city shall go to another , saying , let ●s go speedily to pray before the lord , and to seek the lord of hosts ; i will go also . mean time , let us follow the examples we have , and that the example of those who have chosen and owned the lord and his way , may be the more alluring to us . consider 1. that many of them were kings and great men : religion and the strictness of godliness is too far above every man , to be below any man : i fear those who think godliness below them , find it too far above them prov. 24. 7. wisdom is too high for a fool . 2. many of them were wise men . let our sages , senators , and our counsellours remember this : and if they say there are few godly men wise , i can say to them , there are as few wise men gody and chosen to obtain mercy . 1 cor. 1 , 26. not many wise men after the flesh are called and chosen . but truely , till the cabi●●● councils of secular heads , and the conclaves of the clergy find me amongst them all , four men whom they will undertake to match for wisdom with moses , joseph , solomon , and daniel , i cannot but think , that godliness doth as well become a wise man , as wisdom doth a godly man : withal consider , that godliness and wisdome are one in scripture . 3. all of them were righteous and truely holy men , strange it is that so many should choose to be wicked , whilst none can en●ure t● seem or to be called such , and who but the worst man takes it worst to be told of his faults ? and as strange it is , that every one should choose to seem and to be called righteous and good , whilst so few do choose indeed to be such . but is it no● as much the glory of true godliness , that hypocrits and prophane persons love to go in its live●y , and to be called by its name , as it is their reproach to have or hold the forme of godliness , whilst they deny the power thereof ? 4 they were impartial and uninteressed men , that ( except upon heaven ) could not with the least colour be suspect of any designe in their doings : yea did they not renounce and go cross to all worldly interests of nature , education , credit , profit , pleasure and the like ? 5. they were resolute and constant in what they did . indeed if the saints had repented their choice , they might have renounced religion when they pleased , as is said of the patriarchs . heb. 11. 15. that if they had been mindful of that countrey , from whence they came out , they might have ●ad opportunity to have returned , but now they desire a better countrey , that is an heavenly . i should think it a poor office to perswade men to that which might repent them : but if they , whose example commend , and whose practise gladly i would perswade , did with constancy and confidence , without relenting go thorow and pass the difficulties of the flatterings and frownings , the fears and hopes , the threats and intreaties of a present world , may i not conclude , that godliness is that which is not to be repented of ? it now follows to treat of the inward power of grace , which maketh these external motives , effectual upon the soul. if any should attempt by ●●rce to storme the soul of man ; it is so sure to be ●●zed to the ground , and brought utterly down ●● nothing before it yeeld ( for voluntas non potest cog● ▪ the will , which is the fort royal of the soul cannot be forced ) that the assailant may resolve to loss it , before he win it , and to win only the expensive loss of all his labour , and to triumph ridiculously over a nothing : for nature and invention have made the soul a strength impregnable and unaccessable to any power without : and all attempts thence , may certainly prove ineffectual , except a ready course be taken , to gain a correspondency with these within . also sinners are naturally very shie and ill to be courted : but the lord as he is good at all that is good , is excellently good a● courting and allureing an untoward heart . others , it may be , have got from her at once , their leave , with a repulse : yea my servants in my name , have possibly been so served : but , wild as she is , i will not leave her so : i will speak to her my self , and i 'le in gage , i shall quickly cause her say yea : therefore behold i will allure her , he can but say to a soul , follow me , and it leaves all and follows him : he can catch a sinners heart from him ere ever he is aware . ier. 20. 7. o lord , thou hast deceaved me , and i was deceaved , thou art stronger than i , and hast prevailed . he can mix a love-cup to the soul , that shall cause it speak of him when he is gone , and follow him faster than ever it fled from him , and that even when he seems to flee : we remember thy love more than wine , the virgins love thee ; draw me , we will run after thee cant. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. yea more , he can make an ointment , the very savour whereof shall cause sinners love him : because of the savour of thy good ointments , thy name is as ointmen poured out , therefore do the virgins love thee ; yea he ●an give a soul-charming vertue , to the very words of his name ; and cause the very naming of him , kindle a flame of love in the soul , that many waters cannot quench : thy name is as ointment that is powred forth . he can open with his finger the ●stest lock that is upon the heart of any sinner . cant. ● . 4. my beloved put in his hand by the hole of the ●●or , my bowels were moved for him : and if it ●o not open freely , he can drop a litle mirrhe from is finger upon it , that shall make it easy : ● rose ●● to open to my beloved , and my fingers droped myrrhe , verse 5 and 6. yea without once asking liberty , he ●an ravish a sinners heart : and when ever he comes ●pon such a design , he coms rideing in king so●●mons chariot , the midst whereof is paved with love , ●● the daughters of ierusalem cant. 3. 9. 10. and after the kings chariot , follows a large train , the chariots of aminadab , waiting to convoy and bring ●p , his willing people , cant. 6. 12. and if once the ●●ul is got up into the chariot , the king bids drive , the 13 verse , return , return o shulamite , return , ●urn ; and then farewell thy fathers house . psal. 5. 10. forget thine own people and thy fathers house . ●ow the chariots of aminadab , the chariots of the ●ords willing people , run upon these four wheels . ● plain termes , the inward power of grace , where●● the lord allures sinners , and gains them to himself , consisteth and is carryed on of these four. ●1 . a sound and clear information of the understanding , and illumination of the mind : as it is ●●ten in the prophets , and they shall be all taught of god. john 6. 45. out of isai. 54 , 13. with ier. 24. 7. and i will give them an heart to know me . 1 john. 5. 20. he hath given us an understanding , that we ma● know him that is true . if a man by nature and study were never so judicious and learned , yet ere he b● converted and effectually allured , to ingage throughly in covenant with god , he hath need to be taught of god , that the eyes of his understanding being opened , he may know that which passes knowledge ; otherways , it may seem a strange saying : but it is that which is noted in the scripture of truth ; and the scripture expressions of opening the eyes , giving an understanding , and the like , make it clear . that the meanest saint and convert hath more knowledge of christ , and seeth somewhat in him , that the most subtile , seraphick , resolute , or angelick doctor unconverted cannot see . so that whatever differences there be betwixt saving and common knowledge , there is certainly a difference even in regard of the intensive degree 〈◊〉 clearness : or if it be not so , let any man tell 〈◊〉 what such expressions mean , 2 cor. 4. 6 , that god who commandeth the light to shine out of darkness , hat● shined in our hearts , to give the light of the glory of god in the face of jesus christ : and verse , 3 and the gospel is hid from those that perish , for satan hath blinded their mindes ; and no doubt , many of these had more natural judgment , and learning with more of the means also , than some of the● that believed . to conclude , there is greater odd betwixt a saint and a rabbi , than betwixt a ra●●● and an idiot : for the last two ( i now suppo● them unconverted ) are neighboured in nature ; but grace separats the first from them both . 2. the inward power of grace consisteth in a powerful inflection and bowing of the will. psal. 110. 3. thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power : the lord findeth sinners unwilling , he worketh on them not willing and he makes them willing . the will ( as i said before ) is the strongest hold of the soul , and the most wilful piece of the man : command the will and you command the man : the new will ( say divines ) is the new man ; and therefore the lord is concerned to possess the will : and this he doth wherever he savingly allures a soul : for he scorns any should say , that they serve and follow him against their will , all his souldiers are volunteers : his people are a willing people . i find a godly man once saying ( and all such must say it often ) the good which i would that i do not . even as by conversion oft times the greatest sinner becomes the greatest saint ; so the will , before conversion , the most obstinate and unplacable enemy , doth afterward become the most kind and trusty friend to god : for in the midst of many exorbitancies of affections , and irregularities of practice , and conversation , the will retains its loyalty , and persists in its duty to the lord : and when the whole soul is in an uproar , and confusion , like that of the city of ephesus act. 19. 32. ( a most lively representation of a soul in perturbation ) wherein some cryed one thing , some another , for the assembly was confused , and the more part knew not wherefore they were come together : all this while the will is at ready to protest for the lord , as the superstitious ephesians were for their diana . and when in a disorder , all plead liberty , i consent unto the law ( says the will ) rom , 7. 16 and 25 with the mind i serve the law of god. 3. the inward power of grace consists in a sweet inclination of the affections deut. 30. 6. the lord thy god will circumcise thine heart , and the heart of thy seed , to love the lord thy god , with all thine heart , and with all thy soul. the psalmist prayes psal. 119. 36. incline mine heart unto thy testimonys , and psal. 141. 4. incline not mine heart to any evil thing . the affections are ticklish things : by much working and subduing , with frequent turnings , they become as ductile and formable as the potters clay , whereof he makes a vessel as it pleases him . like those we call good natures , they are sweet companions , but not so sure : and as readily you do not leave them , as you found them ; so you shall hardly find them where you left them ; nor know you when you have them , or when you want them : they are primi oc●upanti● , they can refuse no body : they welcome all comers , follow all counsels , comply with all companies : and in a word they are compleat conformists : and they are courted by so many lovers , that it is much if they turn not common strumpets , to the dishonour and grief of this concerned chaste suter , who is broken with such whorish hearts , ezek. 6. 9. again , they are like an instrument with many strings , they make sweet melody in gods service , but with the least wrong touch , you mis-tune them . indeed the saints have their affections frequently to tune , and it requires a time to do it : this causes that the affection of grief , which is the basse of the soul , is oftest in tune , and keeps in tune longest with the saints , psal. 57. 7 , 8. when david's heart was fixed , his harp was out of tune : when his faith had got footing , his affections were to seek . the case is common and too well known to the people of god : in preaching , hearing , reading , meditating , praying , praising , or any other duty of our life , the affections oft times do not answer . but grace hath a skilful hand , and is a musician so expert , that if the tenor of the will be but well set , and the base of godly sorrow record well , ordinary failings in the other parts , shall not be much discerned . 4. the inward power of grace making outward motives effectual , consists in a cheerful , ready motion of the locomotives , and an actual up-stiring of all that is in a man , by an act elicitive of the imperated acts of the understanding , will , and affections : so the schools express it : but to speak plainly , it is grace causing us to perform indeed and with our hand , that which it hath caused us to know , will , and love with our heart : for sayes the apostle , it is god that worketh in us , both to will and to do , of his good pleasure , philip. 1. 13. and if grace assist not in this , as well as in the rest , this , to do , may make much adoe , and cause even an apostolick spirit have a hard pull of duty , rom. 7. 18. to will is present with me , but how to perform that which is good , i find not . and by this their defectiveness and short coming in the point of doing , the best of saints may be convinced , that of themselves , they fall as far short in the other points ; and that it they cannot go the least step without christs hand holding them up , they could far less have walked the whole length of their duty : the apostle's inference is remarkable to the purpose : i know , sayes he , that in me , that is , in my 〈◊〉 dwelleth no good thing , for to perform that which is good i find not , albeit that to will is present with me . so that he who of himself cannot do , neither of himself can he know , will or love that which is good . fail in one , fail in all . this consideration of it self , may refute the whole and half p●●agian , popish , lutheran , and arminian crot●hets in the point of grace . and this shortly is the method of graces work converting a soul , and alluring a sinners heart . the understanding sayes , gods will is true , the will sayes it is good , the affections say it is sweet , the practice and whole man sayes it is done . thy will he done ; and if it be thy will to save me , and have me to thy self , then lord , i am thine , save me ; for i seek thy precepts , psal. 119. 94. but in the natural birth , we know not how the bones do grow in the womb of her that is with child ; far less can we reach to perfection the mystery of regeneration : and if we know not the time when the wild goats of the rock bring forth , nor can mark when the hindes do calve , how shall we be able to cast the nativity of the sons of god ? for iohn 3. 8. the wind bloweth where it listeth , and thou hearest the sound thereof , but canst not tell whence it cometh , or whither it goeth : so is every one that is born of the spirit . if we know not the way of a man with a maid , prov. 30. 19. how short may we well be judged to have come in our accounts of the lords method of courting and making love to the souls of his people ; and yet we are instructed from the word of god , to give of all these , an account sufficient to salvation , with all necessary instruction and comfort . and the like account the saints are to expect from the spirit of god , which searcheth all things , even the very deep things of god , 1 cor. 2. 10. the use of this point i dispatch in these few words of instruction . 1. we are taught from this , that sinners naturally are very untoward and untractable , to that which is good : they must be allured , enticed , and as it were beguiled and deceased unto that which is equally there duty and mercy ; ier , 20. 7 , o lord thou hast deceaved me , and i was deceaved . 2 cor. 12. 16. the apostle , who was as a deceaver and yet true , being crafty , caught the corinthians with guile . it is indeed a pia fraus a godly beguile , to beguile a soul to heaven and to god. i wish moe were thus beguiled , and that many such deceavers may enter into the world : nor can i say in this deceit , whether the deceiver i● the honester man , or the deceived the happier . 2. this teacheth ministers the art of preaching , they must be both serious and dexterous : as friends of the bridgroom , and ambassadors for christ , they must be so well acquaint with the laws of love , as to be able ( a divine blessing concurring ) to allure the wildest and most froward soul. a minister would be a seraphick lover , one of the order of peter : peter , lovest thou me ? lord thou knowest all things , thou knowest that i love thee . peter , feed my lambes , feed my sheep . if our way with sinners , be not the most taken way , let it be the most taking way , and so we shall not mistake the way . many ministers are but cold suters for christ , and why ? they are troubled with an error of the first concoction , they erre concerning the end : they seek their own things , and not the things of christ , they serve not our lord jesus , but there own belly : they eat the fat , and cloath themselves with the wooll , but they feed not the flock : put them to tryal , and it will be found they cannot read the bible : they lisp like the men of ephraim , for shibboleth , they say sibboleth ; give them but to read that short text 2 cor. 12. 14. they read it , i seek not you , but yours ; and if they read right , i seek not yours but you , they are the greatest of lyars . in a word , they are like many in our days ( and those are even like them ) who court the fortune more than the person : in this age , a rich man needs not want children ; let him make images of his silver , and these shall not want matches , such who for their generosity deserve , as often they get , the reward of a silver crucifix . but as he that findeth a wife , though he find her in her shirt , findeth a good thing , and obtaineth favour of the lord , prov. 18. 22. so he that winneth souls , though he win not a penny with them , is wise . prov. 11. 30. truely the alluring way of preaching is ars longa , a thing not soon learned , but where god doth give the tongue of the learned . this art hath many precepts , which i am fitter to be taught , than to teach : and till god send the time of teaching , i take this for the time of learning : who are these that come up from the wilderness , both better men and better ministers ? 3. we see this in the point , that religion is an alluring thing . it deservs to be written in gold : lord write it upon my heart : it hath that in it which may abundantly endear it to any free soul. some who could stand before an armed enemy , have fallen before a naked beauty , let sampson and david be witnesses in the case : sawest thou ever the beauty of the lord ? for how great is his beauty ? and how great is his goodness ? sawest thou ever the beauty of holiness ? a beauty as rare as rich , a singular beauty ! a beauty active and communicative , it makes all those beautiful that enjoy it : it is not so with the richest worldly beauty : an unbeautiful husband may have a beautiful wife , whose beauty cannot make him comly : none truely love and espouse religion but it makes them comly with its beauty . o how would such a beauty be courted in the world ? hast thou not the pourtrait of this beauty in thine heart , the chamber of her that conceaved thee ? i should hold my self everlastingly obliged to him that would give me a well done coppy : and though i did not like it , for him that did it , yet would i love it for them that it is like . and if this my discourse for image and likness could say unto god , thou art my father , and to religion and godliness , thou art my mother and my sister , the piety of my vanity , might excuse the vanity of my piety , to boast of my relation to that lovly family , that brings forth all beauties . i have seen the heathen venus their godess of love and beauty , painted with a flaming heart in her hand , ( a pretty embleme of that scripture hos. 4. 11. whoredome taketh a way the heart ) beauty maketh daily triumphs with mens hearts , as the garlands of her victories or the spoiles of her captives , who are no enemies : for amongst the many ( as there are many ) singularities of seminine victories , these are not the least , that men conquer none but enemies , women none but friends . men take captives against their will , womens captives are all consenters to their own bonds , nor do they once desire to make their escape . men punish their captives with pain , women please theirs with torment , and torment them with pleasure . but o canst thou behold the beauty of holiness , and have thy heart at command ? needs must the lively truth of godliness be very desirable , when a lying shew and dead picture of it is so lovely , mark. 10. 21. jesus beholding the young man loved him , for the appearance of good he saw in him . how transporting must true godliness be in the abstract ? and is not the profection of piety , the perfection of beauty ? since in the concrete and in its imperfection it is so ravishing cant. 49. the church with one of her eyes ravishes christs heart , a cheek-view , a glance and half a look of a saint is very alluring . but what if both her eyes be to him ? then as one wounded , he cryes , chap. 65. turn away thine eyes from me , for they have overcome me . he falls before his friends , who rose over all his enemies : the saints beauty overcoms him that overcame the world , it captivateth him that led captivity captive , it triumpheth over him who triumphed over principalities and powers , it conquers him who conquered death : for love is strong as death : set death in the way of love , it can despise and go over it . if jealousie dispute christs love , he is ready to vindicate himself upon the highest adventure : tell me ( says he ) what token shall i give thee ? what shall i do for thee ? if thou lovest me , thou must die for me . o jealousie cruel as the grave ! i love thee , and will wash thee in mine own blood : i love thee , and will give my self for thee : o love strong as death ! o death-conquering christ ! o christconquering love ! o love-conquering beauty of holiness ! look upon holiness , let thine eyes but observe her wayes : love her , and give unto her a present of what thou hast . but what is thy petition , o queen ? and it shall be granted thee ? what is thy request and it shall be performed ? if i have found favour in thy sight , o friend , and if i please thee , then give me thy heart , prou. 23 , 26. my son give me thine hears : her authority might command it , her beauty might rob it , but her modesty and love doth friendly desire it . i would not have my discourse fall in the hands of the ungodly : for wickedness proceedeth from the wicked ( as saith the proverb of the antients , 1 sam. 24. 13. ) but if i were to speak to ungodly sinners ( o lord open my closed lips , then shall i teach transgressours thy wayes , and sinners shall be converted unto thee . psal. 51. 13. ) i would shew them , what i have yet to add , in the behalf of lovely holiness : i would sing to my beloved , a song of my well beloved . but the alluring subject , the kindness i owe to godliness , with the respect i have for all that love & serve her , invite me to speak , what i know : and therefore , beside all the alluring motives to godliness , mentioned in the explication , i add these things to be considered , wherein she excelleth all her companions , her rivals , and all that would partake with her in our affections . and i shall but point at some heads , leaving room for the godly soul , to enlarge in its meditations , upon the particulars in consideration . 1. godliness bringeth the soul upon the greatest interest : the interest of god , of the soul , of the kingdom that cannot be moved , the crown that fadeth not away , and the things not seen that are eternal ; that which eye hath not seen , nor the ear heard , nor hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive , even that which god hath laid up for those that love him , angustus est animus , quem terrena delectant , they are not ill to please , who can be put off with things wordly . but the saint is the only person of a great spirit , who indeed minds high things , even as he is born to great things . the books de natura , or of nature , are too mean a subject for a saint : all his studies are de anima , de caelo , & de deo : his lessons are of the soul , of heaven , and of god. his ditan is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he minds the things that are above . 2. only godliness hath that in it , that can maintain and advance his greatest interest . what can all the pomp , pleasures and profits of the world do to a soul ? do these things make a better man ? lay all these to a wounded conscience , and they will be as he that taketh away a garment in cold weather , as vinegar upon nitre , or as he that singeth songs to a heavy heart , prov. 25. 20. they may make it worse , they cannot make it better . a mean subjects rent cannot bear the charges of a crown , nor can all the imaginable affluence of worldly sensual pleasures , ( the delights of the sons of men ) fill up the accounts of a mans happiness . are not all things worldly , under an antient curse for mans sake ? and shall that which is cursed , make us blessed ? the wisdom of solomon ( and who shall come after the king ? ) hath tryed the experiment of all things sublunary , that they are but vexation of spirit , and a very vanity : and will a man fill his belly with the east-wind ? the most refined spirits and artificial extracts of natures fullness , hath no more fitness and congruity to satisfy a soul , than chaff or sand hath to nourish a humane body : nor did nebuchadnezar eat grass with the oxen , until his heart was made like the beasts . moreover , the glory of all things transitory hath not the civility to see the soul to its rest : but serve it like wicked companions , who have debauched a man all the day , and leave him to dry a kennel at night . o when the soul shall run out into eternity , and death shall draw the courtain upon all things worldly , then it shall be seen , that the things that are seen , are but temporal : and then if the soul would return to call but for a cup of cold water , of all its sensual pleasures , it cannot have passage : for there is a great gulf fixed betwixt , so that they who would pass from hence to you cannot , neither can they pass to us that would come from thence , luk. 16. 26 : to close this consideration , remember that the wise god called him a fool , a great fool , a rich fool , who , for that his barns were full , would say to his soul : soul , thou hast much good laid up for many years , take thine ease , eat , drink and be merry , luke 12. 19 , 20. but o! the revenue of godliness : god and the light of his countenance , christ and his merits , the holy ghost with his comforts and graces , the justification of faith , the peace of god , the joy of the holy ghost , the hope of glory , are things of great beauty , to please our souls withall . 3. the consolations , joyes , pleasures , and delights of godliness are the choicest of any : for however ( as the proverb is ) a small thing will make fool fain , and as little makes him sad ; yet the delights of a wise-man , are such as are the things he delighteth in , ps. 4. 7. thou ( thorough the light of by countenance ) hast put gladness in my heart , more ●●an in the time , when their corn and their wine in●eased . o lord , i am as far above the envy of the ungodly , as they are below mine . the worlds great prejudice against godliness , is , that they fancy it an unpleasant thing , void of delight : but ●●tum est in organo : and no doubt if men found that delight in holiness , which they do in wickedness , we should quickly have the world a pro●lyte to godliness . o then that my words were weighed ! and that the world would give me a air hearing but in this one consideration ; no doubt , i had then gained . delight is a very alluring thing , and trahit sua quemque voluptas , every one follows whither his i leasure and delight ●ads him . nor is it any wonder that so it be ; ●r delight and pleasure is the very flower and ●ossome of happiness , the accomplishment and ●st act of blessedness , differing from vertue and godliness , as the flourish from the tree , the rose ●●m the bush. the scripture placeth the saints ●lessedness , both in the estate of grace and glory , pleasure and delight . that delight is a mans ●lessedness in the state of grace , see the command , psal. 37. 4. the promise isai. 64 5. the ●●ints professed practice , of whom christ is the chief , and chiefly meant , psal. 40. 8. the motive given by the spirit of god , prov. 3. 17. and that delight hath the same place in glory ( if any that have heard of such a thing as heaven , did ever once doubt of it ) it is more than clear from , psal. 16. 11 , revel . 21. 4. with many the like places . if men knew to do the epicureans right in their opinion of felicity , and could speak as philosophers , and not as taunting satyricks , i could rather be , than be called an epicurean : for imperious custom , ( even like diotrephes , who in all things loveth the preheminency ) hath usurped sofar upon the world , that she prevaileth equally in mens words and practices , calling things as she lists . whence a sensual sow wallowing in the mire of lust , must bear the name of an epicurean ; whercas , in truth , an epicurean is no other than a man placeing happiness in rational pleasures and intellectual delights worthy of men : even as i , according to the scripture , have placed it in those delights that are spiritual and becoming a saint . the cutting off of a member deserves not the name of a cure , but is the uncomfortable result of the desperate wits of extremity and necessity , in a deplorable case ; and an expedient intending the preservation of the whole , with the loss of the part : for better it is to go to heaven with one eye , hand or foot , than to be cast into hell with two . the stoical apathetick method ( if the stoick be not as much wronged as the epicurean ) is but a pitiful cutting , at best a curb , no wayes a cure of a corrupt world. a man will suffer much before he suffer the loss of his limbs : and he hath wrought but an undesirable cure , that by cutting off of a member hath made a man creple or maim : the world will want much before they want their pleasures and delights : and indeed who would choose to be miserable ? wherefore the only expedient method in this case , will be diversion , whereby men may save their members ; the world may enjoy delights and pleasures , for measure as much greater as for quality better , than formerly in their courses of iniquity ; only they must not run any more in the channel of sensuality , but in the vein of religion and spirituality . consider then the delights and pleasures of godliness , and then let reason say , who hath the sweetest life , the saint or the bruit . 1. for their nature , they are unspeakable and full of glory , 1 pet. 1. 8. the word is significant in its own language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a glorifyed ●oy ; a very heaven upon earth : a joy of the same nature , though not to the same degree , with that in heaven . the saints delights in earth , are a cup of the same wine , for kind , which they shall drink in the kingdom of their father , though it be not of so high a colour , nor of so rich a relish to us here in the cellar , as it is to them at the kings table . holiness is much mistaken in the world , and so is heaven and happiness , which is no other , than the top and upper ●nd of holiness , or holiness in its holy-dayes cloathes . if men would consider this , i suppose some should be as afraid of heaven as they are of holiness : yea i am really of the mind , if god should open a door in heaven to a prophane liver , and say , come up hither , that he should not dare to enter : the beauty and light of that glory , so contrary to darkness , would dazle and confound , and utterly undoe him . if a man should be permitted , yea commanded to throw himself into a burning fiery furnace , like that of babylon , durst he yet do it ? yea though he were very cold and never so much needed to be warned . and who among hypocrites or prophane livers shall dwell with devouring fire ? who amongst them shall dwell with everlasting burnings ? isa. 33 14. in a word , men must either say that it is a great unhappiness to be in heaven , or that it is their great happiness to be more holy. 2. the pleasures and delights of holiness are of the highest descent , they spring from the rock of eternity . and o! how pure ? how wholsome ? how pleasant must they be ? the pleasures which god gives his people , have himself for their spring , and life for their vertue . psal. 36. 8. 9. with thee is the fountain of life . 3. they have the deepest root , and so farrest in upon the soul : as the delights of hypocrites , worldlings and prophane persons are but the dreggs ; so they are but the scruse and pairings of pleasures : their pleasures are but skin-deep : in the midst of all their laughter , the heart is sad : they are as hypocritical in their delights as in their duties . the soul and conscience of a wicked man hath nothing like christ but this , that they are never seen to laugh : they are men of sorrows indeed , and many sorrows are their portion : that is appointed to them of god. psal. 32 10. with isai. 65. 13 , 14. 4 the consolations , joys , pleasures , and delights of godliness the most strong and efficacious : in the multitude of their frighting , repenting , tempting , doubting and inquiring thoughts , gods comforts delight their soul. psal , 94. 14. these turn their mourning into dancing , they make them sing in a prison , and rejoice in tribulation : but affliction maketh a wicked man soon to forget his pleasures , as waters that pass away : yea and the memory of their former delights , is to their present sorrows , as he that singeth songs to a heavy heart , and their song is , miserum est fuisse saelicem : it is the greatest misery to have once been happy . 5. the delights of godliness are pure and chast delights , they are such as the soul enjoys with gods blessing and approbation , yea with his command . psal. 37. 4. delight they self also in the lord ; the pleasures of godliness are our duty . and for their chastity , they are like the pleasures that a man hath in the company of his lawful wife . prov. 5. 19 let her breasts satisfy thee at all times , and be thou ravisht with her love : the word in its own language is , eire thou always in her love : if a man must play the fool , let him do it lawfully : and if it be an error , it is an innocent one to erre with gods approbation . but the delights of wickedness are impure , whoorish and strange delights such as a man hath in the company of a harlot : and why will thou my son be ravished with a strange woman , and embrace the bosome of a stranger ? prov , 5. 20. 6. the delights of godliness are secure and safe delights . this follows from the former . here the soul is ridd of all fear of going too far : there is no excess in those pleasures : eph. 5. 18. in wine there is excess : but be filled with the spirit ; there is no excess in that , the more you drink of that the more sober you are : and also in the delights of godliness , there is no fear of the sad after-claps of sorrow , that conclude sinful pleasures : for the end of that mirth is heaviness . prov. 14 13. the ungodly mans sinful pleasures are but a showr-blink that ends in a tempest : their delights are like the pleasures of drunkards , who drink and swill till their head ake , and their heart be sick : and they have their sentence with babylon . ier , 51. 39. in their heat i will make their feasts , and i will make them drunken , that they may rejoice , and sleep a perpetual sleep , and not awake , saith the lord 7. this follows from all that is said , the pleasures and delights of godliness are constant and induring pleasures . john 16 , 33. your joy no man taketh from you . as the world doth not give the saints joy and delight , so neither can it take these from them . the saints delights in godliness , are like spring waters that will rise as high as they fall in their courses . as they descend first from heaven , so they never cease running till they ascend thither again : they are like living running waters , that make what turnings they will , about mountains or whole countreys , in end they fall into the sea : the river of pure pleasures , that maketh glad the the city of god , hath its outgoing into the sea of that fulness of joy , that is in gods presence , and that ocean of pleasures that are at his right hand for evermore . and now i go forth unto the streets , and stand in the open places and cry : o all ye who love pleasures turn in hither , tast and see that the lord is gracious . i am so litle an enemy to pleasures , and so much an epicurean in opinion ( as you see ) that if any man shall shew me pleasures more pleasant than those of godliness , i am content to change for the better : and that shall be when men and beasts make an exchange of soules ; water and wine of natures and vertues ; and heaven and earth shall change places ; when evil shall be good ; black shall be white ; bitter , sweet ; darkness , light ; crockedness , straight ; heaviness , light ; when cold shall be hot ; and time shall be eternal . 4 , godliness is the only perfect , harmonious , and uniforme of all the soules lovers : what lame and defective pieces are all her companions ? i said as much in the description of the inward power of grace as may shew , how exactly commensurable her perfections are to all the powers , and to the whole capacity of a man : she satisfieth the understanding , will and affections ; and exercises the whole man. but of her defective companions , some want the head as error , superstition , profanness : whatever of the will and affections , and practise be in these , yet they are against the truth of a well informed judgment : some want the heart as hypocrisie and formality , whatever of knowledge , profession or practice be in these ; yet the will and affections do not consent : some want the hands and feet , and are meer trunks ; as all those who pretend to know , will and love their masters will , but do it not . and for their moral qualifications , the first is a fool ; the next is a knave ; and the last is a sluggard . but compleat godliness hath the head , heart hands and feet , with all the parts of a perfect man : and is a wise , trusty and active piece . and as it is compleat and perfect so it is most uniforme and harmonious . ungodhliness is a city of division , a babel of confusion , it parteth chief friends , and putteth a man at variance with those of his own house : the wicked are like the troubled sea : their lusts are continually fighting and warring one against another , and altogether against holiness : whence are wars and fightings , but from your lusts ? iam. 4. 1. ungodly mens lusts are like themselves , for extremes they are , and they are like extremes that differ alike from themselves and from the mids : a varice differeth as much from prodigality her sister vice , as from liberality her contrary vertue . but godliness sets a man at one with himself : it is a heart-uniting thing . psal. 86. 11. unite my heart to fear thy name . it makes a good understanding betwixt the understanding , the will , the affections , and the whole man. and blessed be the peace-maker , shall she not be called the child of god ? 5. is it not the great glory of godliness , that as many do sute her , as few do espouse her , and she hath as many pretenders , as few matches ? are not all men , her pretenders ? do not her greatest adversaries pay her the devotion , at least of a complement ? is not their great request to her , like that isai. 4. 1. only let us be called by thy name , to take away our reproach ? do not her greatest enemys glory to be called her servants ? call an evil man good , and you cannot please him beeter : for he hateth as much to be called evil , as to be good ; and loveth as much to be evil , as to be called good . and it is yet as much her glory that few do enjoy her . but pray , whom doth she reject ? are they any but the ungodly ? those unworthy persons that were brought in upon her , and came to mock her : nor doth she despise any that have not first despised her : or should she prostitute her self to such as care not for her ? none get a rejection from her , without their own consent : and they take it before they get it : for as none are godly , so neither are any wicked against their will. lastly , beside the promise of the life that now is , and of that which is to come , which makes godliness profitable to all things 1 timoth. 4. 8. it is the ready way , even in ordinary probability , to give a man honour , wealth , and pleasure , and to continue these with him , yea even in this world : ( i would these tymes did give a better testimony to this observation : but i hope the observation shall stand when some are fallen ; and shall continue , when these times are past way ) for that these things are as naturally purchased by good and vertuous , as lost by lewd and wicked practices . and how shall a man have honour , who prostitutes himself to courses wherein he hath none , but base and unmanly persons for his companions ? are not pages , grooms , and lackeyes , as good fellows as their lord himself at whoreing , drinking , swearing , carding , where all are fellows ? is not my lord well honoured , when he sends his man to convoy a whore to the chamber , who ( because upon the road he uses to lead the way for his master , thinks he will do him the like service here , and serves him with his own remains ? but who doth not reverence the presence , and honour the face of a really good man ? yea many a time such an one hath more reverence than god himself with evil men , who dare do many things in the eyes of god , that they will be loath to do in presence of such a man ? yea how convincing many a time is the carriage of a godly man to his greatest enemies ? surely thou art more righteous then i ( said saul to david ) and when a mans wayes please the lord , he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him , prov. 16. 7. an excellent divine ( i think it is greenhame ) sayes well ; let not a saint be afraid of men ; for that by his prayers , he hath more power of their hearts , than they themselves have : and the scripture sayes the same , 1 pet. 3. 13. and who is he that will harm you , if ye be followers of that which is good ? and how well had it been with the profane ruffian , that he had spent that time , strength , estate , and credit for god , in the way of godliness , with the sweet and sure gain of his soul , which he hath wasted in riffling and base living , with the evident hazard of his soul's ruine , if that may be said to be ruined that was never repaired , nor in case . but be it yet that the godly man attaineth not to these advantages temporal ; the peace of righteousness , the contentment of soberness , the considence of faith , and the rejoycing of hope , do more than compense all that is wanting elsewhere , and cause that a good man is satisfied from himself , prov 14. 14. now let all that hath been said , be a reproof of the worlds hard opinions of godliness , and give cheque to their unkind dealing with her , as if she were a sorry piece , to be desired by none , but such as would be miserable . i have not yet travelled so far , but that i can remember from whence i set forth : in my entry upon the point , i told my erand was with eleazar abraham's servant genes . 24. to seek a wife to my master's son , and to espouse and bring home souls to christ : and now to conclude , let me with them , gen. 24. 57 , 58. call the damsel , and enquire at her mouth , wilt thou go with the man ? and she said ( so be it said unto me ) i will go . the fourth and last thing we learn from the point , in a word , is , to put a good construction upon all gods dispensations to his people ; for his thoughts towards them are thoughts of peace , and not of evil , to give them an expected end , jer 29. 11. and in complyance with the lords great design , in the vicissitudes of all our lots , let us learn to give him more of our hearts : for he brings his people into the wilderness , and there he allures them . if these melancholly times do but make us more tractable , condescending and kind to christ iesus , we may well expect , that he will speak comfortably unto us . i will bring her into the wilness , and will speak comfortably unto her . and thus i am led by the hand into the fourth and last thing proposed to be considered in the text. the juncture and coincidence of the churches affliction and the lords consolations . i will bring her into the wilderness , and i will speak comfortably un to her . hence the doctrine is , that the lord useth to tryst his peoples sadest afflictions with his sweetest consolations . he is a god that comforteth those that art cast down : it is his way and use , the apostle 2 cor. 1. 5. abounded in consolations by christ , as their sufferings for christ abounded . and reading through all the scripture , i never find the saints more indulged with the sweet consolations of god and his kind manifestations , than in the greatest afflictions . reasons of this are , 1. his free love and kindness . so it becomes him with whom the fatherless find mercy : he loveth and preserveth the stranger , he is a father of the fatherless , and a husband to the widow , a judge of the oppressed out of his holy habitation : he will be known in adversity to be a friend . 2. their necessity : then they need consolations , and then they come in season : prov. 30. 6. wine should be given to those that are of heavy hearts : when i said my foot slippeth , thy mercy lord held me up . this was a mercy that came in good season . 3. their fitness : as then they most need consolations , so then are they fittest to receive and intertain them . the lord will not have his consolations to run by and be spilt , by pouring them out into full vessels : but blessed are they that hunger and thirst , for they shall be filled . i spoke before upon the second part of the text ▪ how afflictions fits for consolations ; and that therefore , god sometimes brings his people into the wilderness , that thus he may fit them . most sweet are the consolations wherewith the lord trysts his people in their afflictions . 1. he draws forth to them the bowels of ●ost tender compassions . in all their affliction he is afflicted , isa. 63. 9. jer. 31. 20. since i spoke against him , i do earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him , zach. 2. 8. he that toucheth you , toucheth the apple of his eye . it is a very acceptable consolation to an afflicted person , to mourn with them , and to be touched with their condition : and the lord cryes alas at every touch of affliction that comes upon people : nor need they fear he shall forget them : for whatever is a mans pain , it will not fail to put him in mind . 2. he ownes them and takes notice of them , when others sight them and care not for them , psal. 31. 7. he knows their soul in adversities , psal. 142. 4 , 5. i looked on my right hand and beheld , but there was no man that would know me , refuge failed me : no man cared for my soul : i cryed unto thee o lord , i said thou art my refuge , and my portion in the land of the living , jer 30. 16 , 17. and forward : the lord promises with great mercies to owne his church , because in the 17 verse , they called her an out-cast , saying , this is zion whom no man seeketh after , lament . 1. 12. it was nothing to those that passed by , to see all that she suffered . but her desire is frequently throughout the chapter , behold o lord for i am in distress . yea and he will behold , for his eyes behold the things that are equal , act. 7. 34. i have seen , i have seen the affliction of my people , which is in ●gypt , and i have heard their groaning . this is a time , wherein there be few to resent the wrongs done to the church of god and his saints and servants , and fewer there be to right them : and therefore that prayer is good , psal. 17. 2. let my sentence come forth from thy presence : let thine eyes behold the things that are equal : and the saints may have justice for the asking : for he beholds mischief and spight , to requite it with his hand , ps. 10. 14. 3. he vouchsafes them a more special presence , ps : 91. 15. i will be with him in trouble , psal. 23. 4. in the valley of the shaddow of death thou art with me , isai. 43. 2. when thou passest through the waters i will be with thee , &c. the lord is ever near to those that fear him : but in affliction he goes very near them . they have alwayes his special presence , ps. 140 , 13. the upright shall dwell in thy presence . but in trouble they have a more special presence . his presence is either a secret supporting presence , whereby his people are held up , they know not how : for many a time when the saints look back upon those times , wherein they said , their strength and their hope is perished from the lord , and see the way that they have come , they wonder how they have win through : but god was with them whilst they knew it not . or else his presence is a manifest comforting presence , and that the scripture calls his visiting of his people . 4. then the lord vouchsafes his afflicted people many a kind visit : and in those visits , 1. he salutes his people with peace : he will speak peace unto his people , and to his saints : in the world ye shall have trouble ( sayes he ) but in me ye shall have peace . 2. he gives a hearing to all his peoples confessions , complaints and petitions : lord thou hast heard the desire of the humble . 3. he speaks his mind to his people , both concerning their duty and the issue of their lot . the times of the lords visits to his afflicted people , are the times wherein he communicates most of his secrets to those that fear him . the soul that goes through manyfest afflictions , is ordinarily the wisest and most experienced soul : heman the ezrahit , who was so sore afflicted , even from his youth , was one of the wisest men in his time . speculation speaks of cases like a geographer , experience speaks like a traveller : that sayes that which our ears have heard , this sayes , that which our eyes have seen , declare we unto you . 4. in his visits , he gives his people tokens for good : he comes never empty-handed to them , but gives them such things , whereof they may say in their straits , when he seems to have forgotten them , lord whose are these : 5. and further ( as the original hath the words of the text ) he speaks to his peoples heart : he satisfies them concerning his dispensations , and convinceth them of the equity and kindness of his dealing with them . he gives them such rational accounts of his dispensations ; as makes them say , he hath taken the best way with them , and makes them sing , thou hast dealt well with thy servants , ps. 119. 65. and by convincing them that good is the word of the lord , isai. 39. 8. he makes them say from their heart , that if variety of lots were in their offer , they would choose the present : o but that speaks well : i will speak to her heart : i will even speak as she would have me . thus he comforts by his kind visits . 5. he comforts his people in affliction , by being all things to them , and doing all things for them . thus we find the saints in their afflictions making applications to god , with titles suted to their condition : and it is god ( faith the psalmist ) that doth all things for me . he is the shepherd of israel : if they be scattered , he gathers them : if they go astray , he leads them ; if they want , he feeds them , and makes them lie in green pastures , by the still waters : if they be in hazard , he is their refuge : are they sad ? he is the health of their countenance : are they weak or weary ? he is their strength , and with him is everlasting strength : are they sinners and guilty : he is the god of their righteousness : is law intended against them ? he pleads their cause ; and stands at their right hand : is the judge an unfriend to them ? he is their judge , and their sentence cometh forth from his presence : do kings or others command them to be afflicted , fined , beaten , imprisoned , confined , banished ? then psal 44. 4. thou art my king o god , command deliverances for jacob : have they no friends , nor any to do for them ? he that is the kind lord can cause men shew them the kindness of the lord : that which the scripture calleth the kindness of the lord. 1 sam. 20. 14. hath as much in it , as may shew us , that the lord , makes men instruments at his pleasure , to shew kindness , and do a good office to his people . and when the saints and servants of god come to count kindness , i hope there will be found more of the kindness of the lord , than of men , in courtesies that are done them . i am so little a patron of unthankfulness , that i shall thank him kindly , and pray ( as our scots proverb is ) the lord reward him that doth me good , whether with his will , or against it . but truly when from men i meet with less kindness , where i might have expected more ; and more where i might have expected less ; the meditation of this scripture expression , to shew the kindness of the lord , hath taught me the more earnestly to ask mercies of my god , and to leave the expressing and dispensing of it to himself , by means and instruments of his own choosing : he can make a babylonian enemy to 〈…〉 his own servant ieremiah well . 6. to add no more , for that hath all . the lord comforteth his afflicted people by christ ●esus , 2 cor. 1. 5 this is the saints unchangeable consolation , in all changes of dispensations : and truly our consolations will come to a poor account , if christ be not the sum of them all . in all cases and conditions : christless comforts will leave us comfortless christians . the use of this point shall be , for strong consolation to the saints in their greatest afflictions . the lord hath laid it straitly upon us , to comfort his people in their afflictions , isai. 40. 1. 2. and here , he takes it upon himself to be their comforter : he hath given this name and o shee to his holy spirit , the comforter ; and shall not the afflicted people of god with these words be comforted , and comfort one another ? but according to the rule of scripture . comforts and duties must be matched together : nor must we expect in the event a separation of those things , that god hath joyned in the intimation . wherefore , if we would have much of the lords heart , let us give him much of ou●s : if we would have him comfortable to us , we must be kind to him : if we would have him speak comfortably to us , we must give our consent to him : if we would have him speak to our heart , we must be to his heart : for so the text runneth , therefore behold i will allure her , i will bring her into the wilderness and i will speak comfortably unto her . now to the god of all consolation , father , son , and holy ghost , be ●ll 〈◊〉 , and dominion , and praise , for ever and ever . amen . written in the wilderness 1665 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27353-e8770 see grenhams directions for reading the scriptures . notes for div a27353-e12670 see the fulfilling of the scriptures . remark how the plague followed in london , the next year 1660.