reflections upon some passages in a book, entitled reflections upon the conduct of human life. with reference to the study of learning and knowledge. by edmund elys. elys, edmund, ca. 1634-ca. 1707. 1690 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39370 wing e690 estc r214816 99826883 99826883 31292 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39370) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31292) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1776:13) reflections upon some passages in a book, entitled reflections upon the conduct of human life. with reference to the study of learning and knowledge. by edmund elys. elys, edmund, ca. 1634-ca. 1707. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1690?] caption title. imprint form wing. begins on signature b. a reply to: norris, john. reflections upon the conduct of human life, with reference to the study of learning and knowledge. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng norris, john, 1657-1711. -reflections upon the couduct of human life, with reference to the study of learning and knowledge. society of friends -apologetic works -early works to 1800. knowledge, theory of (religion) -early works to 1800. sermons, english -17th century. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reflections upon some passages , in a book , entitled reflections upon the conduct of human life . with reference to the study of learning and knowledge . by edmvnd elys . reflection 1. sect. 4. perhaps we shall be found to be as much out in the conduct of our vnderstandings , as in that of our wills. answ. there is no irregularity in the vnderstanding , but what proceeds from the irregularity of the will. sect. 10. true knowledge ( whatever it be ) must be suppos'd to be a thing of uncommon difficulty , and the study of it a work fit only for sublimer wits ; the more elevated , and awakned part of mankind . answ. purity of heart , is that which doth principally conduce to the attainment of true knowledge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sophocles . the soul that 's truly just , and kind ; truth , hid from subtle wits , shall find . sect. 37. a thing may deserve to be known , not as perfecting the vnderstanding ; but meerly as touching upon our interest . answ. no man can have any true , or real interest , but what has some reference to the enjoyment of the sovereign good : therefore any thing that deserves to be known because it touches upon our interest ; deserves to be known as perfecting the understanding : the perfection of the understanding consisting in the apprehension of the truth , for the satisfaction of the will , in the possession of the true good. i agree with this ingenious author in that he says , no truth is perfective of the understanding , but only necessary truth . by necessary truth i understand the divine essence , and all those effects of infinite wisdom , power , and goodness , which it is our duty to contemplate . reflection 2. sect. 10. if now it be further demanded how this may be done ; ( viz. to apply our selves to the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to consult the ideal world ) i answer that there are three ways of doing it , and i can think of no more : the first is by attention ; the second by purity of heart , and life ; and the third by prayer . i do not charge these words with falshood , but the reader will fall into an error , if he conceit that he may apply himself to the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by any other attention of the mind , but what proceeds from such a temper , or disposition of will , which implies an aversion from any other speculation , but what may be vseful unto him , in doing the will of god. this holy disposition of the will , is the only true purity of heart , and the exercising of it is an effectual prayer , a worshiping of god in spirit , and in truth . these words sect. 29. are most perfectly agreeable to my conceptions : we ought to prosecute learning and knowledge , no further than as 't is conducieve to the great ends of piety , and virtue . and consequently whenever we study to any other purpose , or in any other degree than this ; we are unaccountably , impertinently , i may add , sinfully employ'd . but , then , say i , it must be consider'd , that no sinful exercise or employment of our intellective faculties , can ever tend to the improvement of the brightness of the vnderstanding , or intellectual perfection . nothing can properly be call'd wisdom , but the practical vnderstanding of true goodness . such expressions as i find in the 27 and 28 sections , seem to come short of that accuracy which is requisite for a christian philosopher , that has the confidence to pass so severe a censure upon our academical education , and learning . certainly rectitude of will is a greater ornament and perfection , than brightness of understanding ; and to be good is more divine than to be wise and knowing . the question is , whether we ought to be more solicitous for that intellectual perfection , which we cant have here , and shall have hereafter , or for that moral perfection , which we may have here , and cannot hereafter . a lover of this present world is a fool and an ignorant wretch : they that love the lord jesus in sincerity , are the only wise and knowing men. 't is one and the same thing to be good , or to partake of the divine nature , and to be wise and knowing . i think it my duty to declare to the world , that it seems to me , that this author deals most incuriously with the people call'd quakers in speaking so contemptuously of their notion of the light within . i pray god that he , and i , and they , and all those that profess themselves to be followers of jesus christ , may have our hearts duly affected with the sense of these sacred words , proverbs 4. 18 , 19. the path of the just is as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfect day . the way of the wicked is as darkness : they know not at what they stumble . iohn 1. 9. this was the true light , which lighteth every man that cometh into the world . iohn 8. 12. then spake jesus again unto them , saying , i am the light of the world : he that followeth me shall not walk in darkness , but shall have the light of life . iohn 14. 6. jesus saith unto him , i am the way , and the truth , and the life : no man cometh unto the father , but by me . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . finis . second remarks upon an essay concerning humane understanding in a letter address'd to the author, being a vindication of the first remarks against the answer of mr. lock, at the end of his reply to the lord bishop of worcester. burnet, thomas, 1635?-1715. 1697 approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30485 wing b5946 estc r20232 12259067 ocm 12259067 57739 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30485) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57739) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 175:3) second remarks upon an essay concerning humane understanding in a letter address'd to the author, being a vindication of the first remarks against the answer of mr. lock, at the end of his reply to the lord bishop of worcester. burnet, thomas, 1635?-1715. [2], 30 p. printed for m. wotton ..., london : 1697. attributed to t. burnet. cf. bm. reproduction of original in yale university library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng locke, john, 1632-1704. -essay concerning human understanding. burnet, thomas, 1635?-1715. -remarks upon an essay concerning human understanding. locke, john, 1632-1704. -mr. locke's reply to the ... bishop of worcester's answer to his letter concerning ... mr. locke's essay of human understanding. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-08 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion second remarks upon an essay concerning humane understanding , in a letter address'd to the author . being a vindication of the first remarks , against the answer of mr. lock , at the end of his reply to the lord bishop of worcester . london , printed for m. wotton , at the three daggers in fleet-street . 1697. the occasional paper will be continu'd next term. second remarks upon an essay concerning humane understanding , in a letter address'd to the author . sir , at the end of your reply to the lord bishop of worcester , i have met with your answer , as you are pleas'd to call it , to my short remarks upon your essay , and am very much surpriz'd to find it writ in such an angry style , and with such undeserved and ill-grounded reflections . i writ to you with civility and respect , and i dare appeal to any gentleman , if there be any thing unbecoming or provoking in the style or expressions of my letter . if you made a false surmise to your self , that a storm was coming , as you phrase it , and a design hatching to run down your book ; as there is no storm , i 'm sure , in my letter , but every line calm and peaceable , so i protest i never heard of any such design , never had communication with any , about the confuting or opposing your book : and as to these two short papers of remarks , 't is more than i know if any person in the world ( besides my self ) knows me to be the writer of them . so far was i from designing any thing by them but my own satisfaction , and to know the true state of your principles , that i might the better judge of their truth , and of their consequences . and whereas you say , if it was for my own information , what need of putting my doubts in print ? i thought that the best way , that your answer might give satisfaction to others ( as well as to me ) who probably might have the same or like scruples . and as to your self , i thought i had done you a kindness , by giving you an opportunity of explaining or vindicating some of your principles , which were likely , i thought , to fall under the censure of inquisitive persons . then , as to the crime of concealing my name , which is another thing objected , i think , of all men i know , mr. lock had the least reason to make that criminal , he , who hath writ so many books without putting his name to them , and some in confutation of the principles of other men. turpe est censori , cùm — but you have invented a strange reason for my concealing my name , with a black accusation contain'd in it , in these words : i cannot much blame him in another respect , for concealing his name . for , i think , any one who appears amongst christians , may be well asham'd of his name , when be raises such a doubt as this , viz. whether an infinitely powerful and wise being , be veracious or no ? unless falshood be in such reputation with this gentleman , that he concludes lying to be no mark of weakness and folly. this insinuation is the more inexcusable , because to bring it in , you have misrepresented and perverted the sense of the author . the question there is not , whether god be veracious ? but , whether , according to your principles , he can be prov'd to be so ? the reflection which falls upon your principles onely , you would have thrown upon god , and very unjustly suppose that the remarker calls in question the divine veracity , whereas he onely calls in question the truth of your principles : which , i think , is a very different thing from the divine veracity . in the pages you cite , the remarker says , veracity , according to his principles , may be prov'd to belong to the divine nature , as being a perfection ; but tells you at the same time , that you make no use of that argument , nor vouchsafe to give us any account or idea of perfection , tho' you do of many other terms and notions of less importance . you may see by this , that falshood and lying ( as your gross words are ) are not in reputation with this gentleman , seeing he looks upon them as imperfections inconsistent with the divine nature . now let every impartial reader judge , whether there is less of the christian in the first objection , or in the pretended answer ; and whether of these two persons hath more reason to be ashamed . you add in the same place , that you have more than once spoke of the goodness of god , another evidence of his veracity . be it so ; but where have you prov'd the divine goodness ? or how can it be prov'd , from your principles ? the question is not , as i told you before , whether god be good and veracious , &c. nor whether you think so , ( for i do not enter into your thoughts ) but onely , whether you have prov'd these attributes , or laid down any principles by which they may be prov'd . next , you proceed to what concerns the mathematical demonstration of morality : where i desired to know how it could be founded on your principles . in answer to this , you tell me , my judgment does not seem of that consequence , that any one should be in haste to gratifie my impatience . sir , i did not presume to desire to know the full systems of your morality , but the basis up on which you would build it : and you having declar'd more than once , that from grounds and principles laid down in your book , morality might be mathematically demonstrated , i thought it would give no offence to enquire which ground or principle you pitcht upon for your foundation . i thought , i say , that would have given no offence , especially seeing i was willing to suppose , that 't was not the deficiency of your principles , but my own short-sightedness , that made me at a loss . but however , if this enquiry , how modestly soever propos'd , be look'd upon by you as presumptuous , i beg your pardon , if that will satisfie at present ; and we shall have occasion hereafter to speak more at large concerning the grounds of morality ; where , tho' you be so reserv'd in declaring yours , i shall not be so in declaring mine . after this , you make a remark upon what i had said concerning the knowledge of our duty , and concerning the grounds of the divine law : and you express it in these words ; and since he thinks the illiterate part of mankind ( which is the greatest ) must have a more compendious way to know their duty , than by long deductions , ( you should have said , long and obscure deductions , if you had truly taken the words of the author ) he may do well to consider , whether it were for their sakes he publish'd this question , viz. what is the reason and ground of the divine law ? i suppose this is mentioned as containing something inconsistent or incongruous ; but i see no such thing in the words cited . may not the illiterate part of mankind know their duty by natural conscience , and the revealed law of god , and yet that divine law have a reason or ground ? i can see no interfering in this , nor any incongruity . but this is a gentle reprimand or ( intended ) reflexion upon me , in comparison of the next , which flies as high as the imputation of malice and ignorance ; in these words : a man that insinuates , as he does , as if i held , that the distinction of vertue and vice was to be picked up by our eyes , our ears , or our nostrils , shews so much ignorance , or so much malice , that he deserves no other answer but pity . malice and ignorance ! these are such vulgar topicks of railing amongst angry and ill-bred writers , that methinks it should be below the genius of a gentleman and a philosopher , to make use of them . do you find these hard words in the writing you criticize ? i know that is no rule to you ; but however , the world will consider these things ( whether you will or no ) to judge of the temper of a person , who treats another at this rate , that us'd him with respect , and in civil language . but let us consider the matter it self . you call this an insinuation of mine , not a thing directly exprest ; and you have reason for this diminution of it : but this also will make it more difficult to find out the particular passage you understand here . the first passage in the paragraph to which i suppose you refer , is this : your general principle of picking up all our knowledge from our five senses , i confess , does not sit easily in my thoughts , tho' you join reflexion to help us . now if this be the sentence you mean , surely you ought not to have omitted reflexion , and to have charg'd this only upon the five senses , which you see i do not . there is another sentence in the same paragraph , which possibly you may refer to ; and 't is this : as to morality , we think the great foundation of it is , the distinction of good and evil , vertue and vice , turpis & honesti , as they are usually call'd : and i do not find that my eyes , ears , nostrils , or any other outward sense , make any distinction of these things , as they do of sounds , colours , scents , and other outward objects ; nor from any idea taken in from them or from their reports , am i conscious that i do or can conclude , that there is such a distinction in the nature of things . in these two passages i though i had taken in enough to comprehend your sensation and reflexion , which you make the principles of all our knowledge , natural or moral , and consequently of the distinction of good and evil , vertue and vice. but we shall see further into this matter , and into your sense , when you have further explain'd your moral notions , and let us see what you make vertue and vice , good and evil to be , according to your way . but i must not forget to speak a few words to the charge it self , malice and ignorance . malice is against a person : now god knows , i never had either malice or envy against your person : and whosoever reads that paper of remarks , i believe , will think so ; for 't is writ in a courteous style , and with favourable expressions to you , from first to last . as to the imputation of ignorance , i am not so much concern'd to clear my self in that point . if it be my ignorance in general that you pity , i acknowledge your kindness , and own your pity well plac't : but if it be my ignorance of your principles that you pity , as it seems to be , that may be a weakness in me , i confess , but i hope no mortal sin , nor any thing that requires much pity . but however , if you pity my ignorance of your principles , and yet will not instruct me in them , nor help me when i beg your charity , that pity is but a mock-pity , and deserves no thanks . now we come to the last head of inquiries you are pleas'd to take notice of , the immortality of the soul. and for a proof of this , you refer me ( whether ludicrously and sarcastically , or no , you best know ) to the lord bishop of worcester's arguments , taken from your principles . then you add , but if that will not serve his turn , i will tell him a principle of mine that will clear it to him ; and that is , the revelation of life and immortality by jesus christ through the gospel . i write it immortality , for so i know it was intended ; tho' , by an unlucky slip of the press , 't is printed there immorality . the revelation of the gospel is no doubt an happy confirmation of the immortality of the soul ; but we are speaking of proofs to be made by the light of nature , and particularly by the principles of humane understanding , as you have represented them . and before you make use of revelation in this point , you should resolve the other point objected to you , viz. how you can prove the truth of revealed religion , according to your principles . sir , i have now done with your answer , as you call it ; but i can find neither answer nor explication in it to those doubts i proposed . you may have some particular reasons for that , which you best know : but i know no good reason you can have for writing in such a snappish and peevish way . if you affect the character of a captious disputant , i do not envy it you , i think you have taken the ready way to gain it , by your way of writing , both here and elsewhere . if you have been so treated by other pens , as to make you angry and out of humour , you ought not to take your revenge , or ease your spleen upon an inoffensive pen : and you will be less pitied , when roughly handled by others , if you treat them rudely that treated you civilly . there is nothing , i 'm sure , in my words or expressions that could offend you : it must be in the sense , by touching , it may be , upon some tender parts of your essay , that would not bear pressing without giving pain . if you concluded ' with your self , that the writer of those remarks was some mean contemptible thing , with whom you were not bound to observe the measures of common civility ; yet methinks , even in that case , it had been better to have wholly neglected a person of whom you had such an idea , than to have given an answer without giving any satisfaction to his doubts , or any vindication of your principles . as to the storm you speak of , preparing against you , i know nothing of it , as i told you before ; yet i can blame none that desire such principles of humane understanding as may give them proofs and security against such a system as this , cogitant matter , a mortal soul , a manichean god ( or a god without moral attributes , ) and an arbitrary law of good and evil. how far your principles are concern'd in these things , or lead to scepticism in these and other material points , is left to your consideration . this however i know , the ready way to prevent any such storm , is to give such a plain explication of your principles , without art or chicane , as may cure and remove any fears of this nature . after all , notwithstanding this imperfect and angry answer , i will not be discourag'd from solliciting once more a further explication of your principles upon the three grand points , the immortality of the soul , natural religion , and reveal'd religion . and whereas you seem to say , those that do not like your principles , or think them false or defective , let them find out better : we cannot tell how good or how bad , how full or defective your principles are , till we know the true state of them , and their consequences , in reference to moral things : and for that reason we desire a further explanation of them upon those heads . i am apt to believe , many of your readers , if not the generality , do not so far understand your principles , as to see what consequences they draw after them ; and possibly you did not reflect upon it your self . your readers may easily be amus'd in a multitude of names and notions , and signs of notions : they 're led into a wood of idea's ( simple and complex , and complex-collective ; absolute , relative , real , or phantastical , &c. ) and there they are lost ; pleasantly indeed , amongst lights and shades , and many pretty landskips ; but they know not where they are , nor see to the end of the wood. you know what philosophers ( ancient or modern ) your principles are said to imitate ; but i do not desire to make use of names , one way or other , but to argue every thing fairly and upon the square , as far as reason will go . and let those that are unconcern'd and impartial , judge what is fairly objected , what fairly answer'd , and what not . but if in these things , which concern religion and morality , you will give us no further light or answer , i may reasonably conclude , that i have not mistaken your sense , and that i have truly calculated the elevation of those principles . wherein , notwithstanding , i shall be always willing and desirous to be set right , if i have committed any errour . but let us proceed to the matters under debate . as to the immortality of the soul , in your answer to the lord bishop of worcester , you acknowledge the deficiency or limitation of your principles as to the proof of its immateriality : but however , you do not freely tell us , what you make the soul to be . you say indeed , 't is a thinking substance ; but so you say matter may be made , for any thing you know . then the soul may be mortal , for any thing you know , or any thing we know , by your principles . do you think the soul to be a permanent substance , distinct from the body ? or a modification or power of the body ? or life onely ? or a certain influence from without , acting in matter so and so qualified , or in such and such systems ? which dispositions or systems , when they come to be dissolved or destroy'd , that power ceases to act there ; either perishing , as a flame when the fewel is spent ; or returning to its fountain , whatsoever it was . this notion seems to me to suit best to the general air of your discourse about the soul , and with several particular passages relating to it . as when you make cogitation in us to be like motion in matter , which receives its motion from external impression . and when you speak about the sleep of the soul , or the suspension of cogitation when we sleep ; the body not being then receptive of the thinking influence . you say , the soul hath no extension , nor , at certain fits , any cogitation : what can the soul be then , but a certain power acting in the body , when the body is prepar'd for the exercise of it , and ceasing to act when the body is indisposed ? but whether that be a superiour divine power , distinct from matter , as a vis movens ; or a power fastned , i know not how , to the body , or upon such and such systems of matter : whether , i say , of these two suppositions better agrees with your doctrine , i cannot certainly tell ; but either of them destroys the immortality of the soul , upon the dissolution of the body . furthermore , this seems to be the supposition you go upon , when you question , whether a man waking and sleeping ( without thoughts ) be the same man. if there be still , sleeping or waking , the same soul , the same permanent substance , i see no room for that question or doubt which you make ; and your making of it , would induce one to believe , that it is a difficulty that arises to you particularly , and upon that principle , that the soul of man is not a permanent and distinct substance , but an extrinsick or intrinsick power , that acts or is suspended according to the disposition or indispositions of the body . accordingly , i do not see by your discourse , how st. peter , suppose , at the resurrection , will be the same man , unless he have the same body , or the same organization of parts ; tho' his soul be the same , with the same dispositions and habits : nor how our saviour , now in heaven , is the same man that was crucified at jerusalem ; or that he that was crucified at jerusalem , is the same man that will come again to judge the quick and the dead . but i do not love to walk in the dark , and therefore i refer these things to your further explication , if you so please . your doctrine of the soul seems to me obscure and ambiguous : men write , i think , to be understood ; and i hope i may , without offence , use the same sentence to you , which you have used to others , si monvis intelligi , debes negligi . however if you please to let us into the secret , if there be a secret , i shall make no other use of it than to give it a fair and free examination . i proceed now to another difficulty in your doctrine of the soul , which i mentioned formerly . you think the soul , when we are asleep , is without any thoughts or perceptions . i am still at a loss , i confess , how to frame any idea of a thoughtless , senseless , lifeless soul. this carcase of a soul i cannot understand : if it neither have cogitation , nor extension , as you suppose , what being or manner of being it hath , i am not able to comprehend . it must be a substance , and a particular finite substance , and yet without any mode . if you say you have no idea of it , why then do you affirm or introduce a new and unintelligible state of the soul , whereof neither you , nor others , can have any conception ? however , you ought to tell us , how you bring the soul out of this unintelligible state. what cause can you assign able to produce the first thought at the end of this sleep and silence , in a total ecclipse and intermission of thinking ? upon your supposition , that all our thoughts perish in sound sleep ; and all cogitation is extinct , we seem to have a new soul every morning . if a flame be extinct , the same cannot return , but a new one may be made . if a body cease to move , and come to perfect rest , the motion it had cannot be restord , but a new motion may be produc'd . if all cogitation be extinct , all our ideas are extinct , so far as they are cogitations , and seated in the soul : so we must have them new imprest ; we are , as it were , new born , and begin the world again . if you say , the ideas remain in the soul , in that state of silence and insensibility , and need only a new excitation ; why then , say i , may not infants have innate ideas ( which you so much oppose ) that want only objects and occasions to excite and actuate them , with a fit disposition of the brain ? sir , i am sorry my apprehension should be so slow , or your doctrine about the soul so shaded and cover'd , that i cannot , without further light , come to know your meaning ; or , which i most desire , see how it is consistent with reason and nature . to gratifie your readers with a clearer explanation of your principles in this particular , seems to be a debt due to them , which i shall take however as an obligation : but if you be otherwise minded , for reasons best known to your self , i shall use no further entreaty or importunity . another head wherein i desir'd your further explication , was in reference to reveal'd religion ; that we may see what ground we can have upon your principles for the certainty of it . if we cannot in your way be assur'd of the immortality of the soul by the light of nature , or by revelation , you leave us no certain way to know it . now if you do not make that revelation certain in it self , it cannot make us certain of any thing . you seem therefore the more oblig'd to give good proof of the certainty of reveal'd religion , by how much you make the assurance of our immortality to depend upon its testimony . i told you formerly , why i thought your principles would not reach to the proof of a certainty in reveal'd religion ; namely , because they do not prove , nor give us grounds whereupon we may prove the moral attributes of god ; upon which , and not upon infinite power and knowledge only , depends the satisfaction and assurance we have of the truth of a revelation . the divine veracity is the particular attribute upon which it mainly depends ; and that we think may be prov'd from the divine perfection : but you have given us no idea of perfection , unless you resolve it into power ; whereof indeed you have given a large account , but that will not reach and decide the case in question . however , i will wait your pleasure and leisure , to see if you are minded to give us any more instruction in this particular . the truth is , there is a passage in your late reply to the bishop of worcester , ( p. 95 , 96. ) which would incline one to believe , that you think there is no certainty in reveal'd religion , seeing you do not allow the certainty of faith , but look upon that expression as jargon , or next to nonsense . to talk of the certainty of faith , say you , seems all one to me , as to talk of the knowledge of believing : a way of speaking not easie to me to understand . faith , methinks , must either be certain or uncertain ; and if you refuse the one , you must take the other . but this , i suppose , with what follows there , will fall under the examination and censure of a better pen : i will therefore insist no more upon it . i proceed now to the third head , that of natural religion and morality . this you think is demonstrable from your principles , mathematically demonstrable . this indeed would be an happy performance , and of great use to mankind . but , i cannot discern from what sure foundation , or in what method you can make out this demonstration . if you make natural religion and morality to depend upon future rewards and punishments , as i think you do , then they must depend upon the immortality of the soul ; and if they depend upon that , and that be only probable by the light of nature , then neither can the other by the light of nature be mathematically demonstrable . i should argue thus , if morality stands upon future punishments and rewards , and future punishments and rewards stand upon the immortality of the soul , and the immortality of the soul be only probable , then morality cannot be mathematically demonstrable . this is something like your indian comparison . if the earth stand upon an elephant , and the elephant upon a tortoise , then what supports the tortoise ? thus far we are clear ; there ought not , i 'm sure , be more in the conclusion , than was in the premises . you allow , i think , a law of nature , with or without revelation ; a natural conscience to distinguish good and evil , virtue and vice. this is generally understood by morality and natural religion . and this morality , if i understand you aright , is what you say is demonstrable by your principles . but if you use that word morality in another sense than what is generally understood by it in common conversation , or by ancient and modern authors , you ( who blame others so often for an uncertain use of words ) ought to fix and declare your peculiar signification of that word , that we may know your meaning . if by morality you understand the practical precepts of the christian religion , who doubts but that morality may be known clearly and evidently ? we have no need of your mathematical demonstration in that case , if you mean onely that you can prove morality from scripture . besides , if that were required , you must first give us a demonstration of the veracity of the revealer from your principles , before you can demonstrate morality in this sense . but if you understand natural morality , as others do ; we think , and say , you cannot give , by your principles , a demonstration of it . after all , whatsoever you understand by morality , you seem to ground your demonstration upon future punishments and rewards , and upon the arbitrary . will of the law giver : and i do not think these the first grounds of good and evil , vertue and vice. i do not think they are constituted by punishments and rewards , nor by the will of god onely , if you take that will for an arbitrury power : and i 'll give my reasons for it . if things were so , there would be no fixt notion of holiness , and god might be the author of sin : i mean , of what we call sin , and judge sin , and for which sinners are punisht . but in reality ( according to this principle ) there is nothing sin to this almighty being , nor any fixt notion of holiness . for if his will be the original rule of good and evil , and that will go by no rule , there is no rule of sin to him : all things are indifferent , till he declare this or that to be sin , according to his pleasure ; nor is there any rule of sin to us , but that revealed pleasure . this consequence , i believe , will be granted , admitting the supposition . but you will say , it may be , after god hath declar'd such and such things to be sin , they are so , and he cannot be the author of them . and why not , i pray ? i desire to know , what binds him to his word ? to this order or declaration he hath made ? it must be something antecedent to his will , and , in that respect , superiour : which if you allow , we have all we desire , an original standard for sin and holiness ; namely , the divine nature and essential perfections : a law from which the divine will can never deviate ; nor we , without sin , ever transgrefs . then , on the other hand , as to holiness , what definition or idea can you give us of it , according to this principle ? is holiness onely a due care and concern for our interest and happiness , present and future ? that 's a good thing , and very necessary ; but 't is rather prudence or wisdom , than holiness , in the proper sense of the word . suppose then you say , holiness is a conformity to the will of god : that also is very true ; for the divine will is never contrary to the divine nature : but this is not the original notion of intrinsick holiness , into which 't is ultimately resolv'd ; this is not the archetype . intrinsick holiness is a conformity to the divine nature , according to our capacities ; being like to god , and partakers of his perfections , pure as he is pure , so far as the measures of humanity will permit . this , i think , is clear in reason , and i m sure 't is confirm'd by good authorities ; that of revelation , and also that of the best esteem'd philosophers that have writ about morality . and furthermore , how can we know ( antecedently to revelation ) what the will of god is , or what he hath appointed to be good or evil , sin or holiness ? i say , how can you know this , if you do not know it from the immutable nature of god , and the immutable differences of good and evil ? and there will be the same difficulty to know or ascertain future punishments and rewards , without , or with a revelation : for tho' you have a revelation , if there be no immovable rules of good and evil , just and unjust ; nor any fixt rule of right betwixt god and his creatures , you can never be assur'd of performance , whatsoever is promis'd or threatned . there may be a reveal'd and a secret will , for any thing you know : and we may follow one , and the other be finally executed , according to a secret intention ; which will lay a ground for an incurable scepticism . but i have noted before , how these principles , upon another account , render the whole future state uncertain , and therefore prosecute it no further at present . i think you should tell us also , what is the love of god ( the fountain of vertue and piety ) according to your principles ; and how it is distinguish'd from self love : which , in your way , it seems to be in the last resolution of it . we love god ; but why ? not for his sake , but for our own sake ; because he will reward our love and obedience . without this motive , you seem to leave no argument to love him , or vertue , or piety : we may fear and admire an eternal , almighty , all knowing being : but if he have no other attributes , as i do not find you have prov'd any more , you lay no foundation for the love of god , nor for the love of vertue and piety . those verses express my sense in this particular : oderunt peccare mali , formidine poenae : oderunt peccare boni , virtutis amore . but your principles turn the latter verse another way ; oderunt peccare boni , mercedis amore . how , pray you , upon these principles , do you preserve the distinction ( that good old distinction , which it may be you despise ) of bonum utile & honestum ? in your way , either the parts are coincident , or bonum utile is superior to bonum honestum . 't is an open and free saying of tully's , but was always thought to have good sense in it , perspicuum est , nisi aequitas , fides , justitia , proficiscantur à naturâ , & si omnia haec ad utilitatem referantur , virum bonum non posse reperiri . many , you know , of our best authors in morality have spoken things to the same sense . in like manner , the distinction of positive laws , and natural or moral laws , seems to be confounded , if you make both to depend upon the arbitrary will of god. at least , these things need a further explication , if , according to this new way , you make them both to have the same ground and measure . give me leave to add one consideration more : as the reasons of good and evil , so likewise of true and false , seem to be unstable and unsettled , according to these principles . for , if the difference of true and false be immutable , or not determin'd by the arbitrary will of god , i see no reason why we should not make the same judgment as to the difference of good and evil ; or why moral truths should not be as fixt and unalterable as any other . let us take a proposition in mathematicks , and another in morality : suppose , in the former , that which is often made use of , that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right ones : and in morals , that it is a wicked thing for a man maliciously to kill his friend , or his father , or any innocent person . the truth of this seems to me as clear , eternal , and unalterable , as the other . there is a rectitude and obliquity in actions , as well as in lines , a congruity or incongruity . 't is true , moral cases are commonly more complex , and so not so easily stated ; but in those that are simple and general , or clearly stated , propositions about them are as certain as other truths . in every moral action or moral case there is a right and a wrong , as much as every number is even or odd , or every line straight or crooked . and the relations of moral things seem to me as necessary , as the relations of figures and numbers . i am also apt to believe , that the differences of good and evil , just and unjust , turpis & honesti , would be as sensible to us ( in nature pure ) as physical or mathematical differences ; as smeet and sowr , straight and crooked ; if interest , appetities , passions , and lusts did not deprave our taste and judgments in those intellectual things . which prejudices and brutish inclinations take no place , you know , in physical or mathematical speculations . sir , if you please to let us know your grounds of morality ( mathematically demonstrable ) as plainly as i have done mine , 't is all that i desire as to this particular . and in all other things , i think , 't is enough to express our thoughts clearly , with our reasons for them . more is not needful amongst persons that have no other design than to find out truth , by comparing the opinions of others with their own , and weighing the reasons on both sides . for a man to attend to his own thoughts and conceptions , and the best light he hath ; not to speak by roat , and blindly follow either new or receiv'd opinions , is so far commendable . but whether his principles and conclusions are just , and proportionate to the nature of things , is a further question , and must be left to time and trial. every man would be willing to know the sense of the authors that he reads , the state of their principles with their consequences ( especially as to moral things ) that he might make a sure judgment of them . i am sensible that when men have a different set of ideas and first principles , they may be easily mistaken in judging of one anothers meaning , or in drawing consequences from one anothers principles : but that , methinks , ought to give no offence ; but rather to be gently rectified ( without ill language ) by the authors themselves , who best know their own mind . and as i find that you say you are often at a loss in understanding the lord bishop of worcester's remarks upon some of your notions , so i hope you will not think it strange if i am sometimes at a loss also how to understand your writings ; which , we may reasonably presume , are not more clear , either as to sense or words . you tell me in your answer , that i pretend to have writ that letter to be inform'd : and so i did ; but withal gave you some reasons for my doubts . will you not allow a learner to desire his master to explain himself , when he does not understand his dictates ? and also to propose objections , when his teacher's sense seems to him contrary to reason ? we are taught by your self , not to give up our assent to the authority of others , without good evidence ; and you make it one great cause of errour , to relie blindly upon the opinions of others . i hope therefore i have obey'd your precepts in this , as i am ready to do in all other things that are reasonable . i can truly and sincerly say , that i do not write out of any spirit of opposition , nor for any by-ends whatsoever ; but for my own instruction and satisfaction , and for the discovery of truth in those great points . when i doubt of your sense , if you please to direct me ; and when i make objections , if you please to answer them , i have my design ; and desire onely that the merits of the cause may be spoken to on either hand , without course language , and personal reflexions , which , i think , is your own advice . * in your conclusion you tell me again of my fault , in not setting my name to my paper , in these hard , words ; to conclude , were there nothing else in it , i should not think it fit to trouble my self about the questions of a man , which he himself does not think wortby owning . to which i answer , tho' in some cases i think the sense is more impartially consider'd ( without favour or prejudice ) when the author is unknown ; yet if that will satisfie you , do you put your name to all the books and pamphlets you have writ , and i will put my name to this ; how unusual soever it is to put a name to such small papers . sir , your humble servant . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a30485-e160 answ. p. 3. pag. 4. remarks , p. 5 pag. 4. pag. 5. pag. 5 , 6. pag. 74 , 75. effay , p. 44. pag. 68 . fect . 10. p. 44 , 45. & lib. 2. c. 27. pag. 180. sect . 6. pag. 272. p. 17. sect . 5 , 6. p. 192. sect . 5. p. 86. sect . 19. p. 197. sect . 2. de fin . bon. & mal. c. 18 . pag. 2. essay , p. 405. sect . 17. * no bodies notions , i think , are the better or truer , for ill-manners joined with them ; and i conclude , your lordship , who so well knows the different cast of mens heads , and of the opinions that possess them , will not think it ill manners in any one , if his notions differ from your lordship's , and that he owns that difference , and explains the grounds of it as well as be can : i have always thought , that truth and knowledge , by the ill and over-eager management of controversies , lose a great deal of the advantages they might receive from the variety of conceptions there is in mens understandings . could the heats , and passions , and ill language be left out of them , they would afford great improvements to those who could separate them from by-interests and personal prejudices . answer to the bishop of worcester , p. 222. philosophicall fancies. written by the right honourable, the lady newcastle. newcastle, margaret cavendish, duchess of, 1624?-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a53057 of text r202988 in the english short title catalog (wing n865). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 124 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 60 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a53057 wing n865 estc r202988 99863099 99863099 115281 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53057) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115281) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 189:e1474[1]) philosophicall fancies. written by the right honourable, the lady newcastle. newcastle, margaret cavendish, duchess of, 1624?-1674. [24], 94, [2] p. printed by tho: roycroft, for j. martin, and j. allestrye, at the bell in st. pauls church-yard, london : 1653. partly in verse. the last leaf is blank. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 21.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng conduct of life -early works to 1800. mind and body -early works to 1800. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. good and evil -early works to 1800. virtue -early works to 1800. a53057 r202988 (wing n865). civilwar no philosophicall fancies. written by the right honourable, the lady newcastle. newcastle, margaret cavendish, duchess of 1653 18822 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion philosophicall fancies . written by the right honourable , the lady newcastle . london , printed by tho : roycroft , for j. martin , and j. allestrye , at the bell in st. pauls church-yard , 1653. a dedication to fame . to thee , great fame , i dedicate this peece . though i am no philosopher of greece ; yet do not thou my workes of thoughts despise , because they came not from the ancient , wise . nor do not think , great fame , that they had all the strange opinions , wich we learning call . for nature's unconfin'd , and gives about her severall fancies , without leave , no doubt . shee 's infinite , and can no limits take , but by her art , as good a brain may make . although shee 's not so bountifull to me , yet pray accept of this epitome . an epistle to time . swift , ever-moving time , i write to thee , to crave thy pardon , if ill spent thou be . but i did chuse this way , thinking it best : for by my writing i do none molest . i injure none , nor yet disturb their way , i slander none , nor any one betray . if i do wast thee in a musing thought , yet i take paines , my braines constantly wrought . for in three weeks begun , and finisht all these philosophicall fancies , which i call . if thou thinkst much , that i should spend thee so , to write of that , i can but guesse , not know ; i le tell thee time , thou mayst bee worser spent , in wanton waies , which some call merriment . let me tell thee , this better pleaseth me , then if i spent thee in fine pageantry . a request to time . time , prethee be content , and let me write ; i le use thee better then the carpet knight , or amorous ladies , which doe dance , and play , casting their modesty , and fame away . i humbly cast mine eyes downe to the ground , or shut them close , while i a fancy found . and in a melancholy posture sit , with musing thoughts , till i more fancies get . besides , deare time , nature doth not me give such store of health , to hope i old shall live . then let me give my youth the most content , which is to write , and send it to the print . if any like my fancies when they 'r read , my time 's rewarded , though my body's dead . if they do not , my son'e will lye at rest , because my life did think , what 's harmlesse , best . an epistle to my braine . i wonder , braine , thou art so dull , when there was not a day , but wit past , through the yeare . for seven yeares 't is , since i have married bin ; which time , my braine might be a magazine , to store up wise discourse , naturally sent , in fluent words , which free , and easie went . if thou art not with wit inrich'd thereby , then uselesse is the art of memory . but thou , poor braine , hard ftozen art with cold , words seales , of wit , will neither print , nor hold . an epistle to a troubled fancy . fancies in sleep are visions , dreames we call , rais'd in the braine to sport themselves withall . sometimes they take delight to fright the minde , taking strange shapes , not like to natures kinde . after the soule they hunt , and run about , as from the body they would thrust it out . but if they are in humour kind , and good , in pleasing shapes before the minde they stood . an epistle to contemplation . i contemplating by a fires side , in winter cold , my thoughts would hunting ride . and after fancies they do run a race , if lose them not , they have a pleasant chase . if they do catch the hare , or kill the deere , they dresse them strait in verse , and make good cheere . an epistle to my musefull thoughts . thoughts , trouble not the soule with falling out , siding in factions , with feare , hope and doubt . but with the muses dance in measur'd feet , taking out all the fancies as you meet . some fancies are like wilde , and toyish girles , and some are sober , grave ; others are churles . let those that sober , sad , a pavin measure , corantoes are the lighter fancies pleasure . let churlish fancies dance with crabbed feet , in numbers odd , not even , smooth , nor sweet . another to the thoughts . my thoughts lye close imprison'd in the minde , unlesse through strange opinions passage finde . but when they finde a way , they run so fast , no reason can perswade to stay their hast . then they strait seek a credit for to win , perswading all they meet to follow them : and with their rhetoricke hope they to grow strong , striving to get beleife , as they go on . if contradiction chance to stop their way , they strait flye out , and oft times run away . and seldome they do back return again , to rally , or to muster in the brain . but the weak braine is forc'd more thoughts to raise , striving to get a victory of praise . reason , and the thoughts . thoughts , run not in such strange phantastick waies , nor take such paines to get a vulgar praise . the world will scorne , and say , you are all fooles , because you are not taught in common schooles . the world will think you mad , because you run not the same track , that former times have done . turn foolish thoughts , walke in a beaten path , or else the world ridiculously will laugh . reason forbeare , our study not molest , for wee do goe those waies that please us best . nature doth give us liberty to run , without a check , more swift far then the sun . but if we jar , and sometimes disagree , by thy disputes , we run unevenly . but prethee reason trouble us no more , for if you prate , wee 'l thrust you out of doore . to sir charles cavendish , my noble brother-in-law . sir , to forget to divulge your noble favours to me , in any of my works , were to murther gratitvde ; which i will never be guilty of : and though i am your slave , being manacl'd with chaines of obligation , yet my chaines feele softer then silke , and my bondage is pleasanter then freedome ; because i am bound to your selfe , who are a person so full of generosity , as you delight in bounty , and take pleasure to relieve the necessitated condition of your friends ; and what is freely given , is comfortably receiv'd , and a satisfaction to the minde . for , should a bountifull hand be joyn'd to repining thoughts , it would be like a gilded statue made of rotten wood . but your minde is the mint of virtues , which makes them currant coyne ; which i will never clip with a silent tongue , nor change with an unthankfull heart ; but locke it up with the key of admiration , in the chest of affection . i shall not feare to be turn'd out of your favour , though my deserts make me not worthy to dwell therein ; because you are so constant to charity , and so compassionate to misery ; so adverse to covetousnesse , so arm'd against mis-fortunes , so valiant in friendship , so victorious in naturall affections , as you are the conquerour of all merit . and may you ride in triumph on fame round the vniverse , untill the expiring thereof . thus doth your humble servant joy in your love , proud of your favour , glorie in your fame , and will die in your service . m. n. to the reader . noble readers , if this worke is not so well wrought , but that you may finde some false stitches ; i must let you understand it was huddl'd up in such hast , ( out of a desire to have it joyned to my booke of poems ) as i took not so much time , as to consider throughly ; for i writ it in lesse then three weekes ; and yet for all my hast , it came a weeke too short of the presse . besides my desire ( to have those works printed in england , which i wrote in england , before i leave england ) perswaded me to send it to the presse , without a further inlargement . but i imagine my readers will say , that there is enough , unless it were better . i can only say , i wish it were so good , as to give satisfaction : howsoever i pleased my selfe in the study of it . the table . of matter , and motion , page 1. of the forme , and the minde , 2. of eternall matter , 3. of infinite matter , 4. there is no proportion in nature , ib. of one kinde of matter , 5. of infinite knowledge , ib. there is no judge in nature , ib. of perfection , 6. of inequalities , ib. of unities , 8. of thin , and thick matter , ib. of vacuum , 9. the unity of nature , ib of division , 10 the order of nature , ib. of war , and no absolute power , 11. of power , ib. similizing the spirits , or innate motion , of operation , 13. of natural , or sensitive war . 14. of annihilation , ib. of life , 15. of change , 20. of youth , and growth , 21. of increasing , 22. of decay , 23. of dead , and death , 24. of locall shapes , 25. this visible motions in animals , vegetables , and minerals , 26. of the working of the severall motions of nature , 27. of the minde , 30. of their severall dances , and figures , 31. the sympathy , and antipathy of spirits , 33. the sympathy of sensitive , and rationall spirits in one figure , 36. the sympathy of the rationall , and sensitive spirits , to the figure they make , and inhabit , 37. of pleasure , and paine , 38. of the minde , ib. of thinking , or the minde , and thoughts , 41. of the motions of the spirits , 42. of the creation of the animall figure . 45. of the gathering of the spirits , 47. the moving of innate matter , 49. of matter , motion , and knowledge , or understanding , 52. of the animall figure , 54. what an animall is , 55. of sense , and reason , exercis'd in their different shapes , 56. of the dispersing of the rationall spirits , 63. of the senses , 64. of motion that makes light , 65. of opticks , ib. of the flowing of the spirits , 66. of motion , and matter , 67. of the braine , 68. of darknesse , ib. of the sun , 69. of the clouds , ib. of the motion of the planets , 70. of the motion of the sea , ib. i speak not here of deiaticall infinites , but of grosse infinites , such , as philosophers call chaos . of matter and motion . there is no first matter , nor first motion ; for matter and motion are infinite , and being infinite , must consequently be eternall ; and though but one matter , yet there is no such thing , as the whole matter , that is , as one should say , all . and though there is but one kinde of matter , yet there are infinite degrees of matter , as thinner and thicker , softer and harder , weightier and lighter ; and as there is but one matter , so there is but one motion , yet there are infinite degrees of motion , as swifter and slower ; and infinite changes of motion : and although there is but one matter , yet there are infinite of parts in that matter , and so infinites of figures : if infinite figures , infinite sizes ; if infinite sizes , infinite degrees of higness , and infinite degrees of smalnesse , infinite thicknesse , infinite thinnesse , infinite lightnesse , infinite weightinesse ; if infinite degrees of motion , infinite degrees of strengths ; if infinite degrees of strengths , infinite degrees of power , and infinite degrees of knowledge , and infinite degrees of sense . of the form , and the minde . as i sayd , there is but one matter , thinner and thicker , which is the forme , and the minde , that is , matter moving , or matter moved ; likewise there is but one motion , though slower or swifter moving severall wayes ; but the slower or weaker motions are no lesse motion , then the stronger or swifter . so matter that is thinnest or thickest , softest or hardest , yet it is but one matter ; for if it were divided by degrees , untill it came to an atome , that atome would still be the same matter , as well as the greatest bulk . but we cannot say smallest , or biggest , thickest or thinnest , softest or hardest in infinite . eternall matter . that matter which was solid , and weighty from all eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was spungie , and light from all eternity , may be so eternally ; and what had innate motion from eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was dull without innate motion from eternity , may be so eternally : for if the degrees could change , then there might be all thin , and no thicke , or all thicke , and no thin , all hard , no soft , and fluid , or all fluid , and no solidity . for though contracting and dilating may bring and joyne parts together , or separate parts asunder , yet those parts shall not be any other wayes , then by nature they were . of infinite matter . infinite matter cannot have exact forme , or figure , because it hath no limits : but being divided by motion into severall parts , those parts may have perfect figures , so long as those figures last ; yet these parts cannot be taken from the infinite body . and though parts may be divided in the body infinite , and joyned severall wayes , yet infinite can neither be added , nor diminished ; yet division is as infinite , as the matter divided . no proportion in nature . in nature there is no such thing , as number , or quantity ; for number , & quantity have only reference to division : neither is there any such thing as time in eternity ; for time hath no reference but to the present , if there be any such thing as present . of one kinde of matter . although there may be infinite degrees of matter , yet the nature , and kind of matter is finite : for infinite of severall kindes of matter would make a confusion . of infinite knowledge . there can be no absolute knowledge , if infinite degrees of knowledge ; nor no absolute power , if there be infinite degrees of strength : nor present , if infinite degrees of motion . no judge in nature . no intreaty , nor petition can perswade nature , nor any bribes an corrupt , or alter the course of nature . justly there can be no complaints made against nature , nor to nature . nature can give no redresse . there are no appeales can be made , nor causes determined , because nature is infinite , and eternall : for infinite cannot be confined , or prescribed , setled , or altered , rul'd , or dispos'd , because the effects are as infinite as the causes : and what is infinite , hath no absolute power : for what is absolute , is finite . finite cannot tel how infinite doth flow , nor how infinite matter moveth to and fro . for infinite of knowledge cannot guess of infinite of matter , more , or lesse : nor infinite of causes cannot finde the infinite effects of every kinde . of perfection . in infinite can no perfection be , for why ? perfection is in unity ? in infinite no union can combine , for that has neither number , point , nor line ; though infinite can have no figure , yet not lye all confu'sd in heaps together . of inequalities . if infinites have infinite degrees , and none a like to make equalities . as if a haire be cut with curious arts , innumerable , but unequall parts , and that not any part alike shall be , how shall we joyn , to make them well agree ? if every one is like it selfe alone , there cannot be , unlesse three equal ones . if one , and one make two ; and two , and two make foure , yet there must be two equall ones to make two , and two equall twos to make foure . and as two and one make three , yet there must be two equall ones joyned to a single one , to make three , or three equall single ones to joyn in three . the like is in weight , and measure , in motion and strength . of unities . in infinite if infinite degrees , then those degrees may meet in unities . and if one man should have the strength of foure , then foure to equal him will be no more . as if one line should be in four parts cut , shall equall the same lino together put ; so two and one , though odd , is three ; yet three and three shall equall be . like those that equall spaces backwards go , to those that 's forward , equalls them we know . like buckets in a well , if empty be , as one descends , the other ascends , we see so motions , though they 'r crosse , may well agree , as oft in musick make a harmony . there is no vacuity . in nature if degrees may equall be , all may be full , and no vacuity . as boxes small , & smaller may containe , so bigger , and bigger must there be again . infinite may run contracting , & dilating , still , still , by degrees without a separating . of thin , and thick matter . thus may thin matter into solid run , and by its motion , make thick matter turne . in severall wayes , and fashions , as it will , although dull matter of it selfe lye still : t is not , that solid matter moves in thin , for that is dull , but thin which moves therein . like marrow in the bones , or bloud in veines . or thinner matter which the bloud containes . like heat in fire , the effect is strait to burne , so matter thin makes solid matter run . of vacuum . if infinite inequallity doth run , then must there be in infinite vacuum . for what 's unequall , cannot joyned be so close , but there will be vacuity . the unity of nature . nature tends to unity , being but of a kinde of matter : but the degrees of this matter being thinner , and thicker , softer , and harder , weightier , and lighter , makes it , as it were , of different kinde , when t is but different degrees : like severall extractions , as it were out of one and the same thing ; and when it comes to such an extract , it turnes to spirits , that is , to have an innate motion . of division . the severall degrees of matter cause division by different motion , making severall figures , erecting , and dissolving them , according as their matter moves , this makes motion , and figure alwayes to be in war , but not the matter ; for it is the severall effects that disagree , but not the causes : for the eternall matter is allwayes in peace , as being not subject to change ; but motion , and figure , being subject to change , strive for superiority : which can never be , because subject to change . the order of nature . the reason , that there is not a confusion in nature , but an orderly course therein , is , the eternall matter is allwayes one , and the same : for though there are infinite degrees , yet the nature of that matter never alters . but all variety is made according to the severall degrees , & the severall degrees do palliate , and in some sense make an equality in infinite ; so as it is not the severall degrees of matter , that strive against each other , but severall motions drive them against one another . of war , and no absolute power . the reason , that all things make war upon one another , is , the severall (†) degrees of matter , the contradiction of motion , and the degrees , and the advantage of the shapes of (†) figures alwayes striving . of power . there is no absolute power , because power is infinite , and the infinitenesse hinders the absolutenesse : for if there were an absolute power , there would be no dispute ; but because there is no absolute power , there would be no dispute ; but because there is no absolute power , therefore there are disputes , and will be eternally : for the severall degrees of matter , motion , and figure strive for superiority , making faction by (†) sympathy , and fraction , by (†) antipathy . similizing the spirits , or innate matter . the spirits , or essences in nature are like quick-silver : for say it be fluid , it will part into little sphaericall bodyes , running about , though it be nere so small a quantity : and though they are sphaericall , yet those figures they make by severall , and subtle motion , may differ variously , and infinitely . this innate matter is a kind of god , or gods to the dull part of matter , having power to forme it , as it please : and why may not every degree of innate matter be , as severall gods , and so a stronger motion be a god to the weaker , and so have an infinite , and eternall government ? as we will compare motions to officers , or magistrates . the constable rules the parish , the mayor the constable , the king the mayor , and some higher power the king : thus infinite powers rule eternity . or againe thus , the constable rules the hundred , the mayor rules the city , the king the kingdome , and caesar the world . thus may dull matter over others rule , according as 't is † shap'd by motions tool . so innate matter governs by degree , according as the stronger motions be . of operation . all things in the world have an operative power ; which operation is made by sympatheticall motions , and antipatheticall motions , in severall figures . for the assisting operation is caused by one , the destructive operation by another ; like poyson , and cordialls , the one kills , the other cures : but operations are as infinite , as motions . naturall , or sensitive war . all naturall war is caused either by a sympatheticall motion , or an antipatheticall motion . for naturall warre , and peace proceed from selfe-preservation , which belongs only to the figure ; for nothing is annihilated in nature , but the particular prints , or severall shapes that motion makes of matter ; which motion in every figure strives to maintaine what they have created : for when some figures destroy others , it is for the maintenance or security of themselves : and when the destruction is , for food , it is sympatheticall motion , which makes a particular appetite , or nourishment from some creatures to others ; but an antipatheticall motion , that makes the destruction . of annihilation . there can be no annihilation in nature : not particular motions , and figures , because the matter , remaines hat was the cause of those motions and figures . as for particular figures , although every part is separated that made such a figure , yet it is not annihilated ; because those parts remaine that made it . so as it is not impossible but the same particular figures may be erected by the same motions , that joynd those parts , and in the matter may repeat the same motion eternally so by succession : and the same matter in a figure may be erected , and dispersed eternally . thus the dispersing of the matter into particular figures by an alteration of motion , we call death ; and the joyning of parts to create a figure , we call life . death is a separation , life is a contraction . of life . life is the extract , or spirit of common matter : ( † ) this extract is agile , being alwayes in motion ; for the thinnesse of this matter causes the subtelty of the quality , or property which quality , or property is to work upon all dull matter . this essence , or life , which are spirits of sense , move of themselves : for the dull part of matter moves not , but as it is moved thereby . their common motions are foure . atractive . retentive . digestive . expulsive . atractive is that which we call growth , or youth . retentive , is that we call strength . digestive is that we call health , that is an equall distribution of parts to parts , and agreeing of those sprits . expulsive is that which we call death , or decay . the attractive spirits gather , and draw the materialls together . the digestive spirits do cut and carve out every thing . the retentive do fit , and lay them in their proper places . the expulsive do pull down , and scatter them about . those spirits most commonly move according to the matter they worke on . for in spungy and in porous light matter , their motion is quick ; in solid , and weighty , their motion is slower . for the solid parts are not onely dull , and immoveable in themselves , but they hinder and * obstruct those spirits of sense , and though they cut and peirce through all , yet it is with more labour , and slower motion ; for their motions change according to the quantity and quality of that matter they meet with ; for that which is porous and spungy , the figures that they forme that matter in , are sooner made , and suddenlier destroyed , then that which is more combustible . this is the reason mineralls last longer then vegetables and animals , because that matter is both tougher and harder to worke on , then vegetables and animals are . these sensitive spirits we may similize to severall workmen , being alwayes busily imployed , removing , lifting , carrying , driving , drawing , digging , and the like . and although these spirits are of substance thinner then dull matter , yet they are stronger by reason of their subtlety , and motion , which motion gives them power : for they are of an acute quality , being the vitrioll , as it were , of nature , cut and divide all that opposeth their way . now these spirits although they be infinite , yet we cannot thinke them so grosse an infinite , as combustible matter , yet those thinner infinites may cut , and carve the thicker infinites all into severall figures : like as aqua-fort is will eate into the hardest iron , and divide it into small parts . as i have sayd before , the spirits of life worke according as the matter is , for every thing is shap'd according to the solidity of the matter ; like as a man which builds a house , makes the beames of the house of such wood , which is tough , and strong , because he knows otherwise it will breake , by reason of the great weight they are to bear ; but to make laths he takes his wood and cuts it thin , that the nayls may easier passe through , so joyning and fitting severall forts to proper uses to build his house . or like a cooke when he 's to raise a pye , must take stiffe dough ; for otherwise it will not onely fall before it be finished , but it cannot be raised , and to make the lids to cover his pye , hee must use a softer paste , otherwise it will not rowle thinn ; thus a stiffe paste is not fit for a lid , nor a thinner paste for to raise a pye ; it may make a cake , or so . so the spirits of life must make figures , as the matter is fit , and proper thereto , for the figure of man or the like ; the spirits of life take the solid and hard matter for the * bones : the glutinous matter for the sinews , nerves , muscles . and the like ; and the oyly matter for flesh , fat , marrow . so the fluid for blood , and such like matter . and the spirits themselves do give this dull matter , motion , not onely in the building of the figure , but to make the figure move when it is built . now the spirits of life , or lively spirits do not onely move dull and in moving matter , but makes that matter to move , and worke upon others ; for some kinde of figures shall make † another to resemble it selfe , though not just be as it selfe is made , but as the shadow like the substance ; for it workes as a hand that is guided by another , and not of its owne strength : that is the reason , arts have not so much persection as nature . the copy is not so lively as the originall ; for the spirits of life move , and work of their own strength , and the dull matter by the strength of the spirits . of change . the change of motion in severall figures makes all change and difference in the world , and their severall properties and effects thereto . and that which we call death , or corruption , is not * an absence of life , but an expulsive motion which doth annihilate those figures , that erecting motion hath made . so death is an annihilation of the print , not of the mould of figures ; for the moulds of those figures of mankinde , beast , or plant , of all kinds whatsoever , shall never be annihilated so long as motion and matter last , which may alwayes be ; for the mould of all figures is in the power of motion , and the substance of matter . of youth , or growth . thus spirits of sense work according to the substance of the matter : for if the matter be porous and light , they form those figures quicker , and dissolve them suddenly : but if their matter be solid and hard , they worke slower , which makes some figures longer ere they come to perfection , and not so easily undone . and if their strength be too weake for the matter they worke upon , as wanting helpe , then the figure is imperfect , and mishapen , as we say . this is the reason animals & vegetables , which are young , have not so great strength as when they are full growne ; because there are fewer spirits , and the materialls are loose and unsetled , not knockt close : but by degrees more spirits gather together , which helpe to forward their worke , bring in materialls by food , setling them by nourishment , carrying out by evacuations that matter that is unusefull , and that rubbish and chips , as i may say , which would hinder their motion . if they bring in unusefull matter , their figure increases not , as we say , thrives not . and if they carry out the principall materials , the figure decayes , and falls downe . but those parts of matter which are not spirits , do not carry that part of matter which is spirit , but the spirits carry the dull matter . thus the spirits , the innated matter , move in dull matter , and dull matter moveth by the spirits ; and if the matter be fine , and not grosse , which they build withall , and their motion be regular , then the figure is beautifull and well proportioned . of increasing . the reason that the corruption of one figure is the cause of making of another of the same kinde , is , not onely , that it is of such a tempered matter that can onely make such a kinde of figure ; but that the spirits make figures according to their strength : so that the spirits that are in the seed , when they have undone the figure they are in , by a generall expulsion , which we call corruption , they begin to create againe another figure of the same kinde , if no greater power hinder it . for the matter that is proper , to make such like figures , is fitted , or temper'd to their strengths . so as the temper of the matter , and the strength of the spirits , are the erectors of those figures eternally . and the reason , that from one seed , lesse , or more numbers are increased and raisd , is , that though few begin the work , more will come to their help ; and as their numbers are increased , their figures are more , or lesse , weaker , or stronger . of decay . when spirits of life have created a figure , and brought it to perfection ; if they did not pull it down again they would be idle having no work to do ; and idlenesse is against the nature of life , being a perpetuall mption . for as soon as a figure is perfected , the spirits generally move to an expulsive motion . this is the reason , that age hath not that strength as full-growth : but like an old house falling down by degrees , shed their haires or leaves , instead of tiles , the windowes broke downe , and stopped with rubbish . so eyes in animals grow hollow and dimme . and when the foundation of a house is loose , every little wind shakes it . so when the nerves being slack , and the muscles untyed , and the joynts unhing'd , the whole body is weak , and tottering , which we call palsies : which palsies , as the wind , shakes . the blood , as the springe dries up , rheumes as raine fals down , and vapours , as dust , flye up . of dead , and death . dead is , where there is a generall alteration of such motion , as is proper to such figures . but death is an annihilation of that print , or figure , by an expulsive motion : and as that figure dissolves , the spirits disperse about , carrying their severall burthens to the making of other figures . like as a house that is ruin'd by time , or spoyled by accident ; the severall materials are imployed to other uses ; sometimes to the building of an house again . but a house is longer a building then a pulling down , by reason of the cutting , carving , laying , carrying , placing , and fitting every part to make them joyn together ; so all the works of nature are sooner dissolv'd then created . of locall shapes . some shapes have power over others , but t is not alwaies in the size , or bulck of the figure , but in the manner of their formes that gives advantage , or disadvantage . a little mouse will run through the snowt of a great elephant : a little flye will sting a great figure to death ; a worm will wind through a thick body ; the lions force lies in his clawes , the horses in his hoofe , the dogs in his teeth , the bulls in his hornes , and mans in his armes , and hands ; birdes in their bills , and talons : and the manner of their shapes gives them severall properties , or faculties . as the shape of a bird causes them to flye , a worm to creep , the shape of a beast to run , the shape of fish to swim ; yet some flye swifter , and higher then others , as their wings are made : so some run nimbler then others , according as their limbs are made ; and some swim glider then others , according as their fins are made . but man surpasses the shape of all other creatures ; because he hath a part , as it were , of every shape . but the same motion , and the same matter , without the shape , could not give such externall properties ; since all internall properties are wrought out of dull matter . so as it is their shapes , joyned with such motions proper thereunto , that give strength , & agilenesse . but the internall qualities may be alike in every figure ; because rationall spirits worke not upon dull matter , but figures themselves . the visible motion in animals , vegetables , and minerals . the externall motions of animals are , running , turning , winding , tumbling , leaping , jumping , shoving , throwing , darting , climbing , creeping , drawing , heaving , lifting , carrying , holding , or staying , piercing , digging flying , swimming , diving . the internall motion , is , contriving , directing , examining , comparing , or judging , contemplating , or reasoning , approving , or disapproving , resolving . from whence arise all the passions , and severall dispositions . these , and the like , are the visible , internall motions in animals . the internall motions of vegetables , and minerals , are in operation ; as , contracting , dilating ; which is attractive , retentive , digestive , expulsive . the vegetables externall motion , is , increasing , decreasing , that is enlarging , or lasting ; although there may be matter not moving , yet there is no matter , which is not moved . of the working of severall motions of nature . motions do work according as they finde matter , that 's fit , and proper for each kinde . sensitive spirits work not all one way , but as the matter is , they cut , carve , lay . joyning together matter , solid light , and build , & form some figures streight upright ; or make them bending , and so jutting out : and some are large , and strong , and big about . and some are thick , and hard , and close unite ; others are flat , and low , and loose , and light . but when they meet with matter , fine , and thin , then they do weave , as spiders when they spin : all that is woven is soft , smooth , thin things , as flowry vegetables , & animall skins . observe the graine of every thing , you le see , like inter-woven threads lye evenly . and like to diaper , & damask wrought , in severall workes , that for our table 's bought . or like to carpets which the persian made , or sattin smooth , which is the florence trade . some matter they ingrave , like ring , and seale , which is the stamp of natures common-weale . t is natures armes , where she doth print on all her works , as coyne that 's in the mint . some severall sorts they joyn together glu'd . as matter solid , with some that 's fluid . like to the earthly ball , where some are mixt of severall sorts , although not fixt . for though the figure of the earth may last longer then others ; yet at last may waste . and so the sun , and moon , and planets all , like other figures , at the last may fall . the matter 's still the same , but motion may alter it into figures every way : yet keepe the property , to make such kind of figures fit , which motion out can find . thus may the figures change , if motion hurles that matter of her waies , for other worlds . of the minde . there is a degree of stronger spirits then the sensitive spirits , as it were the essence of spirits ; as the spirit of spirits : this is the minde , or soule of animalls . for as the sensitive spirits are a weak knowledge , so this is a stronger knowledge . as to similize them , i may say , there is as much difference betwixt them , as aqua fortis , to ordinary vitrioll . these rationall spirits , as i may call them , worke not upon dull matter , as the sensitive spirits do ; but only move in measure , and number , which make figures ; which figures are thoughts , as memory , understanding , imaginations , or fancy , and remembrance , and will . thus these spirits moving in measure , casting , and placing themselves into figures make a consort , and harmony by numbers . where the greater quantity , or numbers , are together of those rationall spirits , the more variety of figure is made by their severall motion , they dance severall dances according to their company . of their severall dances , or figures . what object soever is presented unto them by the senses , they straite dance themselves into that figure ; this is memory . and when they dance the same figure without the helpe of the outward object , this is remembrance when they dance figures of their owne invention , ( as i may say ) then that is imagination or fancie . understanding is when they dance perfectly ( as i may say ) not to misse the least part of those figures that are brought through the senses . will is to choose a dance , that is to move as they please , and not as they are perswaded by the sensitive spirits . but when their motion and measures be not regular , or their quantity or numbers sufficient to make the figures perfect , then is the minde weak and infirme , ( as i may say ) they dance out of time and measure . but where the greatest number of these , or quantity of these essences are met , and joyn'd in the most regular motion , there is the clearest understanding , the deepest judgement , the perfectest knowledge , the finest fancies , the more imagination , the stronger memory , the obstinatest will . but sometimes their motions may be regular ; but society is so small , so as they cannot change into so many severall figures : then we say he hath a weak minde , or a poor soule . but be their quantity or numbers few or great , yet if they move confusedly , and out of order , wee say the minde is distracted . and the reason the minde , or soule is improveable , or decayable , is , that the quantity or numbers are increaseable , or decreaseable , and their motions regular , and irregular . a feaver in the body is the same motion amongst the sensitive spirits , as madnesse is in the minde amongst the rationall spirits . so lkewise paine in the body is like those motions , that make griefe in the minde . so pleasure in the body is the like motions , as make delight , and joy in the minde , all convulsive motions in the body , are like the motions that cause feare in the minde . all expulsive motions amongst the rational spirits , are a dispersing their society ; as expulsity in the body , is the dispersing of dull matter by the sensitive spirits . all drugs have an opposite motion to the matter they work on , working by an expulsive motion ; and if they move strongly , having great quantity of spirits gathered together in a little dul matter , they do not only cast out superfluous matter , but pul down the very materials of a figure . but al cordials have a sympatheticall motion to the matter they meet , giving strength by their help to those spirits they finde tired : ( as one may say ) that it is to be over-power'd by opposite motions in dull matter . the sympathy , and antipathy of spirits . pleasure , and delight , discontent , and sorrow , which is love , and hate , is like light , and darknesse ; the one is a quick , equall , and free motion ; the other is a slow , irregular , and obstructed motion . when there is the like motion of rationall spirits in opposite figures , then there is a like understanding , and disposition . just as when there is the like motion in the sensitive spirits , then there is the like constitution of body . so when there is the like quantity laid in the same symmetry , then the figures agree in the same proportions , and lineaments of figures . the reason , that the rationall spirits in one figure , are delighted with the outward forme of another figure , is , that the motions of those sensitive spirits which move in that figure agree with the motion of the rationall spirits in the other . this is love of beauty ; and when the sensitive motions alter in the figure of the body , and the beauty decaies , then the motion of the rationall spirits alter , and the love , or goodliking ceases . if the motion of the rationall spirits are crosse to the motion of the sensitive spirits , in opposite figures , then it is dislike . so if the motion be just crosse , and contrary , of the rationall spirits in opposite figures , it is hate ; but if they agree , it is love . but these sympathies , which are made only by a likenesse of motions without an intermixture , last not longe ; because those spirits are at a distance , changing their motion without the knowledge , or consent of either side . but the way that the rationall spirits intermix , is , through the organs of the body , especially the eyes , and eares , which are the common doors , which let the spirits out , and in . for the vocall , and verbal motion from the mouth , carry the spirits through the eares down to the heart , where love , and hate is lodged . and the spirits from the eyes issue out in beames , and raies ; as from the sun , which heat , or scorch † the heart , which either raise a fruitful crop of love , making the ground fertile , or dries it so much , as makes it insipid , that nothing of good will grow there , unlesse stinking weeds of hate : but if the ground be fertile , although every crop is not so rich , as some , yet it never growes barren , unlesse they take out the strength with too much kindness ; as the old proverb , they kill with too much kindnesse ; which murther is seldome committed . but the rationall spirits † are apt to take surfet , as wel as sensitive spirits , which makes love , and good-will , so often to be ill rewarded , neglected , and disdain'd . the sympathy of sensitive , and rationall spirits in one figure . there is a stronge sympathy , and agreement , or affection ( as i may say ) betwixt the rationall spirits , and the sensitive spirits joyned in one figure : like fellow-labourers that assist one another , to help to finish their work . for when they disagree , as the rationall spirits will move one way sometimes , and the sensitive spirits another ; that is , when reason strives to abate the appetite of the senses ; yet it is by a loving direction , rather to admonish them by a gentle contrary motion for them to imitate , and follow in the like motions ; yet it is , as they alwayes agree at last ; like the father , and the son . for though the father rules by command , and the son obeies through obedience , yet the father out of love to his son , as willing to please him , submits to his delight , although (†) it is against his liking . so the rationall spirits oftimes agree with the motions of the sensitive spirits , although they would rather move another way . the sympathy of the rationall and sensitive spirits , to the figure they make , and inhabit . all the externall motion in a figure , is , by the sensitive spirits ; and all the internall , by the rationall spirits : and when the rationall , and sensitive spirits , disagree in opposite figures , by contrary motion , they oft war upon one another ; which to defend , the sensitive spirits , and rationall spirits , use all their force , and power in either figure ; to defend , or to assault , to succour , or to destroy , through an aversion made by contrary motions in each other . now the rationall spirits do not only choose the materialls for their defence , or assault , but do direct the sensitive spirits in the management thereof ; and according to the strength of the spirits of either side , the victory is gain'd , or lost . if the body be weak , there is lesse sensitive spirit , if the direction be not advantageous , there is lesse rationall spirit . but many times the alacrity of the rationall and sensitive spirits , made by moving in a regular motion , overcomes the greater numbers , being in a disorder'd motion . thus what is lost by scarcity , is regain'd by conformity and unity . of pleasure , and paine . all evacuations have an expulsive motion ; if the expulsive motion is regular , t is pleasure , if irregular , t is paine . indeed , all irregular , and crosse motion , is paine ; all regular motion is pleasure , and delight , being a harmony of motion , or a discord of motion . of the minde . imagine the rationall essence , or spirits , like little sphericall bodies of quick-silver several ways (†) placing themselves in several figures , sometimes moving in measure , and in order , and sometimes out of order : this quick-silver to be the minde , and their severall postures made by motion , the passions , and affections ; or all that is moving in a minde , to expresse those severall motions , is onely to be done by guesse , not by knowledge , as some few i will guesseat . love is , when they move in equall number , and even measure . hate is an opposite motion : feare is , when those small bodies tumble on a heap together without order . anger is , when they move without measure , and in no uniforme figure . inconstancy is , when they move swistly severall wayes . constancy is a circular motion . doubt , and suspition , and jealousie , are , when those small bodies move with odd numbers . hope is when those small bodies move like wilde geese , one after another . admiration is , when those sphericall bodies gather close together , knitting so , as to make such a circular figure ; and one is to stand for a center or point in the midst . humility is a creeping motion . joy is a hopping , skipping motion . ambition is a lofty motion , as to move upwards , or * higher then other motions . coveting , or ambition is like a flying motion , moving in severall figures like that which they covet for ; if they covet for fame , they put themselves into such figures , as letters do , that expresse words , which words are such praises as they would have , or such figures as they would have statues cutt , or pictures drawne : but all their motion which they make , is according to those figures with which they sympathize and agree : besides , their motion and figures are like the sound of musick ; though the notes differ , the cords agree to make a harmony : so several symmetries make a perfect figure , severall figures make a just number , and severall quantities or proportions make a just weight , and severall lines make an even measure : thus equall may be made out of divisions eternally , and infinitely . and because the figures and motions of the infinite spirits which they move , and make , are infinite , i cannot give a finall description : besides , their motion is so subtle , curious , and intricate , as they are past finding out . some naturall motions work so curious fine , none can perceive , unlesse an eye divine . of thinking , or the minde , and thoughts . one may think , and yet not of any particular thing ; that is , one may have sense , and not thoughts : for thoughts are when the minde takes a particular notice of some outward object , or inward idea ; but thinking is only a sense without any particular notice . as for example ; those that are in a great feare , and are amazed , the minde is in confus'd sense , without any particular thoughts : but when the minde is out of that amaze , it fixes it selfe on particulars , and then have thoughts of past danger ; but the minde can have no particular thought of the amaze ; for the minde cannot call to minde that which was not . likewise when we are asleep , the mind is not out of the body , nor the motion that makes the sense of the minde ceast , which is thinking ; but the motion that makes the thoughts therein work upon particulars . thus the minde may bee without thoughts , but thoughts cannot be without the minde : yet thoughts go out of the minde very oft , that is , such a motion to such a thing is ceast ; and when that motion is made again , it returns . thus thinking is the minde , and thoughts the effect thereof : thinking is an equall motion without a figure , or as when we feele heat , and see no fire . of the motions of the spirits . if it be , as probably it is , that all sensitive spirits live in dull matter ; so rationall spirits live in sensitive spirits , according to the shape of those figures that the sensitive spirits form them . the rationall spirits by moving severall waies , may make severall kindes of knowledge , and according to the motions of the sensitive spirits in their severall figures they make , though the spirits may be the same , yet their severall motions may be unknown to each other . like as a point , that writes upon a table-book , which when the letter that was writ thereon , is rub'd out , the table is as plain , as if there was never any letter thereon ; but though the letters are out , yet the table-book , and pen remaine . so although this motion is gone , the spirit , and matter remaine ; but if those spirits make other kindes of motions , like other kindes of letters , or language , those motions understand not the first , nor the first understands not them , being as severall languages . even so it may be in a sound ; for that kind of knowledge the figure had in the sound , which is an alteration of the motion of the rationall spirits , caus'd by an alteration of the motion of the sensitive spirits in dull matter : and by these disorderly motions , other motions are ru'bd out of the table-book , which is the matter that was moved . but if the same kind of letters be writ in the same place again ; that is , when the spirits move in the same motion , then the same knowledge is in that figure , as it was before ; the other kind of knowledge , which was made by other kind of motion , is rub'd out ; which severall knowledge is no more known to each other , then severall languages by unlearned men . and as language is still language , though not understood , so knowledge is still knowledge , although not generall ; but if they be that , we call dead , then those letters that were rubbed out , were never writ again ; which is , the same knowledge never returnes into the same figure . thus the spirits of knowledge , or the knowledge of spirits , which is their severall motions , may be ignorant , and unacquainted with each other : that is , that some motion may not know how other motions move , not only in several spirits , but in one and the same spirit ; no more then every effect can know their cause : and motion is but the effect of the spirits , which spirits are a thin , subtle matter : for there would be no motion if there were no matter ; for nothing can move : but there may be matter without selfe-motion , but not selfe-motion without matter . matter prime knowes not what effects shall be , or how their severall motions will agree . because † t is infinite , and so doth move eternally , in which nothing can prove . for infinite doth not in compasse lye , nor hath eternall lines to measure by . knowledge is there none , to comprehend that which hath no beginning , nor no end . perfect knowledge comprises all can be , but nothing can comprise eternity . destiny , and fates , or what the like we call , in infinites they no power have at all . nature hath generosity enough to give all figures case , whilst in that form they live . but motion which innated matter is by running crosse , each severall paines it gives . of the creation of the animall figure . the reason , † that the sensitive spirits , when they begin to create an animal figure , the figure that is created feels it not , untill the modell be finished , that is , it cannot have an animall motion , untill it hath an animall figure ; for it is the shape which gives it locall motion : and after the fabrick is built , they begin to furnish it with † strength , and inlarge it with growth , and the rationall spirit which inhabits it , chooseth his room , which is the head ; and although some rationall spirits were from the first creating it , yet had not such motions , as when created : besides , at first they have not so much company , as to make so much change , as to take parts , like instruments of musick , which cannot make so much division upon few strings as upon more . the next , the figure being weak , their motions cannot be strong ; besides , before the figure is inlarged by growth , they want room to move in . this is the reason , that new-borne animalls seeme to have no knowledge , especially man ; because the spirits do neither move so strong , nor have such variety of change , for want of company to make a consort . yet some animalls have more knowledge then others , by reason of their strength , as all beasts know their dams , and run to their dugs , and know how to suck as soone as they are borne ; and birds and children , and the like weak creatures , such do not . but the spirits of sense give them strength , and the spirits of reason do direct them to their food , (†) & the spirits of sense give them taste , and appetite , and the spirits of reason choose their meat : for all animall creatures are not of one dyet , for that which will nourish one , will destroy another . the gathering of spirits . if the rationall spirits should enter into a figure newly created , altogether , and not by degrees , a childe ( for example ) would have as much understanding and knowledge in the womb , or when it is new-borne , as when it is inlarged and fully grown . but we finde by experience there are severall sorts and degrees of knowledge and understanding , by the recourse of spirits : which is the reason , some figures have greater proportion of understanding and knowledge , and sooner then others ; yet it is increased by degrees , according as rationall spirits increase . like as children , they must get strength before they can go . so learning and experience increase rationall spirits , as food the sensitive : but experience and learning is not alwayes tyed to the eare ; for every organ and pore of the body is as severall doores to let them in and out : for the rationall spirits living with the sensitive spirits , come in , and go out with them , but not in equall proportion , but sometimes more , sometimes fewer : this makes understanding more perfect in health then in sicknesse , and in our middle age , more then in the latter age : for in age and sicknesse there is more carryed out , then brought in . this is the reason , children have not such understanding , but their reason increaseth with their yeares . but the rationall spirits may be similized † to a company of good fellows , which have pointed a meeting ; and the company coming from severall places , makes their time the longer ere their numbers are compleated , though many a braine is disappointed ; but in some figures the rooms are not commodious to move in , made in their creation , for want of helpe : those are changelings , innocents , or naturall fooles . the rationall spirits seem most to delight in spungy , soft , and liquid matter ; as in the blood , brain , nerves , and in vegetables ; as not only being neerest to their own nature , but having more room to move in . this makes the rationall spirits to choose the head in animals , for their chiefe room to dance their figures in : (†) for the head is the biggest place that hath the spungy materialls ; thus as soon as a figure is created , those rationall spirits choose a room . the moving of innate matter . though motion makes knowledge , yet the spirits give motion : for those spirits , or essences , are the guiders , governours , directers ; the motions are but their instruments , the spirits are the cause , motion but an effect therefrom : for that thin matter which is spirits , can alter the motion , but motion cannot alter the matter , or nature of those essences , or spirits ; so as the same spirits may be in a body , but not one and the same knowledge , because not the same motion , that made that knowledge . as for example ; how many severall touches belong to the body ? for every part of the body hath a severall touch , which is a severall knowledge belonging to every severall part ; for every severall part doth not know , and feele every severall touch . for when the head akes , the heele feels it not , but only the rationall spirits which are free from the incumbrance of dull matter , they are agile , and quick to take notice of every particular touch , in , or on every part of the figure . the like motions of a paine in the body . the like motion of the rationall spirits , we call a griefe in the mind ; for touch in the body , is a thought in the mind ; and to prove it is the like motion of the rationall spirits to the sensitive , which makes the knowledge of it , is , that when the rationall spirits are busily moved with some fantasmes , if any thing touches the body , it is not known to the rationall spirits , because the rationall spirits move not in such a motion , as to make a thought in the head , of the touch in the heele , which makes the thoughts to be as senselesse of that touch , as any other part of the body , that hath not such paines made by such motions . and shall we say , there is no sense in the heele , because no knowledge of it in the head ? we may as well say , that when an object stands just before an eye that is blind , either by a contrary motion of the thoughts inward , by some deep contemplation , or otherwise : we may as well say there is no outward object , because the rationall spirits take no notice of that object ; t is not , that the stronger motion stops the lesse , or the swifter , the flower ; for then the motions of the planets would stop one anothers course . some will say , what sense hath man , or any other animall when they are dead ? it may be answered , that the figure , which is a body , may have sense , but not the animall ; for that we call an animall , is such a temper'd matter joyn'd in such a figure , moving with such kind of motions ; but when those motions do generally alter , that are proper to an animall , although the matter , and figure remain , yet it is no longer an animall , because those motions that help it to make an animall are ceas'd : so as the animall can have no more knowledge of what kind of sense the figure hath , ( because it is no more an animall ) then an animall , what sense dust hath . and that is the reason , that when any part is dead in an animall , if that those motions that belonged to the animall , are ceas'd in that part , which alter it from being a part of the animall , and knowes no more what sense it hath , then if a living man should carry a dead man upon his shoulders , what sense the dead man feels , whether any , or no . of matter , motion , and knowledge or understanding . whatsoever hath an innate motion , hath knowledge ; and what matter soever hath this innate motion , is knowing : but according to the severall motions , are severall knowledges made ; for knowledge lives in motion , as motion lives in matter : for though the kind of matter never alters , yet the manner of motions alters in that matter : and as motions alter , so knowledge differs , which makes the severall motions in severall figures , to give severall knowledge . and where there is a likenesse of motion , there is a likenesse of knowledge : as the appetite of sensitive spirits , and the desire of rationall spirits are alike motions in severall degrees of matter . and the touch in the heel , or any part of the body else , is the like motion , as the thought thereof in the head ; the one is the motion of the sensitive spirits , the other in the rationall spirits , as touch from the sensitive spirits : for thought is only a strong touch , & touch a weake thought . so sense is a weak knowledge , and knowledge a strong sense , made by the degrees of the spirits : for animall spirits are stronger ( as i sayd before ) being of an higher extract ( as i may say ) in the chymistry of nature , which makes the different degrees in knowledge , by the difference in strengths and finenesse , or subtlety of matter . of the animall figure . whatsoever hath motion hath sensitive spirits ; and what is there on earth that is not wrought , or made into figures , and then undone again by these spirits ? so that all matter is moving , or moved , by the movers ; if so , all things have sense , because all things have of these spirits in them ; and if sensitive spirits , why not rationall spirits ? for there is as much infinite of every severall degree of matter , as if there were but one matter : for there is no quantity in infinite ; for infinite is a continued thing . if so , who knowes , but vegetables and mineralls may have some of those rationall spirits , which is a minde or soule in them , as well as man ? onely they want that figure ( with such kinde of motion proper thereunto ) to expresse knowledge that way . for had vegetables and mineralls the same shape , made by such motions , as the sensitive spirits create ; then there might be wooden men , and iron beasts ; for though marks do not come in the same way , yet the same marks may come in , and be made by the same motion ; for the spirits are so subtle , as they can passe and repasse through the solidest matter . thus there may be as many severall and various motions in vegetables and mineralls , as in animals ; and as many internall figures made by the rationall spirits ; onely they want the animall , to expresse it the animall way . and if their knowledge be not the same knowledge , but different from the knowledge of animalls , by reason of their different figures , made by other kinde of motion on other tempered matter , yet it is knowledge . for shall we say , a man doth not know , because hee doth not know what another man knows , or some higher power ? what an animall is . an animall is that which wee call sensitive spirit ; that is , a figure that hath locall motion ; that is , such a kinde of figure with such kinde of motions proper thereunto . but when there is a generall alteration of those motions in it , then it is no more that we call animall ; because the locall motion is altered ; yet we cannot knowingly say , it is not a sensitive creature , so long as the figure lasts : besides when the figure is dissolved , yet every scattered part may have sense , as long as any kinde of motion is in it ; and whatsoever hath an innate motion , hath sense , either increasing or decreasing motion ; but the sense is as different as the motions therein , because those properties belonging to such a figure are altered by other motions . of sense and reason exercised in their different shapes . if every thing hath sense and reason , then there might be beasts , and birds , and fish , and men : as vegetables and minerals , had they the animall shape to expresse that way ; and vegetables & minerals may know , as man , though like to trees and stones they grow . then corall trouts may through the water glide , and pearled menows swim on either side ; and mermayds , which in the sea delight , might all be made of watry lillies white ; set on salt watry billows as they flow , which like green banks appeare thereon to grow . and marriners i th' midst their shipp might stand , in stead of mast , hold sayles in either hand . on mountaine tops the golden fleece might feed , some hundred yeares their ewes bring forth their breed . large deere of oake might through the forrest run , leaves on their heads might keepe them from the sun ; in stead of shedding hornes , their leaves might fall , and acornes to increase a wood of fawnes withall . then might a squerrill for a nut be crackt , if nature had that matter so compact : and the small sprouts which on the husk do grow , might be the taile , and make a brushing show . then might the diamonds which on rocks oft lye , be all like to some little sparkling flye . then might a leaden hare , if swiftly run , melt from that shape , and so a (†) pig become . and dogs of copper-mouths sound like a bell ; so when they kill a hare , ring out his knell . hard iron men shall have no cause to feare to catch a fall , when they a hunting were . nor in the wars should have no use of armes , nor fear'd to fight ; they could receive no harmes . for if a bullet on their breasts should hit , fall on their back , but strait-waies up may get . or if a bullet on their head do light . may make them totter , but not kill them quite . and stars be like the birds with twinckling wing , when in the aire they flye , like larks might sing . and as they flye , like wandring planets shew , their tailes may like to blazing comets grow . when they on trees do rest themselves from flight , appeare like fixed stars in clouds of night . thus may the sun be like a woman faire , and the bright beames be as her flowing haire . and from her eyes may cast a silver light , and when she sleeps , the world be as dark night . or women may of alabaster be , and so as smooth as polisht ivory . or , as cleer christall , where heartes may be shown , and all their falsehoods to the world be known . or else be made of rose , and lillies white , both faire , and sweet , to give the soule delight . or else bee made like tulips fresh in may , by nature drest , cloath'd severall colours gay . thus every yeare there may young virgins spring , but wither , and decay , as soon agen . while they are fresh , upon their breast might set great swarmes of bees , from thence sweet honey get . or , on their lips , for gilly-flowers , flies drawing delicious sweet that therein lies . thus every maid , like severall flowres shew , not in their shape , but like in substance grow . then teares which from oppressed hearts do rise , may gather into clouds within the eyes : from whence those teares , like showres of raine may flow upon the bancks of cheeks , where roses grow . after those showres of raine , so sweet may smell , perfuming all the aire , that neer them dwell . but when the sun of joy , and mirth doth rise , darting forth pleasing beames from loving eyes . then may the buds of modesty unfold , with full blown confidence the sun behold . but griefe as frost them nips , and withering dye , in their owne (†) podds intombed lye . thus virgin cherry trees , where blossomes blow , so red ripe cherries on their lips may grow . or women plumtrees at each fingers end , may ripe plummes hang , and make their joynts to bend . men sicomores , which on their breast may write their amorous verses , which their thoughts indite . mens stretched arms may be like spreading vines , where grapes may grow , soe drinke of their own wine . to plant large orchards , need no paines nor care , for every one their sweet fresh fruit may beare . then silver grasse may in the meadowes grow , which nothing but a sithe of fire can mow . the wïnd , which from the north a journey takes , may strike those silver strings , and musick make . thus may another world , though matter still the same , by changing shapes , change humours , properties , and name . thus colossus , a statue wonderous great , when it did fall , might strait get on his feet . where ships , which through his leggs did swim , he might have blow'd their sailes , or else have drown'd them quite . the golden calfe that israel joy'd to see , might run away from their idolatry . the basan bul of brasse might be , when roare , his mettl'd throat might make his voice sownd more . the hil , which mahomet did call , might come at the first word , or else away might run . thus pompey's statue might rejoyce to see , when kill'd was caesar , his great enemy . the wooden-horse that did great troy betray , have told what 's in him , and then run away . achilles armes against ulisses plead , and not let wit against true valour speed . of the dispersing of the rationall spirits . some think , that the rationall spirits flye out of animals , ( or that animall we call man ) like a swarm of bees , when they like not their hives , finding some inconvenience , seek about for another habitation : or leave the body , like rats , when they finde the house rotten , and ready to fall ; or scar'd away like birds from their nest. but where should this swarm , or troop , or flight , or essences go , unlesse they think this thin matter is an essence , evaporates to nothing ? as i have said before , the difference of rationall spirits , and sensitive spirits , is , that the sensitive spirits make figures out of dull matter : the rationall spirits put themselves into figure , placing themselves with number , and measure ; this is the reason when animals dye , the externall forme of that animall may be perfect , and the internall motion of the spirits quite alter'd ; yet not absent , nor dispersd , untill the annihilating of the externall figure : thus it is not the matter that alters , but the motion and forme . some figures are stronger built then others , which makes them last longer : for some , their building is so weak , as they fall as soon as finished ; like houses that are built with stone , or timber , although it might be a stone-house , or timber-house , yet it may be built not of such a sort of stone , or such a sort of timber . of the senses . the pores of the skin receive touch , as the eye light , the eare sound , the nose scent , the tongue tast . thus the spirits passe , and repasse by the holes , they peirce through the dull matter , carrying their severall burthens out , & in , yet it is neither the burthen , nor the passage that makes the different sense , but the different motion ; † for if the motion that comes through the pores of the skin , were as the motions that come from the eye , eare , nose , mouth , then the body might receive sound , light , scent , tast , all over as it doth touch . of motion that makes light . if the same motion that is made in the head did move in the heele , there would appeare a light to the sense of that part of the figure ; unlesse they will make such matter as the braine to be infinite , and onely in the head of an animall . opticks . there may be such motion in the braine , as to make light , although the sun never came there to give the first motion : for two opposite motions may give a light by reflection , unlesse the sun , and the eye have a particular motion from all eternity : as we say an eternal monopoler of such a kind of motion as makes light . of the flowing of the spirits . the spirit 's like to ants , in heapes they lye , the hill they make , is the round ball , the eye . from thence they run to fetch each object in , the braine receives , and stores up all they bring . and in the eares , like hives , as bees they swarm , buzzing , and humming , as in summers warm . and when they flye abroad , they take much paine , to bring in fine conceits into the braine . of which , as wax , they make their severall cells , in workes of poetry , which wit still fills : and on the tongue , they sit as flowres sweet , sucking their honey from delicious meat . then to the nose , like birds they flye , there pick up sweet perfumes , in stead of spices stick . of which within the braine they build a nest , to which delight , or else to take their rest . but in the porous skin , they spread as sheep , and feeding cattell which in meadowes keep . of motion , and matter . why may not vegetables have light , sound , taste , touch , as well as animals , if the same kind of motion moves the same kind of matter in them ? for who knowes , but the sappe in vegetables may be of the same substance , and degree of the braine : and why may not all the senses be inherent in a figure , if the same motion moves the same matter within the figure , as such motion without the figure ? of the braine . the braine in animals is like clouds , which are sometimes swell'd full with vapour , and sometimes rarified with heat , and mov'd by the sensitive spirits to severall objects , as the cloudes are mov'd by the wind to severall places . the winds seem to be all spirits , because they are so agile , and quick . of darknesse . to prove that darknesse hath particular motions which make it , as well as motion makes light , is , that when some have used to have a light by them while they sleep , will , as soon as the light goeth out , awake ; for it darknesse had no motion , it would not strike upon the optick nerve . but as an equall motion makes light , and a perturb'd motion makes colour , which is between light , & darknesse : so darknesse is an opposite motion to those motions that make light ; for though light is an equall motion , yet it is such a kind , or sort of motion . of the sun . why may not the sun be of an higher extract then the rationall spirits , and be like glasse , which is a high extract in chymistry , and so become a (†) shining body ? if so , sure it hath a great knowledge ; for the sun seemes to be composed of purer spirits , without the mixture of dull matter ; for the motion is quick , and subtle , as wee may finde by the effect of the light , and heat . of the cloudes . the cloudes seem to be of such spungy , and porous matter , as the raine , and aire , like the sensitive spirits that form , and move it , and the sun the rationall spirit to give them knowledge : and as moist vapours from the stomack rise , and gathering in the braine , flow through the eyes ; so do the clouds send forth , as from the braine , the vapours which do rise in showres . of the motion of the planets . the earth , sun , moon , the rest of planets all are mov'd by that , we vitall spirits call . and like to animals , some move more slow , and other some by quicker motion go . and as some creatures by their shapes do flye , some swim , some run , some creep , some riseth high . so planets by their shapes about do wind , all being made , like circles , round we find . the motion of the sea . the sea 's more quick , then fresher waters are , the reason is , more vitall spirits are there . and as the planets move still round about , so seas do ebb , & flow , both in , & out . as arrowes flye up , far as strength them lend , and then for want of strength do back descend . so do the seas in ebbes-run back againe , for want of strength , their length for to maintaine . but why they ebb , and flow , at certain times , is like the lungs that draw , and breath out wind . just so do seas draw back , and then do flow , as constant as the lungs do to and fro : alwaies in motion , never lying still , the empty place they leave , turn back to fill . we may as well inquire of nature , why animals breath in such a space of time , as the seas ebb , and flow in such a space of time . i could have inlarged my booke with the fancies of the severall motions , which makes the several effects of the sun , planets , or the suns ( i may say ) as the fixed stars : and whether they have not cast knowledge , and understanding by their various , and quicke , and subtle motions ; and whether they do not order and dispose other creatures , by the power of their supreamer motions . what motions make civil wars , and whether the aire causes it , or not ? whether the stars , and planets work not upon the disposition of severall creatures , and of severall effects , joyning as one way ? what motion makes the aire pestilent , and how it comes to change into severall diseases ? and whether diseases are just alike , and whether they differ as the faces of men do ? why some figures are apt to some diseases , and others not ? and why some kinde of drugs , or cordialls , will worke on some diseases , and not on others ? and why some drugs have strong effects upon some humours , and not upon others ? and why physicke should purge , and how some cordials will rectifie the disorderly motion in a distemper'd figure ? why some ground will beare some sorts of seeds , and not others ? why same food will nourish some figures , and destroy others ? how naturall affection is bred in the wombe . what makes a naturall aversion from some creatures to others , and what causes an unnaturalnsse to their owne kind and breed ? what motion makes thunder , lightning , vvinde , earthquakes , cold , ice , snow , haile , rain , what motions makes drought , heat . why the sun should give light , and not the other planets . what motions make fire , aire , water , earth . what manner of motions make sense . why some have haire , some wool , some feathers , some scales , and some onely skin . and why some vegetables beare some leaves , some none , some fruit , some none . and what motion makes particular taste , scent , colour , touch ; and why all do touch , not taste alike : and whether they be inherent , or not ; and how they may be inherent in every figure proper thereto , and yet another figure receive them in another sense : and how it comes , that some figures have more of some sense , then others , and what makes the society of every kinde of figure , and what makes the war with others , and amongst themselves : and how such degrees of matter with such kinde of motions , make the difference in vegetables , minerals , and animals ; and why such shapes must of necessity have such properties , and why some shapes have power over other shapes ; and why some shapes have power over some motions , and some motions over some shapes , and some motions over other motions , and what the severall effects are of severall shapes , and severall motions . what makes that which is fulsome , and nauceous , pleasant , and savory ; whether they are inherent , or not , whether they are in the contained , or the containing ; or whether a sympathy or likenesse from both , and so of all the senses ; whether the outward motition cause the sense , or the inward motion ; or whether the inward motion moves to the inward matter , or with the outward matter , and inward matter , agreeing in the like motions . and what the reason may bee , to make some creatures agree in some element , and not in others : as what 's the reason a beast , or a man , or fowles , cannot live in the water , or fish live long out of the water . and whether there may not bee a sympathy naturally betwixt some beasts , to other , although of a different figure , more then to others , by some secret , and obscure motions ; and whether the severall dispositions of men , may not have a naturall likeuesse , or sympathy to the severall dispositions , and natures of beasts . what causes the severall sorts of creatures to keep in particular societies , as in commonwealths , flocks , heards , droves , flights , covies , broods , eyes , swarmes , sholes , and of their particular enmity from some sorts to others , and their affections , love to others , their factions , side-takings , and disagreeings in their owne society , their craft and policies of selfe-love , and preservation , and their tender love and assistance to their young . what makes superstition : and many more . but fancy , which is the effect of motion , is as infinite as motion ; which made me despaire of a finall conclusion of my booke ; which makes my booke imperfect , and my fancies unsettled : but that which i have writ , will give my readers so much light , as to guesse what my fancies would have beene at . a dialogue between the body , and the minde . i write , and write , and 't may be never read ; my bookes , and i , all in a grave lye dead . no memory will build a monument , nor offer praise unto the soules content . but howsoever , soule , lye still at rest , to make thy fame to live , have done the best . for all the wit that nature to me gave , i set it forth , for to adorne thy grave . but if the ruines of oblivion come , t is not my fault , for what i can , is done . for all the life that nature to me lends about thy worke , and in thy service spends . but if thou thinkst , i take not paines , pray speake , before we part , my body is but weak . soule . braine thou hast done thy best , yet thou mightst go to the grave learned , their subtle tricks to know : and aske them , how such fame they do beget , when they do write , but of anothers wit . for they have little of their owne , but what they have from others braines , and fancies got . body . o soule ! i shall not need to take such paines , the labour will be more then all the gaines : for why ! the world doth cosen and so cheat , by railing at those authors wits they get ; muffling & hiding of their authors face , by some strange language , or by some disgrace . their wit into an anagram they make , that anagram for their owne wit they take . and here , & there they do a fancy steale , and so of strangers make a common-weale . tell to the world they are true natives bred , when they were borne all in another head . and with translating wit they march along , with understanding praise they grow so strong , that they do rule , by conquering fames great court : from whence they send out all their false report . this is the way my soule that they do use , by different language do the world abuse . therefore lye still thou troubled restless spirit , seek not for fame , unlesse thou hast a merit . soule . body , when thou art gone , then i dye too , unlesse some great act in thy life thou do : but prethee be not thou so wondrous nice , to set my fame at a great merits price . body . alas , what can i do to make thee live , unlesse some wise instructions thou canst give ? can you direct me to some noble act , wherein vain-glory makes no false compact ? can you direct me which way i shall take , those that are in distress , happy to make ? soule . no , that 's unpossible , unlesse all hearts could be divided into equall parts . body . then prethee be content , seek thou no more ; t is fortune makes the world to worship , and adore . a request to my friends . when i am dead , and buried lye within a grave ; if friends passe by , let them not turn away their sight , because they would forget me quite : but on my grave a teare let fall , and me unto remembrance call . then may my ashes rise , that teare to meet , receive it in my urne like balsome sweet . o you that are my dearest friends , do not , when i am dead , lye in the grave forgot , but let me in your mind , as one thought be ; so shall i live still in your memory . if you had dyed , my heart still should have been a room to keep , and hang your picture in . my thoughts should copies pencill every day , teares be the oyle , for colours on to lay . my lips shall mixe thy severall colour'd praise , by words compounded , various severall waies . innocent white , and azure truth agree , with modest red , purple in grain to bee . and many more , which rhetorick still can place , shadowes of griefe , to give a lively grace . an elegy . her corps was borne to church on gray goose wing , her sheet was paper white to lap her in . and cotten dyed with inke , her covering black , with letters for her scutcheons print in that . fancies bound up with verse , a garland made , and at the head , upon her hearse was laid . and numbers ten did beare her to the grave , the muses nine a monument her gave . i heare that my first booke was thought to be none of mine owne fancies ; onely , i owne it with my name . if any thinke my booke so well writ , as that i had not the wit to do it , truely i am glad , for my wits sake , if i have any that is thought so well of ; although mistrust lies betwixt me , and it ; and if it be so little wit in it , as they mistrust it was not mine ; i am glad they thinke me to have so much , as i could not write so foolish . and truely for any friend of mine , as i have none so cowardly , that dare not defend their honour , so i have none so foolish , as to be affear'd , or asham'd to owne their owne writings . and truely i am so honest , as not to steale anothers work , and give it my owne name : nor so vaine-glorious , as to straine to build up a fame upon the ground of another mans wit . but be it bad , or good , it is my owne , unlesse in printing t is a changeling grown . which sure i have no reason for to doubt , it hath the same mark , when i put it out . but be it faire , or brown , or black , or wilde , i still must own it , 'cause it is my childe . and should my neighbours say , t is a dull block , t is honestly begot , of harmlesse stock . by motion in my braine t was form'd , and bred , by my industrious study it was fed . and by my busie pen was cloathd , though plain the garments be , yet are they without stain . but be it nere so plain , not rich , and gay , phantasticall t is drest , the world will say . the world thinks all is fine , that 's in the fashion , though it be old , if fashion'd with translation . they nere consider what becomes them best , but think all fooles , that are not courtly drest . o nature , nature , why dost thou create so many fooles , and so few wife didst make ? good nature , move their braine another way , and then as beasts as beasts , perchance they may . lord how the world delight to tell a lye ! as if they thought they sav'd a soule thereby . more lyes they tell , then they will prayers say , and run about to vent them every way . some bragging lyes , and then he tells how free the ladies were , when he 's in company . or else what such a lord did say to him , and so what answer he return'd to them . or any action which great fame hath won , then he saies streight , t was by his counsell done . when any wit , that comes abroad in print , then he sayes strait he had a finger in 't : how he did rectifie , and mend the same , or else he wrote it all , or gav 't a name . thus in the world thousands of lyes are told , which none , but fooles , their words for truth will hold . but in the world there are more fooles then wise , which makes them passe for truth , when all are lyes . j begun a booke about three yeares since , which i intend to name the worlds ollio , and when i come into flaunders where those papers are , i will , if god give me live , and health , finish it , and send it forth in print . i imagine all those that have read my former books , wil say , that i have writ enough , unless they were better : but say what you will , it pleaseth me , and since my delights are harmlesse , i will satisfie my humour . for had my braine as many fancies in 't , to fill the world , would put them all in print . no matter whether they be well exprest , my will is done , and that please woman best . a farewell to the muses . farewell my muse , thou gentle harmlesse spirit , that us'd to haunt me in the dead of night . and on my pillow , where my head i laid , thou sit'st close by , and with my fancies play'd : sometimes upon my eyes you dancing skip , making a vision of some fine land-skip . thus with your sportings , kept me oft awake , not with your noise , for nere a word you spake : but with your faiery dancing , circling winde , upon a hill of thoughts within my minde . when t was your sport to blow out every light , then i did rest , and sleep out all the night . great god , from thee all infinites do flow , and by thy power from thence effects do grow . thou order'dst all degrees of matter , just , as t is thy will , and pleasure , move it must . and by thy knowledge orderd'st all the best ; for in thy knowledge doth thy wisdome rest . and wisdome cannot order things amisse , for where disorder is , no wisdome is . besides , great god , thy wil is just , for why , thy will still on thy wisdome doth rely . o pardon lord , for what i here now speak , upon a guesse , my knowledge is but weak , but thou hast made such creatures , as man-kind , and giv'st them something , which we call a minde ; alwaies in motion , never quiet lyes , untill the figure of his body dies . his severall thoughts , which severall motions are , do raise up love , hopes , joyes , doubts , and feare . as love doth raise up hope , so feare doth doubt , which makes him seek to finde the great god out . selfe-love doth make him seek to finde , if he came from , or shaell last to eternity . but motion being slow , makes knowledge weake , and then his thoughts 'gainst ignorance doth beat . as fluid waters 'gainst hard rocks do flow , break their soft streames , and so they backward go . just so do thoughts , and then they backward slide unto the place where first they did abide . and there in gentle murmurs do complaine , that all their care , and labour is in vain . but since none knowes the great creator , must man seek no more , but in his goodnesse trust . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a53057e-140 reason . thoughts . notes for div a53057e-6090 i mean of forme , dull matter . some think there was a chaos , a confused heap . the readers may take either opinion . severall motions , and severall figures . (†) not the matter , but the degrees (†) not the bigness of figures , but the manner of shapes : which makes some shapes to have the advantage over others much bigger , as a mouse will kill an elephant . (†) which is in likenesse . (†) unlikenesse . one shape hath power over another ; one minde knowes more then another . either by growth , or sense , or reason . for when matter comes to such a degree it quickens , that it begins to move , & motion is life . * i meane when i say obstruct , that it either turnes their motion another way , or makes them move slower . * i do not say that bones are the solid'st matter in nature . † as the figure of man. * all motion is life . i mean the figure of dul matter as a plentifull crop , or a great brood . these degrees are visible to us . dancing is a measur'd motion . † scorching is , when the motion is too quick . † that is , when there come so many spirits , as they disagree , pressing upon one another . (†) those degrees that are neerest , have the greatest sympathy . (†) like chess-men , table-men nine-pins , or the like . * i say higher , for expressions sake . † nothing can bee made or known absolute out of infinite and eternall . † though it may have other motions , yet not the animall motion . † the figure might bee without an animall motion , but an animall motion cannot bee untill there is an animall figure (†) which food is when such materialls are not proper for such a figure . † the greater the number is , the more variety of motion is made , which makes figures in the braine . (†) in animall shapes . (†) a pig of lead . (†) the huske . † to prove that it is the several motion , is , that wee shall have the same sense in our sleep , either to move pleasure , or feele paine . (†) like glass . an exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute being an answer to the vanity of dogmatizing / by thomas white. white, thomas, 1593-1676. 1665 approx. 131 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65786 wing w1824 estc r11142 12929269 ocm 12929269 95611 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65786) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95611) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 991:19) an exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute being an answer to the vanity of dogmatizing / by thomas white. white, thomas, 1593-1676. [8], 80 p. printed for john williams ..., london : 1665. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. -scepsis scientifica. philosophy, english -17th century. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute : being an answer to the vanity of dogmatizing . by thomas white . — sciri hoc sciat alter . london , printed for john williams at the crown and globe in s. pauls church-yard ▪ 1665. to the young witts of both universities . though i doubt not of more powerful and seasonabler provision against that destructive contagion of pyrronism , which , not long since , has begun to take fresh heart : yet , hearing no news of any publick cauterization apply'd to that tumour of glanvil's , which has rag'd now full two years ; methought this silence of my betters turn'd the task upon my weakness , if not to avert , at least to open & expose to be torn in pieces by eloquenter pens the injustice of that calumny impos'd on the whole profession of philosophers . reflect then o flourishing englands fertilest hope ! the joy and crown of your mother , whose beholding you with pleasure swells her silent breast ! reflect , i say , and seriously ruminate what you strain to live and grow to ; what persons you hope and covet to become hereafter : whether wise and skilful to govern christian life and manners : or a crew of rhetoricians , pleasantly tattling unknown and uncertain things ; and betraying those under your tuition into all precipices that fall in their way : for , for such blind ones , and leaders of the blind , he sets you out to the world , who inculcates to your england the vanity of dogmatizing or promising truths . i am not angry with the man , who , with a great deal of wit and an unfordable stream of eloquence ( which will ripen with his years ) prosecutes what he proposes to himself , and takes for a truth ; not without some savour of modesty : for , neither does he derogote from faith the power of teaching its tenets , nor disclaim all hope of attaining science hereafter through a laborious amassment of experiments . but , he points to acertain person ( whom he owns his master ) that , giving us the heads of some books he had written , thus concludes the second , here it is where the chief foundations of pyrronism are laid ; and that mainly establisht , that nothing is known . well , indeed , may the future despair , if the pains of so may ages have brought it but to this , that there 's nothing known . have , then , the so many magnificent structures of your colledges been devis'd , only to delude the people with a deal of pretty talk , not a jot advancive of reason ? have so many prodigious wits of your ancesters been sent abroad over all the christian world , but to sell smoak and bubbles for jewels & pearls ? have you yourselves the patience to be till'd on through so many years exercises , only to the like emptiness ? scorn and hate that so foul a reproach should be cast on the fame of all past ages , and present industry . but , what , at length , has enveigled into these conceits that great interpreter of epicurus , a man never to my hearing , mis-spoken of , either for wit , or life and manners ? since i 'm utterly a stranger to his privy-councils , i 'le tell you what his book seems to offer . there are two sciences contested about : physick and metaphysick ( between which that of the soul and morals take their places ) . the first , content with few experiments , surprises truth by vertue of demonstration , and fixes it by that force which alone is inerrable , viz. the power of our spiritual intellect . this eye alone pierces into the strength of contradiction ; and is onlily certain and necessary , as far as it scapes ore-shadowing by the senses : but , it is not overlavish too , in making use of them ; and advances in growth by reflecting on it self its inmost eye . physick is more florid , and with a vernal look , as it were , sooth's our spirit inclin'd to body . 't is more abundant in experiments , and meer historical almost , unless assisted and forc'd into rules by this its companion . that many court this gay one , no wonder , and slight her elder sister as 't were but dry leaves ; whereas , yet , on her 't is the gallant depends , nor without her help and principles borrow'd from her , is able scarce to demonstrate any thing and advance by causes connectedly . the ignorance of this necessity has bin the ruin of this author , and many great mens endeavours ; nay , and will be , 'till the utter despair of getting forward teach first a retreat back again to settle principles . another rubb is the unbridled impudence of very many moderns , who loudly crack of aristotle and metaphysick , as oft as there falls occasion of setting themselves out . they fill the book-sellers shops with mighty tomes : they counterfeit the highest knowledge by pompous skirmishes in their own schools ; and by wonderful promises enkindle the native ardour of science . by these arts they heap on themselves the honours and fruits due to science ; they flourish gayly and are propos'd to be ador'd in the chairs . mean while , look but into the matter , and those vast mountains bring forth this solution of questions , perhaps i , perhaps no. histories are related of what the antients , what the moderns have thought of any propos'd thesis ; petty reasons for the i or no are shot out at random , as it were , from bands of slingers or archers : so their pages get bredth , their tomes bulk : but , when they come to give judgment , out comes an edict to this purpose , all the opinions are probable , but , this last seems to me the more probable . what could be look'd for more silly from midas's ears ? what blind tiresias could not as truly give verdict of colours , perhaps 't is white , perhaps not ? what wonder now is it , if that ingenious person derided such solemn trifles ? and imagining these men , because none contradicted it , entertainers of aristotle and his secrets , wholy neglected and contemn'd them . you , then , o yong branches , growing up into wine to rejoyce the hearts of men ! remembring that vertue 's the mean hedg'd in by both extreams , neither disclaim and detest aristotle , nor superstitiously adore and embrace him . those things he has demonstrated , though but few and seeming contemptible , yet receive . 't is the nature of principles to appear vulgar and despicable ; but there 's not a step can be made in sciences without them . the foundations of edifices lye buryed under ground , yet 't is they sustain the magnificent and towring fabrick . they that slight aristotle's grounds must of necessity , being always in quest of principles , ever fall short of science . yet , far worse than these are they who feign and profess themselves aristotelians , and are ignorants the while in the method of demonstrating , & neglect what he prescribes : circumventers of parents , spiriters of youth ; whom , enveigled with a shew of philosophy , they betray to vanity and prattle : worst enemies of the commonwealth ; to which owing youth adorn'd with science & vertue , they pay it foolishly-confident , sophisticate , and fitted by their education to ill and good alike . for you , let aristotle be your master , of few things indeed ; but those such as fructifie into thousands , viz. the whole race of separated substances , the things necessary to be fore-known to physical contemplation , and judgment , in fine , of experiments . you have now the pleas of both sides : 't is your part to call aside into council with you that candour and sollicitude which so weighty an affair deserves . the most earnest coveter of your sollid knowledge thomas white . the table . first plea. there is demonstration and science , page 1 second plea. the scepticks alledge nothing sollid , page 11 third plea. t is imprudent to deny the existence of science , p. 17 fourth plea refells the preliminary objection , page 24 fifth plea refells our ignorance of the soul and sensation , p. 30 sixth plea displaies the pastick vertue , continuity , adhesion of parts , and the mysteries of rolling , page 42 seventh plea inquires after the causes of our modern shortness in science , page 51 eight plea wards off from aristotle the calumny of special impiety , page 55 ninth plea wipes off the aspersions on aristotle's doctrine and terms , page 60 tenth plea maintains certain definitions and arguings , p. 65 eleventh plea refutes some topicks babbled against science , p. 71 an exclusion of scepticism and scepticks from all title to dispute . first plea. there is demonstration and science . 1. scepticism , born of old by an unlucky miscarriage of nature , for her own credit , carryed off the tongues of the eloquent where it had long been fostred , and buryed by the steddiness of christian faith ; this monster snatcht from the teeth of worms and insects , peter gassendus , a man of a most piercing sagacity , of neat and copious eloquence , a most pleasing behaviour and wonderful diligence , by a kind of magick has endeavoured to restore again to life . he , a person ( which is the strangest of all ) most tenacious of catholick faith , and never suspected guilty of mischievous tenets : whereas , yet , this scepticism is the mother of infinite errors , and all heresies , and that very seducing philosophy and vain fallacy which the saints , warn'd by the apostles , have taught us to beware of . heard , this man , otherwise eminent in his paradoxical exercitation against the aristotelians , has dar'd to expose , not vail'd , as before , and wandring like a quean in the dark , but bold-fac'd and painted , to the multitude and market place . by his example , the author of the vanity of dogmatizing has produc'd her amongst us beauteously trick'd-up in english : he , too , a great master of wit and eloquence . nor indeed are vast mischiefs to be dreaded from vulgar heads . this is the occasion of my undertaking ; and this my design ( if heaven vouchsafe to enlighten and guide my pen ) to force back into her grave this carcass that would be rivalling science , and deliver her up a feast to her former worthy commoners . come on then , let 's untie the knot of the question . 3. since , then , 't is of science we are to speak , its genius would in some measure be look'd into . nature her self , therefore , teaches us , that man is an animal endued with reason , to fit him for governing his action , and reason is allowed to be that whereby what before was unknown is rendred known : dayly experience also convinces that our action consists for the most part in such things as are subject to an infinite and insuperable mutability and variation : whence it comes to pass , that that vertue which is immediate to action cannot properly be called science ( since 't is not infallible , and the effect of demonstrative discourse ) but a power of conjecturing aptly ; and uses commonly to be term'd prudence , either properly or derivatively ; properly , if it be concerning the thing to be done , as to its right proceeding from reason ; analogically , if of the action or thing to be done , as it regards some other inferior faculty subservient to the dominion of reason . now prudence depends on two previous powers , art and inference or experiment . art , though it ows its birth to experience , yet is sustained by universall and unfailing rules : but , it self understands not the necessary and indefectible efficacy of its rule ; but is content with the testimony of ever-corresponding effects . inference , or experience for the most part is true , but necessitates not assent , because not universal . 4. setting this therefore aside , 't is clear the decrees of art , since she is veracious , have necessitating and necessarily connected principles , which force the effect of art to be not possibly otherwise than as art teaches 't will succeed . whence follows , that the subject matter of science and art is the same ; and every art has a proper science due to it self , if the nature of man would stretch to attain it . but , the same warning we gave before concerning prudence , must be repeated concerning science . for , as he who behaves himself prudently in any artifice , is not therefore esteem'd and stil'd a prudent man ; but only he who rightly tempers his action in as much as 't is humane : so , neither is he , with propriety , to be called a knowing man , who skills the demonstration of duelling , or versifying ; but he that has the demonstration of those things which are principles for governing our life , in as much as 't is humane : the chief whereof is that which has merited the term of theology , or metaphysicks : the next is ethicks : then physicks , or natural science ; whether , because all corporeal natures , or the world , is proposed to the disputation of men ; or because , next metaphysical contemplation , nothing so much advances our desired beatitude as physicks . nor yet are mathematicks to be excluded ; both because quantity , their subject , is the vesture of those bodies which physicks speculate through ; as also , because the rules , and as it were , the demonstrableness of natural things at every step depends on them . out of all which 't is clear , that in nothing equivocation more lewdly cheats man-kind , than in this term of knowing , or learned men . for , if masters in sciences , analogically so called , are not really worthy this name : how much further off meriting so noble a title are those , whose ambition streins no higher than , like parrats , to repeat others sentiments ? and how manifestly pernicious are they that have the confidence to apply such learning to the government of humane life ; and vent poison , or at best , smoak , under the reverend name of science ? 5. it follows , that such science 't is we propose to our selves as is beneficial to humane life . and concerning this , three things offer themselves to our enquiry . whether there be at all any certainty attainable , at least of one proposition or one reasonment , which we call a sylogism ? at this hangs the next , whether at least , any habit , or series of more truths traced with certainty ( such as generally are esteem'd those which arithmeticians and geometricians profess ) may be acquired by humane industry ? the last question , by most ( at least in practise ) disputed ( whate're in words they pretend ) is limited to physicks and metaphysicks ; whether about the objects of these any beneficial multitude of truths may be spun out connectedly ; as the masters in mathematicks seem already to have done ? and herein consists the usefulness of my discourse ; and the desparation or difficulty of this conclusion compels me to clear the former ; which of themselves by their own evidence had stood unscrupled , had not the step , and almost necessary consequence they afford to the third , terrified those who feel such difficulty to yield this last . 6. to work , then ; let us fix the first step , and assert , as invincibly known , and unshakable by any art of the scepticks , that what is is , or that what terminates and specifies an identical proposition as its object is self-evident : as if we should say , that peter is peter , wood is wood , a stone is a stone ; and whatever others carry as open-fac'd an evidence . the scepticks i imagine , will laugh at this axiom as foolish : because identical propositions use to be excluded from the rank of scientifical ones , and the sciences themselves ; as nothing at all advancing the understanding . but , by this their very laugh they 'l yield us the victory ; as confessing evidence in these , however they be useless : and therefore that wherever the same necessity shall intervene , there cannot want evidence . one thing in this position occurs a little cloudy , obscuring it through a mist caus'd by the shadow of that most acute person , renatus des cartes ; who , severely prying to descry the very first thing falling under knowlege , beat it up at length to this , that the first thing every one knows , is , that himself thinks . but , the difference of our opinions , i conceive , has sprung from hence , that , whereas science may be consider'd both in its generation and in its subsistence ; he has taken the former method , i the later . for , really , if we examine by what degrees science is born in us , we see , the first thing that happens is to have a passion made in us by bodies ; and the first evident thing that strikes us is that we think . but , if , looking upon science now existing ▪ and as it s t were at rest in us , we enquire what 't is that fasten truth to our minds , so that we cannot doubt or , as were , waver about it : nothing will appear more simply or originally manifest then that what is is , wherein , in a manner , is formally included that what is so is , that , whilst it is , it cannot not-be ; which , indeed , is , that the understander is certain that the thing is , or has a fixedness concerning the truth which is in him . 7. it being determin'd that an identical proposition is evident , 't is equally determin'd that propositions term'd self-known are evident : for , if they be look'd into , t will be clearly seen , that a self-known proposition is in some sort composed of an identical proposition and another otherwise evident , or taken for evident . for , there are two sorts of self-known propositions ; one wherein the generical notion is predicated of a species ; another wherein the species are predicated divisively of the genus . take these for examples : a man is an animal : the sense is , a rational animal is a sort , or one of the animals : the evidence of the proposition consists in this , that the word animal signifies , as it were formally in predication , to be one of the animals ; and the word rational denotes that whereby a man is one of the animals . wherefore in this proposition , a man is an animal ; these two propositions shrowd themselves , one of the animals is one of the animals ; and that other , that rational is a determiner of animality : now this later is not affirmed , but taken for granted , either from sense as it were , or some other way supposed to be known and past doubt ; and in force of the former identification , t is concluded that a man is an animal . in like manner when 't is said , number is either even or odd , bulk is either finite or infinite ; and whatever predicates , contradictorily oppos'd , are predicated divisively of a subject ; two propositions lye in them ; one an identical one , for example , that even and not-even are all , or comprise all the kinds of number ; and another otherwise known , viz. that such a number , for example , ten , is a certain number . this later is known as it were by sense ; or suppos'd , not affirm'd : the former is equivalent to this all number is all number ; and one of all the numbers , for example ; ten , is affirm'd to be one of the even or odd , because , by force of the contradiction between even and not-even , even and odd must of necessity comprise all numbers , or even and odd and all number be the same . 8. the same force of identity is also clear in a sylogism : for example , when in the first mood , or barbara , two self-known propositions are taken and another truth , unknown before , is concluded out of them . as , when t is argu'd that every man is a living creature , because every man is an animal , and every animal is a living creature : there 's made an identification of man and living creature ; or rather it is discovered by the double identification of animal with the superior and inferior . the force therefore of the sylogism whereby it fixes the mind in this identity , tha● man is a living creature , lies in nothing but this , tha● through the former two identifications it rests fixed as to the premisses . plain therefore t is , that the light of an identical proposition shews it self both in self-known propositions , and in those which are concluded by sylogisms : and , which follows , either that the truth of an identical proposition is not evident , or else that self-known propositions , and such as are concluded by a legitimate sylogism are evident and most certain : and , that it cannot be doubted , so many truths are palpably certain as can be reacht by a legitimate deduction of sylogisms . since , therefore , he cannot be esteem'd other than a mad sot that should deny the evidence of an identical proposition ; he cannot be reputed rational who should at all reject propositions self-known , or collected by legitimate discourse . 9. be this , therefore , a demonstration a priori , as they term it , of this truth , that there is some certainty or science ; that , since t is undenyable that what is is , or , an identical proposition is true , and every proposition , whether self-known or sylogistically-concluded , has no other necessity than what shews it self in an identical one ; there can be no doubt of these , unless identical ones , too , be called in question . for , since , in a self-known proposition , t is evident , that the thing signified by one term is that which is signified by the other : and in a sylogistically-concluded proposition , it likewise appears , that because a is b , and b is c , a too is c ; or that , unless a be c , a will not be a ; for 't is not a unless it be b , nor b unless it be c : 't is evident that whatever is evinced by a legitimate sylogism , has the same necessity as an identical proposition . since therefore 't were meer perversness , and such as cannot fall into humane nature , to doubt whether an identical proposition be true ; t is absolutely manifest that whatever is concluded by ligitimate discourse out of self-known propositions is engrafted , beyond any danger of ambiguity ; or , that there is science of all such like : and therefore that there is some science , and that , indeed , of many truths . now , that which either in a self-known or in a demonstrated proposition , is assum'd beyond identical ones is not capable either of truth or falshood ; but , in a manner , is taken by way of snpposition ; as if 't were said , if he be a man ; if it be an animal : i say , for as much as man or animal are the subjects of the propositions or premisses . second plea. the scepticks alledge nothing sollid . 1. now , to the scepticks , or scepticism it self . what says the sceptick ? though , says he , nothing be certain , yet many things appear true to us ; and , out of such appearance we proceed to operation . thou entanglest thy self , sceptick ! for , how , whilst , in common , it most clearly appears to thee that nothing is true ; yet assertest thou , in particular , that this appears to thee true ? can these two stand together ; it appears that none of those things proposed us are true ; and at the same time , it appears that some of them are true ? besides , if any thing appears true , 't is because it deceives us with the face and similitude of certain or true , ( which two , as to us , speak the same thing ; for , we say , that is certain which we know to be true , or which is true to us ) : but , 't is clear , we cannot affirm any thing to be like another , if we know not that other : if therefore , there be amongst us no certainty , or nothing known to be true ; nothing can ever be or appear like certainty amongst men. 't is , therefore , stark folly to joyn these two togther , there is nothing certain , or ther 's no certainty ; and yet some things appear certain . 2. for all that , the sceptick will stand to it , that at least this appearance is enough for humane action : since all action is singular , that is , in infinite circumstances upon which demonstration has no force , but only prudence , or the power of conjecturing which is to be prefer'd before other . notwithstanding , if the action be truly humane , that is , purely and thoroughly govern'd by reason , this sceptical appearance is not enough for it . for , first , since prudence is an intellectual vertue , it cannot be indifferent to truth and falsity ; but always tenacious of truth . in action , therefore , govern'd by prudence two things fall under consideration ; that which is most conspicuous and spy'd by every one is , whether the action be like to attain its immediate and next end , to which 't is destin'd : and this for the most part is uncertain ; but withall , in this consists not the primary effect of prudence , but a certain faculty of guessing , which they call sagacity . the other thing , wherein especially prudence plays its part , is whether this action be to be done here and so : for which it suffices that two things be certain ; one , that the actor is led by no passion ; the other , that he has used pains , or disquisition enough ; which depends on the former ; since that will not fall short , unless some passion makes the actor precipitate . but , as far as the soul proves deficient in these two , so much , too , she deviates from the rule of prudence . now , these two may be very clear to an experienced person . farther , this tenet , again , of the scepticks fails of sufficiency for action in the very first root of acting , viz. whether any thing be to be done , or whether action be wholly to be suspended : for , in vain the understanding tugs at it , what action to perform ; unless it be first evident that something is to be acted : they therefore , who profess not so much as this is known , that something sometimes is to be done , cannot be mov'd to action out of pure understanding . nor can it be reply'd that it appears to the sceptick he is to act : for , since appearing is common to true and false ; nay , since 't is known that false is oft-times more probable and apparent , than true ; 't is plain that neither probability in general , nor the greater probability can have any force at all to cause assent . but , if one has not assented to this universal proposition , something is to be done ; 't is plain that , as to pure reason , he has no principle of acting : and , if he has any other principle besides , reason , the action , as far as it springs from that , is not rational . it must therefore be concluded that all action of the scepticks is utterly not-humane , but only brutal ; as rising purely from sense and imagination : or , rather worse than brutal ; in as much as they force reason to submit to and serve sense . 3. but , that which highlyest crosses this sect is , that professors of science much undervallue themselves , if they vouchsafe to dispute with them or endure to hear them babble . for , since in all humanenature , no sect is to be found more addicted to prattle , and more greedy of that vanity which follows tinckling cymbals : at what a distance will they be from their beatitude , if among the adorers of science they be not allow'd to vent their trifles ? let us , therefore , fairly weigh this , whether they are to be admitted among the professors of learning . scientifical persons , then , are either masters or disciples ; that is , such as have already attain'd the habit of science , or such as endeavour after it , or are seekers of truth . since , therefore , t is plain , the scepticks profess not themselves possessors of the science ; it remains they are to be reckoned among the seekers ; wherefore , since this contradicts it self , that one should seek what he thinks is no where , or at least , which dispairs possible to be found ; in vain they declare themselves candidates or seekers after sciences . add to this , that , since they neither admit self-known propositions , nor any legitimate consequence of discourse ; they have no way or method of seeking , or any trace from which to commence their search : but , if they admit any of these two , they cannot but acknowledge something certain . 4. it ought , therefore , be objected , at the very begining , to such contemners of sciences ; what attempt you ? what 's your aim ? how have you the confidence to attaque any one that 's truly a man ? for , whence shall what you say derive any appearance ? is it not just to press on you to prove first whatever you assume ; and this without ever coming to an end ? you therefore , will never be able to assume any thing that can prove our tenets false or uncertain . again , will you use any other form of discourse then sylogistical ? but , this you deny to be evident and certain . you , therefore , come but to deride , sillily to play the rooks , and chatter figments like poetical magpies . you i reply , perhaps , you dispute ad hominem ( as they term it ) , and shew , out of those things which our selves have accepted , that what we teach thereupon has no certainty . what 's your meaning ? if indeed you endeavoured this in any one tenet , it might be allow'd you to try what you were able to do : but , if universally you assert us unable to make good consequences , you call us beasts and deserve not the hearing . and , you your selves , how will you evince any one consequence to be ill ? will you tell us how it ought to be , to be good , you i say that grant none to be evident ? ' again , why will ours be false , and yours good ? but , if you affirm your own not good neither ; what madness possesses you , that you cannot suffer us to rest even in our error ; when you neither can nor strive to exempt us from erring ? t is sweeter , sure , to believe one-self in the light , then to know one-self in darkness and all light hopeless . 5. in fine , to what purpose do we amass arguments against those , who , as far as in them lies , have put off humane nature , and made themselves beasts ? for , if to reason be to advance our selves , out of certain and known things , to things before unknown and uncertain ; and nothing be certain : neither is any reasoning possible ; nor consequently any power of reasoning ; or animal endowed with it . but , if nothing be certain , nothing , too , will be true , since that is certain which we see to be true ; that is , truth had , our truth true to us , true by which we are true . for , clear it is , that our nature is covetous of truth in it self ; that , when we or our understanding is true , being impregnated with this truth , it may be made operative , and master of all things without it ; or , that it may pursue useful things , fear such as are to be fear'd contemn things contemptible , and reject all manner of counterfeit scare-crows . he frustrates , therefore , the whole bent of nature , that denies there 's any certainty ; and utterly evacuates , as nature her self , so also her most vehement desire and aim . what need i mention humane conversation , but especially negotiation ? for , if there can be nothing certain in humane matters , why do we instruct infants and boys ? why strive we to perswade youth into those things which seem true to us ? for , if there be no certainty acquirable , t is to be judg'd wholly indifferent what every youth does , or whither he tends : especially , since not so much as this is certain , that one thing is more probable than another ; and far less , that what now is more probable will be so when the boy comes to choose it . third plea. t is imprudent to deny the existence of sciences . 1. let us raise our style , and enlarge it to entire habits . can it be believed , that men of excellent wits should be so fond as to deny those things that humane life is full of ; and without which there 's no living , at least commodiously ? i mean arts. let 's consider what part of our action or life is exempt from their service : what arts go to the providing us food , cloaths , houses , delights ? our minds are cultivated with liberal ones : the fields , mountains , seas are mastred by arts. to conclude , what is there that falls under mans use , wherein some kind of art is not exercised ? art , therefore , what is it , but a rule which commonly fails not ? this , then ( if mens souls but own themselves ) is certain , that art , for the most part , fails not . what if i should say , that it never fails ? but either the artificer is unskilfull , or else , through laziness or knavery follows not the prescription of the art , as oft as any error happens . but , be it so , that art sometimes fails ; at least , the whole course of our actions is grounded on this that , commonly it fails not : wherefore since what never fails is certain , art , which in most cases never fails , in most cases is certain ; and whoever denies this , either out of ignorance or stomack , opposes himself to very nature and the order of things . this is , therefore , a throughly-attested truth , that there are intire and complete habits of certainties : since , both of the several arts , in common , t is certain that for the most part they attain their effect ; and the same is as evident of the several members and joints in each art in particular . 2. the next place mathematicks challenge , which have gain'd the true name of science : first , arithmetick and geometry , each of so large an extension , that they make up many entire habits ; and if they be acknowledg'd for sciences , they leave no room for opposing others , upon pretence of the abundance of their doctrines , or the largeness of their subject . such , again is the steddiness of attestatition to these sciences , of so many ages , so many eminent wits , by shewing and perpetuating so many effects , beyond the estimation of humane prudence ; that there can be no doubt but they winch against nature it self that calumniate these sciences . let 's behold the multiplicity of sylogisms ; the derivation of far distant truths by intermediate propositions , immediate to one another ; and how many principles or fore-known truths are sometimes made use of towards the search of some one : and we shall see these sciences will not sustain themselvs alone , but extend their power to others also ; and perswade , nay , evince , that there 's nothing but may be demonstrated , if there want not industry . 3. yet i am not ignorant what uses to be urg'd against these sciences , especially against geometry : which though in other works i have sometimes repell'd , yet here too , as in their properest place , they are again to be repeated ; chiefly because the scepticks no where , in my judgment deserve more applause . for , plain it is , though nothing be farther from the meaning of the geometricians than what the scepticks lay to their charge ; yet nothing appears clearer in the terms they use , than what they mean not : providence so ordering it , that those things which best guard themselves by their own evidence should be most infesed with prejudices ; to warn us , in more obscure points , not to desert evidence , though we be hard put to 't with weighty , perhaps , but obscure argments . for , what 's more manifest than that geometricians require a streight line to be drawn from one point to another ? that they dispute , whole volumes full , conconcerning lines and superficies ? that they demand a line to be drawn out in infinitum ? that a circle be made ? an equilateral triangle ? and a thousand such like : that none of all which , yet , can exist in the world , 't is either certain , or , at least , so ambiguous that it ought not to be presum'd without demonstration ; whereas the geometricians neither attempt nor promise any such thing . 4. notwithstanding in all these , t is no hard matter to satisfie an attentive reader . for , i ask , whether or why t is not lawful for a mathematitian to speak universally of his object , in the same manner as both the learned and unlearned talk of theirs ? he may then speak of the body proposed to him , as t is long , not treating at all about it , as t is broad ; since for a body to be broad is nothing else , but to be long according to two dimensions . in like manner , since a body to be deep signifies it to be long according to three dimensions ; what an envious part 't is not to allow the same to be considered as broad , abstracting from the third dimonsion ? these things being clear to the utmost pitch of evidence ; and so that we cannot speak otherwise according to nature ; let 's see wherein lyes the fault of the geometricians . you urge that they assert there is a line in being , that is , longitude without latitude ; i deny it : you prove it , alledging they mark a line with letters , saying the line a. b. i demand , to what purpose serves this marking ? is it for any thing but to notifie the longitude of the body they measure ? if that be all , then the sense which serves the mathematicians turn in the word is , that the body propos'd , according to longitude , is equivalent to the distance between a and b. and , if he assumes any more , it must of necessity be something impertinent to his discourse , which geometricians , of all men , are farthest from . 5. the very same may be said for their manner of speaking concerning a superficies . but , for points , the solution is more evident : for , in stead of this word the point a , or the point b , put the word end or term , and there will remain no shadow of difficulty . for , who can doubt but that a body , as long , is terminated : and therefore can forbid an end or term to be assign'd it ? for the rest , 't will easily appear the like discourse serves : for , when he demands a line to be produc'd in infinitum , the clear sense of the geometrician is to have it drawn out as far as is necessary for his work ; which never does or can happen to require it actually infinite . not an infinite , therefore , but an indefinite line the geometrician asks ; that he may use any as big a part of it as he needs . in like manner , if he demands a circle or streight line to be made ; 't were fond to think he expects them scor'd out mathematically on paper or sand : since the demonstration he intends is universal and exists in the understanding only , not in paper . it suffices therefore , that the accurateness of the circle or line be in his mind , to which the paper yields a phantasm ; a weak one , indeed , but fit enough to delineate the rigorous form in his mind . some , too , will not allow a line can be cut just in the middle . nor do i deny this to be petty work of geometry : but , neither do i expect the scepticks should be able to prove this impossible : and therefore , against a perfect demonstration , such as euclid's is , to listen to slight-babling reasons were to trifle , not philosophize . 6. is not this hugely remarkable , or rather to be admir'd ? that those things which advance geometry , above other sciences , in a great measure are false ; taken for granted in order to use , but not credited for science : for , mathematick is not certainer or more evident than other sciences ; but easier and more adapted to fancy , not understanding . for , if in geometry we were still to use strick terms , and always to repeat this body , as long , abstracting from its latitude , or , as broad , abstracting from its depth , the whole discipline , losing that inveiglement of clearness by which it tills on the reader , would be but tedious work . now , because we may use the names of points , lines , and superficies , as they were things ; and , according to this gross apprehension , make visible figures : geometrical truths strike almost our very corporeal eyes . whether as much may be done in other sciences , at least as to some part , is not yet clear ; but , from the way of algebra , it may be conjectur'd not utterly out of the reach of humane industry . 7. this , at least , may passe for evident , from the manner we have expressed of the geometricalcontemplation : that the geometricians use to draw their consequences and positions , not from the sounds of their words , but the notions in their minds . but , herein kind nature has been indulgent to those disciplines ; that they are excus'd from any necessity to resolve the equivocation of their terms : but having once explain'd them , they may , without any rub , proceed , whence we see that if at any time , they are put to explicate their words , geometry grows even as troublesom as metaphysick : as appears in that question bandy'd concerning an angle of contact ; because they reflect not that an angle speaks a quantum , whereas yet they confess it cannot exist without a space . plain then 't is rendred that the first task in the other sciences is , to make the question clear between the opposite parties , not only in term , but also in meaning : and that this is the main fault of the weak managers of other sciences , that they stick obstinately at using the words in a fore-received sense , and that no clear one ; nor can be bronght to an agreement about their explication . 8. it must be concluded , that , in physick also and metaphysick , there 's a capacity of infinite demonstrations , if industry be not wanting . for , who is so senselesse as pertinaciously to deny , that a formal sylogism may be made ev'n about the subjects of these sciences , or , when made , is of force ? it must , therefore , be said , either that the discoursers in these disciplines cannot comprehend their own meaning , and declare what they feel in their mind when they pronounce such words : or else , that they may reduce them into a sylogism and breed science . plain too , it is , that , in that part of physick , which is truly call'd such , viz. that which treats of sensible qualities , not so subject to obscurity through the equivocalnesse of the terms , demonstration will cost lesse pains : in metaphysicks 't will prove harder , because the commoner the words are , the more they are subject to equivocation . but , on the other side , because , the commoner the things treated are , the simpler are their notions , and consequently , more evident the connexion of the terms : demonstrations in metaphysicks must needs be most evident and secure , and such as deserve the evidence of all other sciences should depend on them . fourth plea refells the preliminary objections . 1. now we must give ear to the complaints , ( shall i call them ? ) or rather reproaches of the scepticks : though themselves are no slight causes of those ills which they object to the lovers of dogmatizing ; who , whilst they even acknowledge it the entire work of a man , and one minding his businesse too , to dilate the bounds of any science ; themselves , pursuing mean studies and the applause of a smooth-tongue , strive , under pretence of impossibility , to avert from that heroick thought the scientifically-dispos'd genius of others . yet , would they do even this but solidly , i should think it pardonable : but , if they fall not on this neither in a legitimate way ; how are they not to be exploded ? now , perhaps , the defects of mis-seekers may be more ; but i le content my self with the proposal of three . let the first be of those who seek things incapable of truth ; or who , of that which has no being at all , enquire how it is or may be made : as if one should require a triangle , equal to an assign'd circle , to be inscrib'd in it . let the second be of those , who complain that those things are unknown , which , though true in themselves , are yet , either , absolutely , or at least as yet , out of the reach of human power : as if one should be angry that the wars or government of the planetary common-wealths ( supposing those globes planted with rational creatures ) are unknown to us . for , 't is fondness to quarrel at our ignorance of such things , for reaching the knowledge whereof nature has afforded us no ladder of accidents . the last defect is of such as lament those things are unknown , which , by honest industry , may be searcht out , and will , if the ardour of inquisition grow ripe . for , 't is ignorance and importunity to allow no time for encrease of sciences . amongst these i reckon not those self-tormentors , who fret that those things are unknown , which are publickly known to others , but unknown to them ; because , upon some extrinsecal prejudice , they neglect inquiring into what others have said : which race of men is , at this day , most frequent among the courters of science ; but withall most insufferable : for , what can be viler than to shut the eyes against things most manifest to the understanding ; upon the calumnies of such as profess they know not these things which others constantly affirm are most evidently comprehended ? 2. let now the complaints themselves speak , viz. those with which the contemner of advancing dogmatically has stuft his 3 , 4 , 5 , and 6 chapters : but , first le ts examine those things which he indulgingly reproaches . they are the two , as it were , acknowledged ultra's of philosophers , viz. the causes of the seas ebbing and flowing , and of the wonders of the load-stone . i le endeavour to look into them severally . and , as to the first , though that may well be reckoned among the things whose accidents are not-yet-enough comprehended by us ; and therefore i might justly exact that they , who think it incomprehensible , should take care to have the phoenomena's clear'd , and teach us , by just calculations of seamen , what dayes , in the several regions , the sea ebbs and flows happen : otherwise , i may deservedly lay the blame on industry , and excuse philosophy : yet i will not proceed so rigorously with a courteous adversary ; but argue , that these things may be convinced concerning this vicissitude of the sea : that the motion is caus'd by an extrinsecal mover : that that is no other than the winde : that what rules the windes is but various aspects of the sun and moon to the divers climates of the earth . which , if they be true , if evident from the phoenomena's ; what remains , but that the phoenomena's be more acurately traced ; and the ignorance of particulars laid to the charge of industry , not of art : and so philosophy scape scot-free ? 3. le ts run over our proposals one by one . the first is that the seas motion is from something extrinsecal , or without it . this is demonstrated by aristotle in his books of physicks ; as they who have studyed him know : the dialogues , too , de mundo have made this some part of their pains ; and , if a proper place for it occurs in this treatise , i shall not be loath of my labour to explicate the same again : here this proposition is to be assum'd , not prov'd . that the author of this motion is the winde comprehends more than one thing , viz. that the winde is a sufficient stirrer of the sea ; and that it , in particular , concurs to this motion call'd the flux . as to the first part , ( not to mention how many deluges or overflowings of the sea have infested the coasts by the windes help ) , we need not travel beyond the thames ; in which , almost every winter , the flood happens , sometimes more than once in a day , to be beaten back or pour in more abundantly than ordinary , to the overflowing the streets in the subburbs of london , that , again , the winde causes this course of the tydes , besides the necessity which the perpetual west-winde , flowing from the atlantick sea to the east-indies , carries with it ; the six-months strong currents , which take their turns constantly backward and forward between africa and america , conformable to the windes always keeping the vicissitude there , are a manifest testimony . add to these , that , through the whole coast of china , certain tempests , with most vehement rains and overflowings of rivers , are daily expected at the new and full moons ; whence the variation of the fluxes at the same just periods is encreased . now , that the windes and rains and rising of storms depend from the sun and moon is so notorious that 't is past contest . these things , then being clear ; the causes of ebbing and flowing cannot be obscure : though the certain compasses they fetch be unknown , because the observations of them are not-yet exactly calculated . 4. nor is the magnetical philosophy less evident , if we 'l have but patience to look into 't by piece-male . for , it cannot be doubted , from the sudden turning of iron-tools fit for the purpose , and other bodies apt for magnetical direction ; but that power of direction , which we call magnetical , is attaind by a flux of unperceivable atoms deriv'd from one body into another : and as little , that because a perpendicular or horizontally-sidelong position of the magnetical body is apt to beget in it that vertue ; the primarily magnetical body is the earth we tread on , or at least the crust of it next us . nor , again , is it questionable , from the perpetual motion of corruption and generation of this magnetical vertue in those bodies ; but there is a certain perpetual flux of atoms upwards and downwards , as also between the equator and the poles ; whereby this vertue is infus'd and fed . neither , again , will any stick at it , that the magnetical body , if it be set at full liberty , must be carry'd according to the flux of the like atoms ; as that which swims in a river follows the violence of the stream : and consequently , the declination , too , or variation of the needle point out the channel of the earth's atoms , which are proper to it . all which if we solidly remark , and pursue with a steddy discourse ; i see not what great mistery lies in this magnetical vertue and operation , beyond possibility of bringing clearly to light . these secrets , therefore , of nature were , heretofore , like the head of nilus , undiscover'd ; but now , themselves attest not the defect but proficiency of science . these then thus touch'd on , let us fall to the objections themselves . fifth plea refells our ignorance of the soul and sensation . 1. in the third chapter , therefore , of his most eloquent discourse , he objects our ignorance of that thing we ought to be best acquainted with , viz. our own souls . concerning which , what a kind of thing 't is in this our earthly habitation , he neither teaches nor enquires at all , as far as i can discern ; only that it is , he asserts , may be most clearly gathered from its effects ; but , to ask what it is , he saies is like the mistake of infants , that look behind the glass for the body whose superficies they saw painted on its foreside . and , in my judgment , he had said rarely , had he stopt here : but in his following questions , he shews his deficiency even in this . for , he asks farther , whence the soul comes ? and how t is united to the body ? he is therefore most manifestly detected , to think that the soul , lying hid in the body , is of it self a certain substance , which may directly be made , come , and be joined to another thing : whence he terms it subsistence , which doubtless denotes a thing and substance . now , that this is a most important error in philosophy none can doubt , that 's able to discern the opposition of one and many . for , t is plain , that either a man is not a thing ; or else that his soul and body are not two things ; if one thing cannot at once be many , nor many one . nor am i scar'd with the distinction ( which the boys that gabble philosophy have always ready in their budget ) of a perfect and imperfect thing : which saies just nothing , unless imperfect signifie to which somewhat is wanting to make it a thing ; which suppos'd , an imperfect thing is not a thing , and the distinction vanishes . otherwise , the same cannot be one thing and more things : wherefore either a man is not a thing , but a pair of things consisting of an intelligence and a beast ; or his soul and body are not two things . 2. when , therefore , he asks , whence comes the soul ? it must be answered with a question , whether he doubts whence the man comes ? for , if whilst the man lives , there be but one only thing which is call'd the man , 't is he alone can have come ; and he beats the wind that enquires whence the soul comes ? nor am i shaken with the authority of our fore-fathers , though never so reverend : i mean not of those who profess themselvs unable to grapple with the question ; for these deliver the candle into the hands of posterity , advising them to pursue on the same race , that it may be seen whether any thing purer occur to them than to themselves , ready to patronize whoever shall clear the truth . but their opposition i resist , who clamor 't is the faith of all churches that rational souls are fram'd by god. for , now i 'm accustom'd to it , to distinguish between what 's due to the sincerity of faith , and what to scholastical subtilty . if i attribute the making of man , as he 's intellectual , to the singular power and operation of god , i have submitted my self to the keys of the churches doctrine , and subscrib'd to the tradition of the saints . but , whether that action , which is the generation of man , consists of two actual parts , or be but one alone , by more notions equivalent to more really-distinct actions , is a purely speculative question belonging to the schools . and so it must be said that one thing , a man , equivalent to a beast and an intelligence , is brought into existence , by one action , equivalent to two , the generation of an animal and the creation of an intelligence . 3. by this truth we are led to the evident solution of the two following knots ; the econd being how the body and soul are united ? which , 't is plain , is herein faulty , that it supposes two things to be united existing either before the compound , or not destroyd but ty'd together in it : which is clearly false , not only out of the ' fore-declared truth , but also out the definition of a part. for , parts are call'd such , whereof , by a motion , call'd composition , one thing is made ; or into which , what was one is resolv'd by division , or destruction of the unity . now , unity , not union , is the form of what is one : and , in that which is one , to seek for the colligation or cement , is to seek by what the same is made the same . the same error runs through the following difficulty , which laments that 't is unknown how the soul moves the body : which is utterly knock'd on the head , by denying the soul moves the body . for , true it is , that one animated member moves another ; but not , that any substance , which is a pure soul , moves immediately any member in which the soul is not . i appeal to other animals , in which there 's frankly denied to be a soul independent of the body : and i desire to have shewn me what motion there is in man , which is not in them . i confess freely , that one member , the brain especially , moves the rest after another manner in man , than in other animals ; and this by reason of the difference in their souls : but first it ought to be made evident by experiments , that a humane soul , without the help of the body , or some member acting together with it , moves another member ; before we are to enquire into the manner how this either is or can be done . 4. the last darkness which he bemoans in this chapter lyes in our ignorance of that motion , whereby the spirits are deriv'd out of the brain into the fit nerves for the animal's natural action . and , if indeed the objection brandish an argument common to all animals , i should soon quit the field : for i confess my self not so skilful in anatomy , that i can lay before the eyes , why , from the motion of anger boyling in the heart , the spirits should start into those muscles , by whose streining the animal is carry'd towards its adversaries ; and , from the motion of fear , spirits flow into the opposite muscles , by which the animal flies fromwards them ; whereas they , in a manner , add strength to and enforce both alike . yet , i make no question at all but , by force of the brain 's motion , caus'd by the motion of the heart , it comes to pass that the entrance into one sort of channels are shut , others opn'd , and that thence comes this admirable and as-yet-not-sufficiently-seen-through direction of the spirits . but , the authors seems to make mans case proper to himself ; alledging will , and perhaps election , to be , as it were , the first author of this direction . still , therefore , he slips into the same error . for , first , he should demonstrate some act of the will , without some either precedent or concomitant motion of the heart , ( which , when t is violent , we call passion ; when we endeavour at any thing , desire or flight , or some other such like we stile it ) : but , if there be no such , then the cause of this direction is purely mechanical , as he calls it , and not any certain inexplicable power . now , that there cannot possibly be any such exempt act of the will , 't is clear enough to them who allow ther 's no knowledge without a beat of phansies : for , phansies cannot chuse but both be stird themselves and stir others , by the usual ways of nature . by motions , therefore , deriv'd from the heart , whether in man or in animals , all motions , whether natural or free , universally are perform'd : and , by consequence , are subject to the contemplation and scrutiny of philosophy and acurate mechanicks . 5. the fourth chapter objects that the natures of sensation and memory are inexplicable . as to the former , first he acknowledges the substance of sensation is seated in the brain alone : then he inclines to des cartes's fantastical conjecture , shall i call it , or deviation from the manifest footsteps of nature ; about motion's being brought down from the heav'ns to our eyes , through the continuedness of a very thin ether : but , because he esteems aristotle's conceits , too , not incredible , i may be excus'd from that speculation . at length , therefore , he falls again into the old error , enquiring how corporeal things can have any force upon a naked spirit ? he supposes therefore , the soul in the body to be a kind of thing , not the form or affection of the thing , man ; and so , is upon the same false haunt again , nor needs repeating former discourses to beat him off it . but , left he should say nothing new , he objects that , by sense alone ; there 's no discerning the quantities , distances , figures and colours of things . i wonder , i must confess , at these objections from a curious and ingenious man ; things so clearly explain'd & demonstrated in opticks . who is so ignorant , that he knows not that bigger things , at the same distance , strike the eye in a more obtuse angle and stronglier ? who knows not that figure , if plain , as objected to the eye , is nothing else but quantity more spacious or contracted this or that way ? but , if it be a solid one and participate of the third dimension , it borrows its variety from distance . again , that distance is nothing else , but a certain magnitude spread between the eye and the object ; which if it be past judging of , neither can the eye attest the distance . lastly , that colour is nothing else , but the confused figuration of a superficies , according to its parts undistinguisht to sense . whence it remains clear , that the eye needs no other geometry for all these , than what is necessary to judge of a magnitude from the variety of an angle . 6. his next pains is about memory . to shew the explication of that impossible , he commemorates and rejects four waies of resolving it . i must take another path than any of those . first , i must weaken this consequence , that if any thing about memory has not hitherto been explicated , we must therefore make account it never will be , or that 't is impossible to be explicated . we must be aware too , that alwaies some things will be unknown ; either because their trivialness merits not the pains of learning them ; or in that at length the bulk of things known will be grown so great , that more will be burthensome to the understanding . now , to complain of such like is to have forgot human shortness . what , therefore , seems my task in this queston is , to bring into play those things which are already establisht and evident about memory ; and , for those that are unknown to make an estimate whether , some time or other , they too will come or merit to be known . first , then 't is evident , we must distinguish what is memory and what remembrance . for , memory is only a conserving of the impressions made by the objects , whereby the animal is rendred able to use them when he lists or needs . but , remembrance is a certain motion whereby that power of using the impressions is reduc'd into act and use. concerning memory , therefore , a reason is to be given both of its station or rest , and of the causes or manner of its motion : and of both , if i be not mistaken , nature and experience offer evident footsteps , for tracing them . 7. in the first place , that all things that move the sense have certain minute particles of their body shorn off ; as to the touch , tast and smell , is too notorious to abide contest . he that denyes the same force to the light , returning from the things to our eyes , must deny , too , that the sun extracts exhalations from the earth and sea : there being no other diversity in the operations , but that the one is greater and stronger , the other weaker and less . now that these atoms get up to the brain , by the waftage of the spirits , ( that is , a certain liquid and most subtil substance ) can scarce be denied by one never so pievish , that 's but put in minde how waters and oyles are impregnated . these atoms , therefore , must of necessity strike , not without some violence , upon that part of the brain , whose being-struck causes perception . again , that a stream or any thing liquid dasht against a resister should not leap back again is most clearly repugnant , both to experience and reason . and , that a substance any thing viscuous , in a viscuous vessel besides ( such as those are about the brain ) being repuls'd , should not stick to any thing solid is equally impossible : as also , that a notable part of that stream should not cling together , is against the nature of gluyness . the walls therefore , of the empty and hollow places of the brain must of necessity be all hang'd and furnisht with little threads . conclude we , then , that through all the senses , except hearing , the animal is enabled , by atoms constantly sticking in it , to make use again of the impressions made by objects . in fine , since sound is made by a collision of the air ; 't is evident by anatomy , that it drives the hammer of the ear to beat upon the anvil , by which beat 't is not to be believ'd but certain particles must fly off and strike the fancy : the orderly storing up ▪ therefore , of these is apt to constitute the memory of sounds . the structure , then , of memory ( if i am not mistaken ) is rationally enough declared . 8. i cannot see why the like track may not carry us to the explaining of the symptoms of remembrance too ; or why their solution should be desparate . for , there 's nothing clearer than that the fore-explicated motion of the atoms is set on work by a wind , as it were . for , that passion is a certain ebullition of spirits reeking out of the heart , t is visible even to the eies , in anger , and love , and bashfulness . if we make inquisition what effect these motions have on the fancy , we experience , that those objects occur to the mind , tumultuously and all on a heap , as it were , which solicite these passions ; so hastily and in a huddle , that they prevent mature weighing . it appears , therefore , that the atoms , rouz'd from their places by such like vapours , fly about the cognoscitive part , in a kind of confused tumble . if then , there are certain winds and blasts , which we call motions of the appetitive faculty : is it not plain , that the cavities of the brain will be brusht , as it were , and the images sticking to the wals be moved to the place destin'd for attaining their effect ? and that these atoms are carried neither meerly by chance , nor yet in a certain order , is evident by this ; that , upon inquisition , the things we seek for do not suddenly and perfectly occur ; which were a sign of election ; and yet manifestly , such abundance of them suit to our purpose , that t is clear , they could not run thus without any industry at all . as , therefore , when we treated of directing the spirits into the nerves , we allowed the several passions each their waies into certain parts of the brain : so , here , t is also manifest , the same passions have the places and series of some certain atoms , in a manner more obvious to them , than others . 9. but our new admirer of nature is perplext , how this multitude of objects , swimming in the cavities of the brain , should possibly be , without entangling and confounding one another : and by what art they shift out of one anothers way , so as to be able to keep humane knowledge distinct . and here , i must confess , i had need crave the help of a machine : for , really , we have no candle , nor spectacles enabling us to look into the subtile paths by which the atoms avoid and slip by , to escape ruining one another by shocking . but , in exchange , i ask how many sun-beams ( which philosophy now questions not to be bodies ) pierce streight to our eies , through the vast continuity of air , and so many little bodies flying up and down in it ? there 's no body , if we credit experience and reason , without its steams , and a sphere of vapours derived from it : how do these steams find free paths to run in and attain such wonderful effects ? the magnetical , sympathetical , and smell-producing streams , have not their courses broken , or ends intercepted by one another . they that have not the confidence to deny these , why are they loath to allow the same may happen in the wide passages of the brain ? but you 'l reply , that to multiply a difficulty is not to salve it ; but to profess the rest of nature inscrutable , when t is our task to clear this particular . well then , thus i cut the very knot asunder : in currents of greater atoms , where t is easier to make experiment , t is plain , that many are confounded , many lost ; yet , out of the very nature of multitude , that some are preserved entire , and those enough to serve nature's turn . so it passes even in the brain : whatever object enters requires time for affecting the sense ; which , if it be too short , the object is lost almost before it be perceiv'd ; if long , it roots in the knowledge by the multiplicity of the images , and the frequent sight of the same object does as much ; nay , that knowledge often repeated , works the same effect , is evident beyond dispute . this being so , we must conclude , that such is the art of nature as , for things to be remembred , there shall not want that abundance of images , which is necessary and sufficient to force their way through the crowd of all others they meet . 10. 't is plain that , in this answer , i have prefer'd the digbaean method before the rest : because that , as neer as is possible , traces nature step by step . i concern not my self in the rest ; as studying philosophy , out of a design to build , not destroy . only , i 'd remember the ingenious author that he mis-imposes the third opinion ( which relishes nothing of philosophy ) upon aristotle ( who taught the digbaean way ) ; deceiv'd by the counterfeit stilers of themselves aristotelians , whereas they are nothingless . in this same chapter , the author seems sollicitous about the will 's following the understanding : but , because , he disputes nothing on 't , neither will i ; only , hint that the will , as spiritual , signifies not any thing else , but the very understanding perfect , or ripe for action to follow out of it . that mystery of whence comes ill , i deny not , has bin brought down , by the contests of the ancients , even to our ears ; nor question i but 't will last as long as the bold and ignorant shall endure : but , as the author mis-insinuates , i doubt not that st. augustine himself has most clearly convinc'd it ; nor can it any longer be troublesome to any , but those who either know not , or neglect his doctrine . sixth plea displaies the pastick vertue , continuity , adhesion of parts , and the mysteries of rolling . 1 ▪ in his fifth chapter he falls upon the obscurity of the formation of natural bodies , especeially living ones : yet , not so smartly but that what he says may , with ease enough be repuls'd . i say , then , that there are two methods , by which the formation of living creatures may be rendred intelligible ; without any farther difficulty than what may , without a miracle , be refunded into the wisdome of our maker . conceive the first , thus : let 's say the seed of a plant or animal conteins invisible parts of all the animals members : these , le ts say , supply'd with moisture , encrease , with some slight mutation , whereof the reason may be easily rendred ( for example , that some parts dryer and harder , others are more throughly water'd and grow soft ) ; and what great matter will be apprehended in the formation of living things ? the other method is , that , observing the progress in chymicks , which must of necessity hold the very same in nature if self , we 'd see that things concocted with a gentle fire result into three more remarkable parts : a kind of thin and , as it were , fiery one , though condensablein to the species of water ; another oily and answerable to air ; a third expressing the nature of salt and , as it were , hardned water ; with all which ther 's mingled and lyes at the bottom a fourth , that 's dry and of an earthy quality , however they call it . the same we ought to expect from nature ; since the acting of heat upon moisture is the end of both fornaces . this laid for a ground , suppose , in a proper vessel , a drop of prepared liquor , so kept warm and preserv'd that it may be encreas'd , too ; is it not plain that , by the very action , some parts will become dryer , others more subtil and liquid ? and that the dryer will grow into different figures ? especially into certain hollow vessels ; if , by the beats of the boyling moisture , they be extended and thrust out in length ? and that all of them will cling together , where they begin first to divide ? and see you not now the figure of the animal and its respectively homogeneous parts form'd ? and that their connexion and variety , and its other heterogeneous parts follow the variety of either the fire or liquor . 2. he that shall comprehend these things well , will not lament that the plastick vertue is an empty name and a word without a thing . but , if he be ingenious and conveniently at leisure , he 'l either , in spring time close-observe the breeding plants in gardens or the fields ; or at home pluck up seeds buried in pots , just while they are taking life ; and daily rake into the bowels of berries and seeds : and i dare promise him so manifestly connected steps of advance , that , after many experiments , he shall fore-tel , meerly out of what he sees the day before , what will be the next days issue . those things which appear wonderful confusedly in the whole , taken asunder discover and fairly offer themselves to view . if one observe the spreading of figures or colours , he shall find the principles of these founded in the nature of juice ; the reasons of those chalk'd out by some manner of their production : for both fruits and even slips are , by art , variable into any kind of forms . much more the figures of different salts or concret juices spring , not from any intrinsecal nature , but from their usual generation and the diffidulty or facilness of their place and motions . nor let any be scar'd by the talk of artists , that admire and amplifie those things whose causes they understand not : or of our authour , amaz'd at the constancy of natural operations ; why our hens should never be colour'd like peacocks-tails or parrats . for , in different regions , great varieties spring from the diversity of food and air : and , for what is out of our reach about these things , we must be beholden to time . 3. in the same chapter he raises two other questions , which he thinks absolutely inexplicable : to me , on the other side , they seem to have scarce any difficulty in them . the later in him is concerning the composition of bulk or continuum : a question both debated by the antients and desperate to the modern's . the former , though the later in nature , is concerning the sticking together of parts , or , why one body is more divisible , another less . the former question supposes another , whether there be parts actually in a continuum , whereof the affirmative side , though they wrangle in words , yet is commonly taken by the modern's , as it were a self-or-sensibly-known truth ; but , by the whole school of the antient peripateticks and that of the thomists following them , hist out , as demonstratively convicted . the issue of the matter is that , about the composition of bulk , the moderns , after a world of laborious trifling , confess philosophy at a stand : the peripateticks deride them as groping in the dark . for , if there be no parts til they are made by division ; they are manifestly out of their wits that seek how those should be united which are-not at all ? the arguments of those that assert actual parts cite even sense ; concerning which ther 's nothing certainer than that it cannot discern any part in a bulk ; since the term of each part is invisible , whereas sence requires a notable quantity to judge of . their other arguments commonly assume our manner of speaking , and end in logical trifles , how we ought to speak , not what the thing it self has really in it . now , this no-very-difficult contest being decided , all the controversie concerning the composition of bulk is over . 4. about the other question there 's even as wise work . the followers of democritus strive to resolve it into hooks and corner'd hold-fasts : not seeing , that nothing can be imagin'd so one , or an atom , as that it self is not compos'd of many parts , concerning which it must be ask'd how they come to stick so fast together ? but , this difficulty they , at least , slip over , asserting that these in minutest bodies , by force of nature , resist whatever divisive power , not so the compounds of them : that is , the greatest and invincible coherence of parts they carelesly ascribe to the force and quality of nature , and are narrowly inquisitive about a less . the first resolution , therefore , 't is plain , is refunded into nature it self , and the division of body or bulk into rare and dense , or having more and less of quantity in equality of bulk . which differences most demonstrably dividing the notion of quantitative and constituting more species of it in things ; there remains no greater difficulty in the adhesion of the parts of the same continuum , than whether there be any such thing or not : for , if there be any , by its very being a continuum , of necessicity it must be whereof parts may be made , not wherein parts are ; else ( as we have press'd above ) the same thing would be one and many , divided and not-divided , in the same notion . therefore 't is that substance , from its very quantity , whence it has its refolvableness into parts , has also its easier or harder resolvableness , which they call its parts more or less sticking to one another . but , as soon as ever the speculation is strein'd up to intellectual notions , these naturalists's stomack turns : as if philosophy enjoyn'd us not to know our own thoughts , and made it unlawful to understand what we speak . 5. his sixth chapter is all dedicated to the motion of wheels ; nor , if we believe an author that wants for no wit , is it any ways solvable . but , before he attaques that fatal difficulty , he objects a certain previous one to us , which the antients object to aristotle ; but he , i confess , in a clearer form . for , he considers a wheel mov'd about its center , and plainly concludes that no part of it moves ; but the whole is mov'd , and the several parts together change place . but , what inconvenience this conclusion drags along with it , i am utterly ignorant : for , though he strives to reduce at large , that one part first quits the place before another is in it ; yet evidently the words , not the thing , breeds all the contest : for , what hinders that , altogether and at-once , both the quitter should first not-be and the succeeder first be in the same place ? another solution might be given , did the argument exact it : but , as i said , the quarrel is about the words and manner of speaking , not the thing . the author subjoyns a second difficulty , how , in a wheel turn'd about , the parts nearer the center , in the same time , come to run over so little a space ; whereas they are connected with the remoter , which fetch so large a compass ? and , after he has acknowledged it to arise from hence , because they are not carry'd alike swiftly ; he infers that , if the swiftness of the motions be unequal , the straight line drawn from the center to the circumference must be crook'd : whereas 't is most evident , the right line would be crook'd , if the nearer and distanter parts from the center were carry'd with equal velocity . 6. at length the author loftily enters upon his boasted experiment , professing before hand , hee 'l stop the mouth of the boldest obstinancy . thus he proposes it . let one axle-tree have three wheels on it , one at each end , both alike , and a third in the middle far less . let the bigger rest upon the floor , the lesse● upon some table . let them all be drawn in a progressive motion , till , having fetch'd a full compass , they mark the floor and the table with the very same points , in which , at first , they rested on them . the three scor'd lines will be found equal ; whereas the middle one is scor'd out by the contact of a circle far less than the other two , yet 't is as long as them : which , with no likely-hood , can be deny'd impossible ; since , 't is clear , things that touch , as far as they do so , are , necessarily equal . this is the knot ; this the evident repugnancy . but , alas ! let 's observe that motion is call'd in to help tye the knot the harder ; and that the motion is of two kinds , a right and a circular , compounding a third progressive motion of the wheel . observe we farther , that the right ( or streight ) motion of the three wheels is equal ; and that the circular motion of the great wheels is equal to the right motion ; but the circular motion of the middle little wheel is less than the right motion : and , which follows , that the greater wheels are mov'd with the same celerity according to both motions ; but the lesser is mov'd stronglyer in the right , than in the circular . now , the compounded motion is not that which is scor'd upon the floor or table , which , 't is clear , is a simple and purely right one ; but a certain crooked motion in the air , making , with the scored motion , a certain area ( whose quantity , torricellus has demonstrated ) : as is manifest beyond dispute to whoever but takes any one point of the circle or wheel ; and withall , that the progressive motion of the bigger wheels is greater than that of the lesser wheel . these things thus explicated , there appears nothing in this objection more intricate , than in this simple proposition , that of two bodies , which are carryed according to one line with equal velocity , one may , at the same time , be carried swiftlyer than the other , according to another line : which is so evident , that any one , that 's a mathematician , cannot doubt of it . 7. yet still galilaeus presses closer that , in the circumvolution , the several points of the lesser circle or wheel are just fitted , in an immediate succession , to the several points of the space in which 't is carried : and , therefore , that it cannot be understood how the right can be longer than the crooked . but , that which deceived galilaeus was his not having discussed aristotle himself , but bin overcredulous to his modern interpreters , or rather corrupters . for , aristotle has taught us that a moveable , in actual motion , alwaies possesses a bigger ( and not-equal ) place to it self ; which is most evident : for , since no part of motion can be but in time ; and , in every part of time , the thing moved quits some place and gets some new ; 't is plain , there cannot be found any so little motion , wherein the body moved , has not possessed both the place in which it had rested , and some part of a new one . this supposed , though the moveable were conceived indivisible ; yet certain it would be that , in whatever determinate part of time , or by however little a part of motion , it would score out not a space equal to it self , but some line ; and , in the conditions of our present dispute every point of the lesser wheel will draw a line proportionate to a part of the circle of the greater wheel . and , since really there are no either instants in time , or indivisibles in motion , or points in a circular line : 't is evident , this argument has no force ; but in vertue of that false apprehension which we have convinced in the ' fore-alledged defence of geometry . seventh plea inquires after the causes of our modern shortness in science . 1. in some of the following chapters he , exquisitely enough , searches into the causes of errors and human ignorance : yet , me-thinks , i could suggest two which he has over-slipt . one is the laziness or rather vanity of this age : for , whoever has got himself but talk enough to weave a learned story amongst the ignorant or half-learned , such as understandings unaccostomed to sciences are apt to be dazled with : partly out of irksomness to pursue harder things , partly out of confidence of his own wit , he slights descending into those mines whence our ancestors have dig'd out science ; and to take those pains himself which alone wisdom regards and follows . let this author be my witness ; who , about the end of his former chapter , complains of the obscurity of our speculations concerning motion , gravity , light , colours , sight , sound ; all which the digbaean philosophy makes as clear as day : whence also ( though there they are more copiously and clearly explicated ) we have borrowed our discourses of the load-stone , the derivation of the spirits into the members , the memory and remembrance , the formation of living creatures , and whatever almost we have alledged for solving the proposed difficulties : the very dictates of nature leading us the way . such like philosophers , therefore , read the eminent and highly elaborate works of others , as if they were romances invented for pleasure , or as spectators behold a comedy : what on the sudden takes them they commend ; if any thing more knotty than ordinary occurs , they either out of laziness let it pass unregarded , or break some bitter jest on 't . 2. another cause of ignorance , wav'd by our author , appears to me to be a certain special error in the nature of demonstration . for , they feign to themselvs a certain idea of demonstration , which should not only have this force on the vnderstanding , to render the truth propos'd evident ; but , so , besides , that no objection can with any likelihood be oppos'd against it . which is as much as if they should require this demonstration to clear whatever follows out of , or any way relates to it ; or , that one demonstration should be a kind of entire science . for , otherwise , how is it possible but opposition may be rais'd against this , out of things not-yet seen-through and conjoin'd with this truth ? an understanding then , adapted to sciences , out of very principles and what it already knows , is secure of a deduced truth : nor fears any thing can be infer'd opposite to the truth it knows ; whatever pains it may cost to get out of streights . for , it knows , that those things are certain , which the vnderstanding , out of a steddy sight that a thing is a thing , or that the same is the same , has fixt to and in it self : and patiently waits till the distinction between the entanglements shew it self , and the confusion vanish . 3. in that these contemners of sciences endeavour not at fixing any thing in themselves by a severe contemplation of truth : as soon as any truth pretends but to evidence , as if they were incapable of owning it , they quit their station , and betake themselves to enquiring whether any one has oppos'd that same : and if they find impugners , they assume it for most evident , that such a truth is not evident . for , say they , were it evident , 't would be so to all ; 't would convince every understanding . but , they may just as well say , the sun is not visible , because t is not seen by them who turn their backs on 't , or keep their eies shut . for , as in corporeal sight , some corporeal motion is necessary , by which the ball of the eye may be set against the object : no less to see and fix in the mind this very evidence , that the same cannot be and not-be at once , a certain application , and as it were , opening of the mind is required ; even to conceive and give birth to the very evidentest evidence . and , for want of this , so many of the ancients and moderns have not own'd , but corrupted , the evidence of that very first and most notorious principle . whence they can never attain that scientifical method which shines so clear in arithmetick and geometry , but are wholly entangled in logical and equivocal trifles ; and fill babbling volumes with fopperies . let these lusty compilers of tomes shew the world but one leaf , or one page deduc'd , or , at least , attempted in a geometrical method ; and then , let them complain there 's no science , or that it lies hid in an unfathomable well : now the sordid sluggards , only mettlesome at repaoaches , conceit a lion in the way , and stir not a foot , so much as to behold the very way . eighth plea wards off from aristotle the calumny of special impiety . 1. and now i seem at an end of the task set me : did not the same persons strein , as enviously as possible , to defame aristotle , with all manner of contumelies ; that the ignominy of that one man may make way for them to tear science it self out of the hands of the learned , and throw it into the dirt of probability . for , he alone , of all the ancients , has left any monument of demonstration in metaphysicks and physicks . the academicks , where they leave the peripateticks , were orators , not philosophers . for , socrates himself was meerly a disputer and a doubter . plato and aristotle divided his school . plato propos'd to himself , with his wholy-divine wit and purest eloquence , to set out probability , and make himself admir'd for speaking specious things concerning the principles necessary to human life . aristotle very concisely hunting after truth by experiments , and marrying with the inspection of nature , the power of deducing consequences , design'd to shew the world science in physicks and metaphysicks worthy to vye with geometry : and , therefore , as long as a popular form of common-wealth nourisht the power of orators , he was less esteem'd . for , those famous persons affected to manage science after the manner of civil causes , without a solid and firm judgment . the orators at length , wearing out of credit , the authority of aristotle grew stronger ; and has been deriv'd from the romans to the arabians ; from them , to our schools : the italians first ( to our knowledge ) re-calling into the west , the science of the arabians , which the wars long since had chas'd away . 2. 't is highly unjust , and a sign of a cavilling spirit , to pry into his life , whose doctine you go about to impugn : for , these oratorial preventions of the reader argue the writer has no mind a candid judgment should be given of the truth ; but lyes in wait to distort justice by stirring the affections . wherefore , hissing out those things which are tattled against aristotles manners , let 's trace what 's objected against his doctrine . peter gassendus , then , in his third exercitation , objects it as certain , that 't is aristotles opinion , in his book of metaphysicks , that god is an animal : whereas , on the contrary , in the 8. book of his physicks , chap. 6 and 10. he so expresly makes god a substance immaterial , indivisible , immoveable either by himself or by accident ; that impudence it self cannot be able to deny god , in his opinion , not-an animal . he adds , that god is ty'd to the out-most superficies of the highest heaven , which is extream-heedlesly said in the peripatetical way : whether you construe without heaven , in imaginary spaces ( whereas aristotle most expresly attests there are no such ) ; or an indivisible adherent to heaven ; whereas , both the first mover must necessarily be said to be in that which is first moveable or moved ; and , t is well known , that , in aristotle's way , the superficies is mov'd only through the motion of the body whose it is ; as also , the superficies ( as we have said above ) is a certain being divided , or term , or no-farther of a body , and not any entity in which god may be placed . 3. the next accusation argues god bound up to the laws of fate and necessity . but , here , the calumniator is clearly in an error . for , there are two kinds of fate ; one a stoical ; their 's who assert that whatever things are , exist in force of contradiction , since , of necessity , every thing must either be or not-be ; and this fate aristotle rejects : the other fate is a course of causes . since , therefore , 't is evident and agreed by all , in the peripatetical way , that god is the first-being , and by consequence , the cause of the whole series of the rest ; most clear it is that , in aristotle's school , he is not subject to fate , but himself the fate of all other things ; which is the most wise tenet of the saints , and the marrow of christian doctrine . like this is the other , that he is subject to necessity . for , the term , necessity , is ambiguous : for , as t is attributed to animals contradistinctly from liberty , so it takes away perfect knowledge ; which no peripatetick ever deny'd to god , to whom aristotles doctrine forces the very top of knowledge to be attributed . there 's another necessity springing from prefect knowledge ; to which nothing lying undiscovered , one perfect in knowledge , and , consequently , god , can take but one way . but , this necessity implying the determination of an understander to particulars , out of common principles , manifestly speaks election or liberty actuated . 4. he is farther calumniated to have taught that god knows not despicable and petty things ; and , the 12. of his metaphysicks is cited , where this is not found but by way of doubting : but , his best interpreters conclude , out of other texts , that aristotle attributes the knowledge even of these too , to god. this crimination , therefore , argues an ill will , drawing the words of that excellent person to the worst sense . yet , at least , he makes the world increated . but this may easily be deny'd . he asserted it , indeed , not-generated , or , impossible to have begun by motion and the force of natural causes ; which is most consonant to christian faith : but , as to the creation of the world , he has not a word on 't : yet , 't is one thing not to have acknowledg'd it , or reacht so high ; another , to deny ; amongst modest men that babble not incertainties . yet , i confess , he thought the world it self eternal : but , in his very error , he shewed himself the chief of heathen philosophers . for , whereas , they all with one consent declared , that nothing is made of nothing , 't was inconsequent for the world to have begun by motion , which could not exist without time ; and no begining of time , either out of its own essence , or by the action of moving causes , could appear . t is plain , therefore , that this error of aristotle's argues his excellency above the rest , who by chance , and not by science light on the truth . 5. the last calumny about his tenets concerns the immortality of the soul , which gassendus saies , aristotle in many places denies : but as disfavourably as before ; since , his best interpreters attest that he acknowledged it ; and plutarch records him to have written concerning the soul , upon eudemus's death ; out of whom is cited that famous story of a dead man's soul begging revenge of his friend . whence is evidenc'd that those interpreters err , who , out of aristotle's principles , endeavour to conclude the soul not immortal , and that this was aristotle's own sence . it hits strangely in fine , that the author , otherwise very ingenious , should judge this a fit objection , that aristotle denyed the resurrection of the dead : which , t is most certain , the light of faith first discover'd to mortals ; though , after its acceptation on that account , its conformity also to the progress of nature might be discern'd . this farther , that he concludes , saying , that aristotle speaks many things wholly disagreeable to our h. orthodox faith : as if plato and the rest of the philosophers had tendred the world none but tenets agreeable to faith : which is by so much an unworthier part of gassendus , in that he himself in his preface , promises he 'l shew that , t is by faith alone , any thing comes to our knowledge of god and the intelligences ; and that all arguments about these things , drawn from the light of nature , are vain . a worthy epiphonema , indeed , to close up his sixth book , design'd against metaphysick , or the supreme science . ninth plea wipes off the aspersions on aristotle's doctrine and terms . 1. i must now return from gassendus to the author of the vanity of dogmatizing ; since he has selected the strongest mediums : justly preferring them before that numerable rabble which gassendus has heap'd together , even to cloying ; out of love to reproaching , rather than science . our english academick , then , first by way of preface , as it were , seems to decline that envy , which the honourable train of aristotle's followers would be apt to procure him ; applying that sentence of seneca's , the multitude is an argument of the worst : so prone we are to err , even in the plainest things . for , t is evident , the vulgar , in some things , follow men of excellence , as it were , their captains ; in other things are govern'd , or rather hurried by their own judgment . the former method is that of nature it self , that many ignorants may , by the vertue and authority of a few , be carried to good : but , that the vulgar should judge of things themselvs know not , and by a tumultuary consent , precipitate the counsels of the prudent ; this is opposite to the laws of nature and reason . here now enquire whence aristotle has got an authority with the vulgar ? and t will clearly appear he has been made the coripheus of philosophers by the sway of the very princes of scholastical theology : to whom if you compare the judgments of orators or criticks , they 'l dwindle away to nothing . the fathers themselves ( those great persons pardon me if i say so ) are of another different trade ; nor have fallen upon any philosophical explication of faith , otherwise than as forc'd to it by the importunity of hereticks . 2. the author subjoins , that in the opinion of the wise , peripeteticism is a mass of terms that signifie nothing . but this author knew not that his own terms are so equivocal , that themselves speak nothing . for , who has sufficiently fifted this , who , or by whose judgment they are called wise , that have pronounced this of the peripateticks ? if we consult aristotles works themselves , or his ancient emulators , t is clearer than the sun , none ever of the philosophers so industriously , and by distributing so many of his terms into obvious sences , took care for the clearness of his dictates , and eluded the entanglement of equivocations . t is manifest then , the wise men had little skill in aristotle . they have mistaken , therefore , for aristotelians some apes cloaking themselves with aristotle's name , and expose other mens tenets for peripatetical ones : and ( which he seems not to know ) in very truth pyrronians . for , whoever , in mighty volumes and questions piled one on another , teaches nothing else , but , that one part , indeed , is more likely , but either side is defensible ; in such a world of twattle saies no more , than had he pass'd sentence in one word , that nothing is clear . this calumny , therefore , touches his own friends , not aristotle . 3. then , he prosecutes his plea against the peripateticks by certain doubts ; which either are not , or seem not , clear to him , in spight of reason . the notion of materia prima , which asserts it to have neither quiddity , nor quantity , nor quality , he contests is a description of nothing . ' strange , that men be so humorsome ! are there , perhaps , in all nature more usual words than being and power ? who is so sottish , that he speaks not thus of a piece of brass or marble assign'd for the purpose , that it is not-yet , but may or will be a statue of mercury ? do they not , peradventure , understand themselves that speak thus ; or , when they say , it may be , or has an aptitude to be a mercury , do they say the brass or marble is nothing , or , is nothing of mercury ? how , then , besides mercury , or the form of mercury , is there not a certain power or aptitude to be mercury , which neither is mercury actually , nor yet a notion of no-thing or no-thing ? or if , in respect of the figure which constitutes mercury , there is some aptitude which neither is that , nor yet a notion of nothing ; why may we not affirm the same of a quantum or bulk , and say , a boy is not yet big , but may be big ? for he that asserts this does he not , at the same time , deny bigness ; and yet clearly he names an aptitude to bigness ? nor , perhaps , is there any difference in respect to entity ; for we scruple not to say that tallow or oile may be flame , and yet that they are not yet flame : the tallow , therefore , or oil neither are the thing , flame , which they may be , nor so big as they will be when they are flame , nor so hot ; and yet they may be flame , they may be greater , they may be hotter : and there is in them a certain power , which neither has quiddity , quantity , nor quality ; since they are refer'd to all these , and are in a present state of privation in respect to them . now whoever professes this unintelligible , directly condemns mankind for a company of fools , that know not what they say in their vulgarest speech and commerces : and , he that denies matter it self destroys that solemn maxim of philosophy , that nature makes nothing of nothing . 4. there are two other terms which trouble our sceptick , form and being educ'd out of the power of matter . as for the first , 't is strangely odd , that too much speculation should so render ingenious men no better than the most stupid . can any man be born such a bruit , as not to own that one thing is distinct from another ? or , if it be distinct , can he assert t is distinguish'd by nothing ? does the difficulty lie here , that this , by which t is distinguish'd should be called a form ? what a strange unreasonableness is this , not to let me call that a form , which i see distinguish one from the other ? may not i say of two brazen statues , that they agree in brass , and are distinguisht by their figures ? or , if there be a third of marble , shall i be chid for saying , the brazen ones are distinguisht from the marble one , in that this is of stone , those other of mettal ? as , therefore , before , i distinguisht power and being in substance , quantity , and quality ; i may , now , in the same , find grounds for the denominations of form and subject in each of them . 5. as to the later term , being educ'd out of power , let the ingenious man reflect whether that which , out of some dark hole , softly and by degrees comes forth n●o open view , is improperly said to be educ'd or brought out . again , let him remember ( if he have ever seen a peece of marble form'd by a statuary ) how , at first it cannot be imagin'd what the artist means to form : after a little pains , there appears a confus'd resemblance of a humane creature ; then , whether it be a man or woman ; and at length , what man it is . behold , how a man , which was potentially in the marble , and confused in the dark , as it were , is by little and little educ'd by art out of that confusion into clear light , and the marble is palpable and expresly made a caesar. philosophers consider as much in nature ; whether you observe the seeds of living things , or the community of the elements to be mixt into a compound , or the abstraction of matter from the elements , whence this phrase to be educ'd out of the power of matter signifies matter out of its aptitude to many , to be determin'd , by the operation of nature or art to one certain thing ; through a motion from confusion to distinctness : and not to be , as it were , infus'd , with a dependance from the subject , as this anti-peripatetick fancies out of i know not what dreamers . for , there are none of these triflles extant in aristotle . tenth plea maintains certain definitions and arguings . 1. next they shoot at two of aristotle's definitions , either of them most exact , and as clear as can be , to those that understand any thing in his way . the first is the definition of light , in these words , light is the act of a prespicuous thing : which seems obscure to this race of people , because the use of the word act is fram'd by philosophers , and not taken from tully , or found in calipine . let them know , therefore , that act is deriv'd from agere , to do , or agi , to be done , or the participle actum , done ; and us'd by philosophers for that , by which what was intended by the agent at the end of his action is term'd or demonstrated donc . in greek , perhaps , 't is more elegantly call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were , the operation of the causes , taking the operation , not for the flux of the action , but , for that which remains introduced by the operation , which is such a flux . but , because our language affords not a proper word correspondent to the term , act ; our sterling philosopher is all in choller against aristotle . for , if he had put but ordinary words , instead of terms of art , saying , light is a certain perfection of a body , that has this in its nature , to let coloured things appear through it , making them de facto appear through it ; as we experience objects are seen through illuminated air , which are not seen through it darkened : what had he found worth making such a wide mouth over ? now because he has spoken most neatly and briefly , poor aristotle smarts for it . 2. the other definition has the same fault . the definition is this , motion is the act of a thing in power , as in power . for , since a thing is said to be in power , to that it may be brought to by motion ; for example ; one that 's sick , to health ; wood , to firing , or to be fire : t is plain , that motion is that perfection , or act with which the subject is affected whilst 't is yet in power , or , till the sick person be in health , or the wood be fire ; as in power , or in that state by which it may attain the intended perfection . behold here a most clear and learned definition , and subject to no other reproach than a certain umbrage , from a ridiculous story concerning the greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which i believe fram'd by the philosopher to express his intention emphatically . the story 's this ; that a critick , i know not who , went to one ciccus , esteem'd a magician ( i imagine , because he wrote of magick ) to enquire of the devil what was the meaning of that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in aristotle ; and return'd as wise as he went , and mock'd at by the oracle . that it may appear then what a dunce devil our philosophers have consulted ; lte them take notice that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word made up of three , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the addition of a foeminine termination , which is proper for signifying abstractions : and so signifies the manner the subject of motion is found in at the end of the action ; which is the very same thing with the term act , as t is explicated above . 3. in his seventeenth chapter there is a new calumny forg'd against aristotle ; the more unworthily , in that he ; above the rest , has endeavour'd at clearness . his philosophy is accus'd to be litigious , and through the wavering use of his terms , confused and obscure . this accusation is found guilty of a double ignorance : one , of what aristotle's use is ; for he 's the carefullest that ever writ , to distinguish and form the significations of his terms : the other is , that he takes scepticks for peripateticks . and , that the scepticks endeavours are the vainest that can be , i easily grant ; that they little trouble themselves about fixing the use of their words , to be left more at liberty to sell any trifles they list for vanity or profits sake ; that they are petty orators , or rather janglers , not philosophers ; that they take upon them the name of aristotelians , to corrupt youth and draw disciples after them . i deny not that these are to be shun'd like the plaigue , by all pursuers of science ; nor is any thing of sollidity to be expected from them : this one thing puts me out of patience , that persons , otherwise ingenious and desirous of knowledge , should be averted by these cheats , not only from true science , but from all hope of ever gaining any , in the things most necessary to human life . 4. they back their feigned plea against the philosopher out of his own words and actions . their first crack is upon that saying of his , that his books of physicks were so publisht , that they were not made publick . the sense whereof was , that the matter or subject handled in them is so abstracted , that , without the assistance of an experienc'd master , they could not be understood by those unus'd to his way ; which we see hold to this day : for , scarce any one comprehends those books , unless aided by the old commentators . whence our moderns , for the most part , are quite besides the cushion as to aristotles meaning ; though he himself has spoken , as clearly as possible the brevity he prefixt to himself could bear . the next calumny is grosser and more luckless ; that those things which he has collected , to furnish logical disputants , and perfect the act of disputing previously to giving judgment , should be applyed to his method of demonstrating , and to his practice not in disputing but defining . for , as , in plays , 't is a commendation to entangle the story , that it may come off at last with greater admiration : so , 't is the task of the inquirer to confound the question , with proposing difficulties before it , that the demonstrator may clearly vnidicate it , and , as it were , dispelling the clouds , restore it to light. 5. this plea requir'd instances out of that work of his . the author presses three : upon gassendus's credit , i believe , or some other slight lookers into it ; for , in the book it self there 's nothing to be seen : the first runs thus . he proves the world to be perfect , because it consists of bodies ; that bodies are perfect , because they consist of a triple dimension ; that a triple dimensions is , therefore , perfect , because consisting of three ; and that three is perfect , because two we call both , and never say all till we come to three . look into his first book de coelo , chap. 1. you shall find these last words make no part of the demonstration , but are additional only : and that the demonstration , it self is this ; because the world consists of bodies , the perfection of the world is to be perfect in the notion of body . now , the perfection of body lies in this , that it be spread every way upon three prependiculars , as the geometricians demonstrate . and thus are both the several bodies , and the world ; but in a divers manner ; for the several bodies are terminated each to others ; whence , though they are spread according to all the lines , yet not to the whole , or utmost extent of them . but , because there is no space beyond or without the world ( as 't is demonstrated in the fourth of his physicks ) , the world is spread according to all and the whole lines , or , perfectly every way ; and by consequence , must be said perfect in the notion of body , and , so , absolutely . 6. the second instance is , that aristotle asserts , were there more worlds , the moon would fall down upon the earth . this consequence the arguer thinks sprung from such a fancy as theirs , that fear the antipodes should drop into heaven . but , he reflects not how great pains the philosopher took to establish the center of the world in the earth : which granted , this consequence would depend not from fancy but reason , as himself seems to confess . 7. the third instance , too ( drawn out of lib. 2. cap. 5. de coelo . is utterly perverted . for , aristotle teaches not , that the heav'ns are , therefore , carry'd towards the west , because the west is the nobler , ( as the argument makes it ) ; but , that the west is the nobler , because the heav'ns are carry'd towards it . now , there 's this difference betwixt the two ; that in the former method , 't is assum'd without proof , that the west is the nobler ; in the later , it follows out of those things which aristotle had concluded ; viz. that there 's nothing accidental in eternal things ; and , by consequence , that the motion towards the west is natural to the heav'ns ; and natural motion is to the more honourable : whence it clearly follows , that the west is nobler than the east . it follows , i say ; for , if the principles were true , 't were a noble demonstration . eleventh plea refutes some topicks babbled against science . 1. about the end of the chapter he expresses indignation , that the learned so employ all their pains upon logick , physick , and metaphysick ; that the sciences , usefuller to human life , viz. concerning the heav'ns , meteors , fossils , and animals , but especially politicks and oeconomicks , are much neglected . nor can i deny that these are neglected in the schools : but , what 's guilty on 't , but the scepticism that reigns there ? for , if the sciences were taught in aristotle's method , there would be room enough for all ; nor would nature be taunted with the usual calumny , that mans life is too short for the arts : but , the necessary ones once known , there would advance still a surplusage of leisure , to take abundantly , in any of these sciences , that delight which human curiosity should be drawn to . but , they are the scepticks that envy this happiness to men ; confounding all things with endless contests ; especially those common truths which aristotle has demonstrated : such as are formal divisibility , that what ever is mov'd is mov'd by another , that a continuum or bulk is divisible in infinitum , that there 's no vacuum : and such like ; without the owning whereof before hand , 't is in vain to make experiments for acquiring science : since , they will all come at length to be resolv'd into these principles ; or else there will be ever a straining after science unproffitably , without any principles at all . 2. in his eighteenth chapter , he reproves the peripatetical doctrine as insufficient to solve phaenomena's . but , this he does out of error or spleen : for , if he takes the doctrine of our modern philosophical apes to be aristotle's own , he 's strangely in an error ; but , if he denyes aristotle to have taken pains to solve problem's , he 'l be shewn guilty of injustice by all his books of natural philosophy , those especially which usually follow his eight books . which of the moderns has more happily unbowel'd nature than digby , who at every turn is mindful of aristotle , and candidly accepts his dictates ? the adversary urges that the systeme of heaven is mis-contriv'd by aristotle . open the accusation , you 'l find the sum and very knot of it to be , that aristotle had not an optick table : else supposing those phaenomenas of the sun , which enlightened aristotle's age , his discourse , in his books de coelo , merits all admiration . that the intelligences are the movers of the heav'n is christian doctrine . that there is a certain fire swimming upon our air is nothing else but cartes's ether , or a kind of rarer element enbracing the convex of our sky . if aristotle has err'd in a very few things ; why , yet , so much anger ? shall we not allow philosophy its growing time ? if , yet , he may be said to err , and not rather ingeniously , and ingeniously to propose , who professes he conjectures , not demonstrates ; as aristotle does in his books de coelo . 3. his ninteenth chapter inveighs against aristotle's doctrine as unfruitful and barren ; but , weakly and falsely . weakly , because all the inventions he speaks of belong to artificers and handy-craft-men ; not philosophers , whose office 't is to make use of experiments for science , not to make them . falsly , because aristotle's way of doctrine being about common notions , without which there 's no comprehending particulars ; nothing is truly invented without it . i , but they are generals that are found in aristotle . it must be reply'd , that he and his disciples deserve thanks for devulging them , and fixing a step to climb thence farther and higher . but , ( if my divination fails me not ) i see , were aristotle's principles pluck'd up , philosophy unable to give an account of ordinary effects . i 'm sure , the philosophy which admits vacuities is reducible to no rules for acting : and cartes's vortices , i shrewdly suspect no way serviceable to invention . concerning his tenets , which savour of impiety , we have spoken before . for his contradictions , the places are not cited : but , whoever is skill'd in aristotle knows , he uses to draw examples out of others books and vulgar sayings ; and that nothing is to be esteemed his own , which falls not into the course of his doctrine . whence , 't is no hard matter to find contrary opinions in his works : but , those things alone are to be ascribed to him , which either are asserted in their proper places , or brought by him for confirmation of his known tenets . 4. the twentieth chapter renders manifest the eminence of peripateticism above all other methods , by its very impugnation of it . for , it assumes , it cannot be known that one thing is cause of another , otherwise than because they are found together : which we deny not to be an occasion of suspecting , but no argument of causality ; for , if nothing else be clear , 't will be still-unknown , which of the too is the cause , which effect . but , the peripateticks conclude not a. to be the cause of b. till , defining both , they find , out of their very definitions , that a cannot be , but it must follow out of its intrinsecals that b is . for example , a peripaterick collects that fire is the cause of heat ; because heat is nothing else but atoms flowing from fire : and on the other side , he knows that fire cannot exist , but it must send out such particles . cartes's paradox , of light and the sun , is just as if we should expect the skyes falling to catch larks . that wonderfully ingenious man is so coelestial , that he has not so much as sand to found his structures on . peripateticks chuse rather to collect a few certainties , acknowledging a multitude of uncertainties , than , grasping at all , to hold nothing . sure i am , none more largely pretends demonstration , than des cartes : so that , nothing is more unseemly than for his adorers to profess scepticism . 5. not a jot stronger , to establish the impossibility of science , is the argument from the variety of opinions amongst those that are call'd philosopers . for first , it must be evident that they are philosophers : before their judgements deserve esteem in philosophical matters . do they profess to demonstrate ? do they model their books in euclid's method ? do they interweave definitions with self-known truths ? and admit no other for proof ? all which may be observ'd in aristotle and his antient interpreters , though not express'd in euclids form . these things if they do , either they are not rational , or all will be of the same mind ; as geometricians are . if they neglect these , 't is not a pin matter for their judgments in philosophy . our author tells a story of the power of fancy , which i doubt is imperfect : for , it seems , he would have one man be able to order anothers thoughts without ever acting by his senses or fancy : since , he relates , that one compel'd others , absent from him , to think and speak what he pleas'd . for , though i allow men to have a very large power over animals , by the help of their fancies ; for example , to tame or enrage them , by means of sounds or shewing them figures ; perhaps , too , to strike them sick or cure them , and such like : yet , that the fancy should be mov'd to those things , which move it not by any sense , 't is hard to believe . for all that , i do not altogether deny the motion made upon the sense to be every way like , and univocal to that which is in the mind ; and , when it happens , to be deriv'd rather from the vehemencie of the affection , than the pure motion of the fancies impressing it . 6. in this twenty first chapter , he divines of future science ; particularly , of some not-yet discovered manners of acting at distance : which i 'le rather await , than discuss or hope for . about the end of the chapter , he assumes , that nothing can be known , unless it be resolv'd into the first causes . whence , he should have seen clearly that the first causes , and metaphysicks , which treats of them , is most known of all to nature , or next to our first knowledges : and that naturalists strive in vain , who negotiate much about the particulars of nature ; and comprehend nothing through their ignorance of metaphysick . take for example the stir about vacuum ; which metaphysicks declare as impossible , as for no-thing to be a thing : about the spring of rarity and density ; which the metaphysician most palpably demonstrates is out of , or , extrinsecal to the things that are rare and dense , and many such like ; whose truth those that essay by experiments , but without the light of metaphysick , shall find an endless work on 't . metaphysical principles must be taken from aristotle , not des cartes , though a person of most eminent wit. for , aristotle , by contemplation , form'd into method those things which he found engrafted in nature : des cartes , in his physical principles ( as if he meant to prescribe the creator an idea ) designs in the air and in the concave of the moon , as they say , what himself thought was to be done , according to art. from which kind of fabrick there 's no benefit to be hoped for by the reader . 7. the next chapter is sick of that error , which aristotle has very often detected and confuted ; viz. that nothing is known unless it be perfectly known : for example , that we know not god is , unlesse we see him , that any man cannot make use , and be sure of that cartes's first-known thing or object of knowledge , i think , therefore i am , unlesse he comprehends the all things of that i ; so , as to know the nature of his matter and form , the number of his elements and members , and the causes and motion by which he was begotten , and in short , whatever is connected with him . which is clearly to professe , he knows not the question in hand : for , none of the dogmatizers either arrogates to himself or hopes for so perfect a knowledge . 't is a piece of the same heedlesnesse , not to know that all that see a white wall have the same apprehension of whiteness , though their several sensations vary the degree and perfection of it . whence , our author had done more prudently to have sat down in silence , and pardon'd the affecters of science their error ; than , by meerly topical and delusory reasons , to have averted minds , born to excellent things , from the first desire of nature , and gathering fruit , at least , in some degree ; according to that of the moral poet , though you of glycons mighty lims despair , do not to keep away the gout forbear . 8. for all that , our academick makes no scruple , in general , to lay all kind of mischief to those that proceed dogmatically , such art ( as the philosophers says ) it requires to find a mean. first he asserts this method is the daughter of ignorance ? who would have look'd for this brand from a sceptick ? you that profess your selves to know nothing , do you object ignorance to others ? quis tulerit gracchos de seditione querentes ? next , he calls it the inmate of untam'd affections : upon what title ? for , if there be any science , that will the peaceful temples keep well fortifi'd , built by the sages doctrine . — you that profess you know not whether there be any or no ; how rashly do you affirm it to dwell alwayes with untam'd affections ? since , if there be none , it dwells no where . the third inconvenience of dogmatizing is , that it stirs men up to controversies . the rising sun seems to me guilty of the very same crime , in disturbin the slug-a-beds , and summoning every one to their work : for , such a kind of falt it is , to inculcate truth to those that live in ignorance and error . a fourth crime is , that one who adheres to any science , lays ignorance to the charge of those that know not his demonstration . i cannot deny it ; for , 't is the nature and title of light to reproach those things , as dark , which admit not its beams . but , herein the demonstrators are modester than the scepticks , that , at least , they except some , and speak well of nature ; whom , with all her children , the scepticks condemn to the dungeon of darknesse for ever . 9. like this is the next , that the confidence of science in error bars the gates against the liberty to get possession of truth . how blindly does the sceptick dispute these things ? who freely owns that truth is no where , which men might have the liberty to get possession of . he concludes at last , the dogmatizer has a petty and enthrall'd soul. so strangely things are nick-nam'd that are unknown ! for , t is science's part to dilate the soul , and render it capable of great things : and this the pleasure of one that knows , to look down on scepticks as all in a tumult below , and lucret. see them at a loss at every turn , and breathless hunting out the way of life . which to make ones life and task is the miserablest of all things , and an utter casting off rationality ; and the whole felicity humanity affords . these things , as they are all most true , and scarce deniable , even by a sceptick , to follow out of the possibility of demonstration , that is , if there be any rational nature , yet i would not have them so asserted , as to patronize palliated scepticks , who admit , indeed , that there is such a thing as some both physical and metaphysical science , in common ; but neither tend to it by any legitimate method , nor own any thing , in particular , demonstrated : and yet , by the press of the herd , in a society , thrusting one another on , and by loads of scriblers , they most absurdly fly at and arrogate to themselves the highest degree of doctorship , and the top of sciences and name of wisdom . the father of nature grant mankind may at length be eas'd of this yoak ; which galls the necks of the sons of adam : and , that the studious of truth may understand it alike dangerous to think every thing and nothing is demonstrated . finis . academia scientiarum, or, the academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in english and latine / by d. abercromby ... abercromby, david, d. 1701 or 2. 1687 approx. 176 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26553 wing a77 estc r6380 11966133 ocm 11966133 51707 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26553) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51707) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 46:4) academia scientiarum, or, the academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in english and latine / by d. abercromby ... abercromby, david, d. 1701 or 2. [24], 179, [12] p. printed by h.c. for j. taylor, l. meredith, t. bennet, r. wilde ..., london : 1687. english and latin on opposite pages. first ed. cf. wing. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng knowledge, theory of. philosophy -early works to 1800. science -early works to 1800. intellectual life. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licens'd , feb. 23. 1687. r. midgley . academia scientiarum : or the academy of sciences . being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences . with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science . in english and latine . by d. abercromby , m. d. london , printed by h. c. for j. taylor , l. meredith , t. bennet , r. wilde , booksellers in st. paul's church-yard , amen-corner , and ludgate-hill , 1687. to alex. campbell , of calder the younger , eldest son to sir hugh campbell , knight baronet , and baron of calder . sir , being of a temper quite contrary to the flatering genius of this age , i shall not follow the example of most writers of dedicatory epistles , and try your patience with long encomiums either of yourself , or of your family , since the histories , and publick records of the kingdom of scotland , have given the publick so clear , and so full an account of its antiquity ; as likewise of the vertue , generosity , great atchievements , and unshaken loyalty of your illustrious ancestors yet i hope i shall not offend your modesty , if i say , 't is the general opinion of all your acquaintances , both at home and abroad , that as you follow in your greener years so closely their footsteps through the temple of vertue , to that of honour and glory , so you may perhaps , impove ( if possible ) to a higher pitch , those very great and heroick qualities they first excell'd in . may not i then b● allowed to say , without the least suspicio● of flattery , that you are not only th● la●ful successor of the most ancient , mo● noble , and loyal family of the thai● of calder , and of their estate and for ▪ tune , but also , that you are already possess'd of these good and great endowments both of body and mind , which made them capable of the great employments they were intrusted with , and enabled them on all occasions to render the kings of scotland and great britain such signal services , as can never be forgotten . but not intending a panegyrick , which i know would be uneasie to you , who hates the least appearance of flattery , i shall not insist on this subject ; i must only tell you , that this small treatise , since 't is the academy of sciences , could not but claim a peculiar right to your patronage , since you have given so singular and convincing proofs of your being thoroughly acquainted with the subject it treats of ; for having seen by a lucky chance , before i had any acquaintance with yourself , your very learned and accurate book , i found it to contain in short , almost all kind of useful learning , the systems both of the new and old philosophy , the choicest flowers of rhetorick ; as likewise evident marks of a not ordinary piety and loyalty , especially when you conclude the whole with your father's , as well as your own dutiful asserting and declaring for his sacred majesty , who now reigns , ( then duke , ) his undoubted right of succession , in expressions full of affection and zeal to his person and service , and that at a time when loyalty and duty of subjects to the royal family , were not only seasonable , but seem'd to be necessary ; and you being hardly past the sixteenth year of your age , i could not but be surprised , instead of promising buds , to find so early fruits both of vertue and loyalty . while this directed me whither i should send this small present , it rais'd my thoughts in revising of it with a paulo majora canamus , to reform it so as to make it suitable to your character , and give it the better pretence to your acceptance . only i hope , that as travellers find some pleasure when settled at home , to review in a small map , those vast and pleasant countries they have visited abroad , so it may perhaps , prove some diversion in your spare hours , to consider now and then those very many arts and sciences , which both at home and abroad you have practised , and so successfull studied in larger volumes . though i treat nothing a fond , as the french speak , or thoroughly and to the bottom , yet besides some not despicable hints of the material principles of most arts and sciences , i do point every where at the famed authors , and greatest masters of every art and science , that they may supply you with what my design'd brevity , and the scope of this treatise , would not allow me to enlarge upon ; and so this not unpleasant method , whatever you think of the performance , may perhaps reconcile you to my design , of adding , though but little , to your greater improvements , while at the same time i shew to the world with what zeal i am , sir , your truly affectionate friend , and humble servant , d. abercromby . nobilissimo , clarissimoque domino . d. alex. campbell , a calder juniori , d. hugonis campbell , equitis baronetti , & baronis calderae , filio natu maximo . nobilissime domine , cum proclivem adeo in adulationem hujus saeculi genium omnino oderim praeter orum fere omnium morem qui mecaeati suo opusculum quodpiam inscri●nt , neque in tuas ipsius , neque in familiae tuae laudes multis excurram , cum praesertim historia ipsa publicaque regni scotiae instrumenta , non antiquissima solum ejusdem stemmata , sed & virtutem , fortitudinem , ingentia sacta , inconcussamque semper in reges nostros illustrium majorum tuorum fidem nec semel , nec paucis divulgarint . nihil tamen , spero , proferam quod prae modestia aegrius ferre debeas , si dixero cum omnibus sive britannis , sive exteris quibus non de facie tantum notus es , eorum te vestigia quamvis adhuc tantum aerate florentem per templum virtutis ad templum honoris & gloriae , tam presso pede insequi , ut quibus illi aliquando dotibus claruere , has rerum a te gerendarum splendore illustriores forte aliquando fore , nec immerito , nec solus conjiciam . quidni igitur hoc loco absque ulla adulationis suspicione liceat mihi profiteri te non modo conspicuum antiquissimae , nobilissimae , fidissimaeque regibus nostris familiae , ac thannorum calderae , opumque , quibus potiuuntur , legitimum haeredem , sed videri etiam donatum a natura iis sive corporis sive animi ornamentis , quae ipsis ad sublimia quaeque regni munera additum aperuerunt , quibus ii recte administrandis insignia regibus tum scotiae , tum magniae britanniae obsequia nulla proinde oblivione delenda pro re nata praestitere . sed cum nullam hic panegyrim mihi proposuerim , utpote quae tibi vel levissimam adulationis speciem refugienti ingrata foret , huic argumento pluribus non immorabor ; hic tantum dicam tractulum hunc , cum academia scientiarum sit , vel eo nomine tuo deberi patrocinio quod illius argumentum intime te , penitusque nosse indiciis haud obscuris non ita pridem demonstraveris , cum enim propitio mihi casu in librum a te sane perquam docte eleganterque conscriptum prius quam mihi notus fores , incidissem statim eo paucis , compendioque animadverti contineri non veteris modo novaeque philosophiae systemata , sed & omnem fere utilorem & alicujus momenti doctrinam , flosculosque etiam eloquentiae selectiores , nec non conspicua pietatis in deum , fideique in regem ubique indicia , ibi praesertim ubi sub finem operis , tuo ipsius patrisque tui nomine , regis nunc regantis ( tum ducis eboracensis ) certissimum avitum ad diadema jus , spirantibus ubique tuum in ipsum amorem verbis pro officio declaras , eoque tempore quo debitae regiae familiae fidei , obedientiaeque declaratio non opportuna tantum , sed & necessaria omnino videbatur ; cumque annum jam sextum supra decimum vix implevisses non potui non mirari maturos adeo tuo in hortulo solidae virtutis fructus , e quo teneriores tantum adhuc flosculi habita aetatis ratione expectari poterant . dam haec me impellerent ut tuo tractatulum hunc nomini inscriberem novam mihi provinciam imposuerunt ut eum scilicet ad limam denuo revocarem , quo jam tuo dignior aspectu quantumvis tibi semper impar , faciliorem ad te aditum inveniret . illud tantum sperare mihi liceat , ut qui longinquas regiones peragrarunt , domum reduces non absque voluptate aliqua exigua eas in mappa revisunt , ita futurum tibi negotiis magis seriis libero non injucundum contemplari varias illas scientias artesque quas tanto successu grandioribuse voluminibus conquisitas , domi ●orisque foeliciter exercuisti . caeterum licet nihil hic penitius attingam , praeter non contemnenda artium plerarumque , ac scientiarum principia , celebriores ubique authores indico , ut ea tibi pluribus subministrent , quae paucis tantum proposita mihi brevitas ipseque tractatuli hujusce scopus a me exigebant ; hac itaque non injucunda scribendi methodo , quicquid de opere ipso censeas , forte fiet ut & concilium meum probes , & propositam mihi metam ; eo enim hoc opusculo collimavi , ut quidpiam quamvis modicum praeclaris animi tui ornamentis adderem , dum interim palam profiteor quam non ficte haberi velim tibi , tuoque ubi res feret , obsequio addictissimus . david abercromby . the preface . because of the shortness of humane life , and the little leisure of most men to read large volumes , an accurate and easie method for attaining to a general , and yet in some measure , sufficient knowledge of most arts and sciences , has been long wish'd for , but never , for ought i know , undertaken , or at least , so compendiously , and so usefully performed , by any perhaps , either at home or abroad . for , 1. i have set down in these papers , a part of what i judg'd most material in every science ; as likewise fittest for every common capacity , that so this treatise may prove of a more general use . 2. i have called it the academy of sciences , because here , as in an academy , you may learn most of the noblest arts and sciences , especially if you peruse often what is offered to you in these few sheets : but if you desire to know more , though perhaps most gentlemen will think this enough , i have supplied you with good authors , who will give you a further , instruction , if you are at leisuure to consult them . 3. the virtuosi are concern'd in this treatise , because it contains an abridgment of what they have already learn'd , together with the names of the famed authors that have treated of the subject ; which is no inconsiderable advantage , the learned as well others , being sometimes at a loss when they write books , what authors treat of this or that subject ; wherein by having this treatise at hand , they may be soon satisfied . i have written it both in english and latine , to gratifie such as understand but one of the said tongues . 4. for methods sake , in the order of the sciences set down here , i have followed the alphabet as far as conveniently i could , beginning with those whose first letter of their names is a , and then with those whose first letter is b , &c. which engag'd me to keep the greek and latine names , as the most known , and the fittest for this purpose . i need not now tell you , that this treatise is of singular use to all sorts of persons , of what condition soever , and not to scholars only , but likewise to masters , who have here in a few lines , what they may teach such as are committed to their trust ; yea , the very ladies themselves , by the perusal of this treatise , and a little help , may be furnish'd with such a variety of knowledge , as may supply their not being bred in universities . praefatio . cum per humanae vitae brevitatem , otiumque ingentia evolvere volumina plerisque hominum non liceat , accuratam , facilemque methodum qua generalem quis , & tamen quae aliquatenus sufficiat , artium praecipuarum scientiarumque notitiam assequeretur , diu multumque plurimi exoptarunt , quam tamen indigenarum nemo , quod sciam , aut etiam alienigenarum scribendam adhuc suscepit , aut eo saltem , quo hic tradita est , compendio , fructuque forte hactenus conscripsit : primo enim quicquid praecipui quavis in scientia momenti , & quicquid communem ad captum magis appositum judicavi , idcirco adduxi in medium ut eo pluribus tractatulus hic usui foret . 2. academiam scientiarum inscripsi ; hic enim velut in academia artes plerasque , scientiasque nobiliores discere poteris si praesertim saepius relegas quae breve hoc scriptum tibi proponit : at si penitius omnia , pluraque scire volueris , quamquam nobilium plerique sat multa haec forte existimaturi sint , probatos tibi suggessi authores , qui te plura docebunt si quidem per otium eos consulere tibi liceat . 3. jam eos quoque qui ingenuis artibus ingenium excoluere opusculum hoc spectat , utpote eorum compendium quae jam didicere , complexum , celebriorumque propofito super argumento nomina authorum : quod non exiguae quid utilitatis est cum etiam docti aliquando , perinde atque alii nesciant , dum libros scribunt , quis de hac , illave re egerit ; quod seposito hujuscemodi ad usum hoc libello cito discent . caeterum tum anglico eum , tum latino idiomate eo consilio scripsi , ut ●is inservirem qui alteram linguarum ●llarum non intelligerent . 4. methodi gratia in serie scientiarum hic exhibita , alphabeti ordinem , quantum commode potui secutus sum , initio ab iis ducto quarum homina littera a , tum ab iis quarum homina littera b inchoat , &c. unde factum est ut voces graecas & latinas , utpote maxime notas , huncque in scopum magis idoneas retinuerim . frustra jam hic subjungerem tractatulum hunc summe utilem fore omni hominum generi , aetati , conditioni , neque discipulis tantum , sed & magistris quae hic perpaucis habent quae suae commissos curae docere queant : quin etiam ipsae faeminae hujus tractatuli lectione exiguaque docentis opera eam cognitionis varietatem compare sibi poterunt , quae educationis , qua carent , academicae , supplementum quoddam videri possit . some books printed for , and sold by john taylor , at the ship in st. paul's church-yard . a free enquiry into the vulgarly receiv'd notion of nature , made in an essay , address'd to a friend . in english and latine , for the benefit of forreiners . by r. b. fellow of the royal society . the declimations of quintilian , being and exercitation or praxis upon his twelve books , concerning the institution of an orator . translated ( from the oxford theater edition ) into english , by a learned and ingenious hand , with the approbation of several eminent schoolmasters in the city of london . the happy ascetick , or the best exercise ; with a letter to a person of quality , concerning the lives of the primitive christians . by anthony horneck , d. d. preacher at the savoy . the academy of sciences . academia scientiarum . section i. algebra . algebra , or the analytical doctrine , is the art of finding an unknown magnitude , taking it as if it were known , and finding the equality between it and the given magnitudes : it implieth then a dissolving of what is suppos'd to be compounded , which is meant by the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or resolution : this name may upon this account be given to the common operations of arithmetick ; as for instance , to what we call substraction , division , extraction of roots , &c. for substraction is nothing else but a dissolution or resolution of what is suppos'd to be compounded , or made up by addition ; and division a resolution of what is suppos'd to be made up by multiplication ; as likewise extraction of the square root , is a resolution of what is supposed to be made up by squaring : but such resolutions being easie , are not called algebra , for the resolution of things , whereof the composition is more intricate , is more properly understood by this harsh word . the arabs call it algibr walmokabala , from the first of these two words we call it algebra , which taken together , imply the art of restitution and resolution . lucas de burgo , the most ancient european algebrist , calls it the rule of restauration and opposition . and indeed , this is its chief work ; a quantity unknown , which they commonly call root , is supposed by additions , substractions , multiplications , divisions , and other like operations , to be so chang'd , as to be made equal to a known quantity compared with it , or set over against it ; which comparing is commonly called equation , and by resolving such an equation , the root so changed , transformed or luxated , is in a manner put into joynt again , and its true value made known , for the word giabara , from which the word algebra is derived , does signifie , to restore or set a broken bone or joynt . theo says , that algebra was invented by plato ; however the chief writers of algebra are those whose names i have set down here , to gratifie such as would learn this noble art. lucas pacciolus , or lucas of burgo , a minorita fryer , wrote an italian treatise of algebra , in venice , 1494. a little after the invention of the art of printing ; there he mentions pisanus , and several others that had written on the same subject before him , but their works are not extant . harriot , oughtred , descartes , huddenius , gelleus , billius , and lately the fam'd dr. wallis has written a large volume on this subject . sectio prima . algebra . algebra sive doctrina analytica est ars inveniendi magnitudinem incognitam eam accipiendo quasi cognita foret , inveniendoque aequalitatem eam inter , datasque magnitudines . sonat itaque resolutionem ejus quod compositum supponitur , hicque graecae vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensus est : hoc proinde nomen tribui poterit communibus arithmeticae operationibus , puta substractioni , divisioni , extractioni radicum quadratarum , &c. substractio enim nihil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex additione supponitur emersisse , compositi , divisio quid ? nisi resolutio ejus quod ex multiplicatione supponitur emersisse , compositi , extractioque radicis quadratae nil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex quadratione supponitur emersisse , compositi : sed hujuscemodi resolutiones utpote faciliores algebrae nomine intelligendae non veniunt , difficilium enim compositionum resolutio barbara hac voce , & magis proprie intelligitur . arabibus dicitur algiabr walmokabala , a priore voce nos algebram dici mus , geminae eae voces simul sumptae artem restitutionis , ac resolutionis sonant . lucas burgensis antiquissimus inter europaeos algebrista algebram restaurationis & oppositionis regulam vocat . et reipsa praecipuum hoc ejus opus est , quantitas adhuc incognita quam vulgo radicem dicunt , quibusdam additionibus , subductionibus , multiplicationibus , divisionibus , aliisque ●d genus operationibus ita supponitur mutata , ut tandem aequalis fiat quantitati notae eidem comparatae , aut e regione ejusdem collocatae , quae comparatio aequatio dici solet : hujus autem aequationis resolutione radix hunc in modum mutata , aut quasi luxata , priori rursus , ut ita dicam , situi restituitur , verusque ejus valor innotescit , vox enim giabara unde algiabr desumitur , fracti ossis restaurationem sonat . inventam asserit a platone algebram theo ; ut ut sit praecipui algebrae scriptores hi sunt quorum nomina hic appono in eorum gratiam qui nobilem hanc artem discere voluerint . lucas pacciolus , aut burgensis , italicum de algebra tractatum scripsit venetiis anno nonagesimo quarto supra millesimum quadringentesimum ●aulo post inventam typographiam ; ●bi commemorat pisanum , aliosque ●on paucos qui de eodem argumento ●rius scripserant , at eorum opera jam ●on extant . harriotus , oughtredus , cartesius , huddenius , gelleus , billius , ●c nuperrime celeberrimus vallisius ●oc super argumento amplum volu●en edidit . sect. ii. arithmetick . arithmetick is the art of numbering ; 't is either practical or speculative ; the speculative arithmetick contains some general truths relating to numbers : as for instance , unity is the beginning of every number ; a number is a multitude compounded of unites . an even part of a number is that which by multiplication produceth that number . as 2 is an even part of 10 , because 2 multiplied by 5 , give 10. an uneven part of a number is that which by multiplication produceth not that number . thus 3 is an uneven part of 10 , because however multiplied , it shall never produce this number 10. the proportion of numbers is either according to their excess , defect , or equality , for that thing has some proportion to another that is either less , greater , or equal . a perfect number is that which is equal to all its even parts : the first perfect number is 6 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 3 , which together give 6. the next perfect number is 28 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , which by addition give 28. these ensuing notions likewise may be referr'd to the speculative part of arithmetick , to multiply one number by another , as 4 by 2 , is to take the multiplicand 4 as many times as the unity may be taken in the multiplicator 2 , and so 4 being multiplied by 2 , the product must be 8. to divide one number by another ; as for instance , 8 by 2 , is to find out how many times 2 are contained in 8. a plain number is the product of two numbers multiplied the one by the other ; 12 then is a plain number , because it is the product of 6 multiplied by 2. a solid number is the product of three numbers multiplied , such is 24 , because 't is the product of those three numbers multiplied 2 , 3 , 4 , for multiplying 2 by 3 i have 6 , and 6 by 4 i have 24. a square number is the product of two equal numbers muitiplied by one another , or of the same number multiplied by itself . 4 is a square number , as being the product of 2 multiplied by 2 , and 2 is called the square root . a cube is the product of three equal numbers , or of the same number thrice taken ; for if you multiply 2 by 2 , you have 4 ; and if you multiply 4 by ● again , you have 8 , and 8 is called th● cube root . that part of arithmetick that relate● to the practice , contains , first addition , which is the gathering of man● numbers into one sum ; as if i add ● to 6 , the whole is 8. secondly substraction , as if i take 4 from 6 , ther● remains 2 ▪ thirdly , multiplication as if i enquire how many are four time● six , and i find 24. fourthly , division , as if i enquire how many times ● are contained in 24 , and i find the● to be contain'd four times in 24. fifthly , the fractions . sixthly , th● decimal fractions , invented to supply broken numbers , very troublesome to practitioners . seventhly , the extraction of roots , cubic and square ▪ eighthly , the four rules of proportion , of society , alligation , falshood , the doctrine of progressions . we may reckon the ensuing authors among the best arithmeticians . simon stevinius invented the decimal fractions ; neper supplies troublesome and intricate divisions by his rabdologick plates , and his logarithms ; and tacquet has given us both the theory , and the practice of arithmetick ; euclid in the 7 , 8 , 9 , and 10 of his elements of geometry ; jordanus , nemorantius , francis maurolycus , barlaamon , &c. sectio secunda . arithmetica . arithmetica est ars numerandi ; est autem practica aut speculativa ; haec manifeste vera quaedam , & generalia de numeris pronunciata complectitur : cujuscemodi ea sunt quae sequuntur . omnis numeri principium est unitas ; numerus est multitudo ex unitatibus composita . pars aliquota numeriea est quae numerum metitur . ita numerus hic 2 est pars ●iquota numeri hujus 10 , quinquies ●im 2 sunt 10. pars aliquanta numeri est ea quae ●umerum non metitur . ita numerus ●ic 3 est pars aliquanta numeri hujus ●o ; ter enim sumptus dat 9 , & qua●er dat 12. proportio numerorum est nume●orum consideratio juxta excessum , defectum aut aequalitatem : illud ●nim ad aliud proportionem habet , quod aut minus , aut majus , aut aequale est . perfectus numerus dicitur qui omnibus suis partibus paribus aequalis est . primus perfectus est 6 , illius enim omnes partes pares seu aliquotae sunt 1 , 2 , 3 , quae simul additae dant 6. secundus est 28 ; nam illius omnes partes aliquotae seu pares sunt 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , quae simul additae 28 producunt . subsequentes pariter notiones ad arithmeticam speculativam referri poterunt . unum numerum per alium ●ultiplicare seu in alium ducere ut 4 ●n 2 est toties sumere multiplicandum ● quoties sumi potest in multiplicatore ● unitas : quare si 4 ducas in 2 , summa ●utura est 8. unum numerum divi●ere per alium ut 8 per 2 nihil aliud est quam invenire quoties 2 conti●eantur in 8. numerus planus a duo●us numeris in se invicem ductis producitur , 12 igitur est numerus planus quia producitur a numero 6 in 2 ducto . solidus numerus a tribus numeris multiplicatis oritur : ejusmodi est 24 , ex tribus enim hisce numeris multiplicatis emergit 2 , 3 , 4 ; si enim 2 duco in 3 habeo 6 , & si duxero 6 in 4 , ha●eo 24. numerus quadratus producitur a duobus aequalibus numeris inse invicem ductis , cujusmodi est 4 : oritur enim a numero 2 in 2 ducto , qui radix quadrata dicitur . cubus oritur ex multiplicatione trium numerorum aequalium , aut ejusdem numeri ter assumpti ita 8 cubus primus ex multiplicatione numeri 2 ter assumpti , producitur , si enim 2 ducas in 2 habes 4 , & si 4 rursus ducas in 2 habes 8 , & 2 radix cubica dicitur . pars illa arithmeticae quae spectat praxim complectitur primo additionem quae est plurium numerorum in unam summam collectio , ut si addam 2 huic numero 6 summa integra futura est 8. secundo , substractionem ut si 4. subduco e numero 6 , supersunt 2. tertio , multiplicationem , ut si inquiram quot constituant quater 6 , comperiam 24. quarto , divisionem ut si inquiram quoties 6 contineantur in 24 comperioque in 24 quater contineri . quinto , fractiones . sexto , fractiones decimales ad supplementum fractionum practicis permolestarum excogitatas . septimo , extractionem radicum cubicarum , ac quadratarum . octavo , regulas proportionum , societatis : alligationis , falsi , & doctrinam progressionum . annumerare possumus sequentes authores primis arithmeticis . simo●em stevinium fractionum decemalium ●nventorem ; neperum scotum qui divisionis molestiam laminis suis rabdologicis , & logarithmis omnem sustu●it ; tacquetum qui arithmeticae , & theoriam , & praxim tradidit ; eucli●em 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , elementorum , jor●anum , nemorantium , franciscum maurolicum , & barlaamontium , &c. sect. iii. judiciary astrology . judiciary astrology is that science , by the help of which men pretend to judge of things to come , and more especially of mens good and bad fortunes . the judiciary astrologers do ascribe considerable vertues to the different conjunctions amd aspects of the stars . they distinguish five kinds of mutual aspects among the planets : the first is called a sextile , when one planet is distant from another the sixth part of the circuit of the heavens , that is to say , 60 degrees . the second is called a quartile , when the distance is but the fourth part of the circle or 90 degrees . the third is called a trine , when the distance is but the third part of the circle , or 120 degrees . the fourth is called an opposition , when the two planets are in the two opposite points of the circle , and distant from one another 180 degrees . the fifth is called a conjunction , when the two planets are in the same sign of the zodiack . astrologers divide the heavens into twelve equal parts , which they call houses ; they say that every planet has eight dignities , viz. house , exaltation , triplicity , term , chariot or throne , person , joy , face . they say the stars were not only made to give light : hence 't is they take the station , direction and retrogradation ( as they speak ) of a planet to be a certain reeling , or spinning of fates and fortunes : they distinguish all the constellations into so many triangles or trigones : the first is the fiery trigone , comprehending aries , leo , sagittarius ; the second is the earthly , comprehending those ensuing constellations , taurus , virgo , capricornus ; the third is the aerial , comprehending gemini , libra , aquarius ; the fourth trigone is the watery , comprehending cancer , scorpius , pisces . if you desire to know more particularly the principles of this science , you may consult these following authors . vannius , butler , cardan , gadbury , albottazen , haly , julius firmicus , johannes jovianus pontanus , pezelius , &c. secttio tertia . astrologia judiciaria . astrologia judiciaria ea est scientia cujus ope de rebus futuris homines pronunciant , ac praesertim de faelici aut infaelici cujusque fato . astrologi judiciarii insignes ascribunt virtutes diversis conjunctionibus , aspectibusque planetarum . quinos distinguunt aspectus planetarum . primus dicitur sextilis cum distat planeta unus ab alio sexta parte circuli , hoc est 60 gradibus . secundus vocatur quadratus cum distant invicem quarta parte ejusdem circuli , hoc est 90 gradibus . tertius dicitur trigonus quando tertia tantum parte , seu 120 gradibus . quar●us oppositionis cum uterque planeta sibi oppositi sunt , disjunctique 180 gradibus . quintus est conjunctionis cum duo planetae sunt in eodem signo zodiaci . universum coeli ambitum secant astrologi in duodenas partes aequales , quas vocant domos seu domicilia . octonas planetarum dignitates numerant , quae sunt domus , exaltatio , trigonus , terminus , carpentum , persona , gaudium , facies . stellas dicunt non creatas tantum ad orbem illuminandum : unde aiunt stationem , directionem & retrocessum planetae esse nescio quam fatorum revolutionem , ac quasi netionem : constellationes omnes distinguunt tot in triangula seu trigona : primum trigonum igneum dicitur , complectiturque arietem , leonem , sagittarium ; secundum terrestre appellatur , continetque taurum , virginem , capricornum ; tertium aerium est complexum geminos , libram , aquarium ; quartum appellatione aqueum , continet cancrum , scorpium , pisces . si propius hujus scientiae principia intueri volueris , consulere poteris hos sequentes authores , vannium , butlerium , cardanum , gadburium , justinum , philippum melanctonum , origanum , ptolomaeum , albohazen , haly , julium firmicum , johannem jovianum pontanum , pezelium , &c. sect ▪ iv. astronomy . astronomy gives us an account of the motions of coelestial bodies , of of their distance , order , bulk , &c. the babylonians will have belus to have been the inventor of it , the aegyptians mercury , the moors atlas and hercules , the grecians jupiter , orpheus and atreus , the scythes prometheus . we may divide it into two parts , the one spherical , and the other we may call systematical the spherical is that part of astronomy which treateth of the sphere , whether artificial or natural ; the artificial sphere is made up of ten circles , whereof six are great ones , because they divide the whole sphere into two equal parts , such we reckon the horizon , the meridian , the equator , the two colures , and the zodiack . the little circles are those that divide the sphere into two unequal parts , as the two tropicks , and the two polar circles : every circle is divided into sixty parts , which they call first minutes ; and each minute likewise into sixty parts , which we call second minutes . the natural sphere , or the coelestial globe , besides the foregoing circles , offers to our view divers constellations : the antients reckon'd eight and forty , comprehending in this number all the stars to be seen in greece , and all the known parts of the world ; 12 of those constellations are contain'd in the zodiack , 21 are to be seen toward the north , and 15 towards the south ; but of late there are twelve other constellations discovered towards the south . the systematical astronomy , which others call the theorical , is that part which by the help of some engines and orbs , offers to our view those coelestial motions which are not so obvious to every common understanding . this part of . astronomy comprehends several hypotheses , as that of anaxagoras and democritus , who allowed a free motion to the stars , but of no first mover , or primum mobile : neither did they admit any second motion towards ihe east , but a simple motion only towards the west ; so in their opinion , those stars only could be said to move toward the east , that moved more slowly towards the west . there is another hypothesis that considers the stars as tied to solid spheres ; and who hold this hypothesis , hold likewise the earth to rest in the centre of the world. copernicus allows motion to the earth ; he fixeth the sun in the centre of the world , though it turns round about its own axis within seven and twenty days , as 't is manifest by the motion of its spots . 1. in this system , the orb of the sixed stars is immoveable . 2. mercury turns round the sun in almost three months . 3. venus in four months and a half , and the earth itself in twelve months , and round the earth the moon tarneth every month . 4. mars's revolution round the sun is ended in almost two years , as jupiter's in twelve years , and saturn's in thirty . tycobrahe orders his system thus : first the firmament , or the sphere of the fixed stars , the earth being the centre of the world ; then the orbs of saturn , jupiter and mars ; venus and mercury turn round the sun , and the moon round the earth . the old system was ordered thus : the earth was the centre of the world , above it were plac'd the planets and heavens in this order ; the moon , mercury , venus , the sun , mars , jupiter , saturn , the two chrystalline heavens , and the primum mobile . authors . ptolomy , aratus , eudoxus , calippe , tycobrahe , gassendy , de billy , courcier , de sacrobosco , fracastorius , galilaeus . sectio quarta . astronomia . astronomia describit corporum coelestium motum , distantiam , ordinem , magnitudinem , &c. illius inventorem babylonii volunt esse belum , aegyptii mercurium , mauri atlantem & herculem , graeci jovem , orpheum & atreum , scythae prometheum . eam dividere possumus geminas in partes , alteram sphaericam , alteram appellare possumus systematicam . sphaerica est ea pars astronomiae quae agit de sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali : sphaera arte facta constat 10 circulis quorum 6 sunt majores quia dividunt sphaeram in duas partes aequales ; cujusmodi numeramus horizontem & meridianum aequatorem , colurosque duos aequinoctii , & solstitii , & zodiacum . minores circuli sunt ii qui sphaeram in duas partes inaequales dividunt : cujusmodi sunt duo tropici , totidemque polares : quivis circulus dividitur in gradus 360 , & quivis gradus in 60 particulas , quas prima minuta vocant ; & minutum primum in sexaginta partes quas secunda minuta dicimus . sphaera naturalis , seu globus coelestis praeter commemoratos circulos aspicientibus exhibet varias constellationes : antiqui octo supra quadraginta constellationes numerabant : quo numero comprehendebant omnes stellas in graecia conspicuas , atque in omnibus cognitis tum mundi partibus : 12 constellationes continebat zodiacus , 21 apparent ad boream , 15 ad austrum , versus hanc partem duodecim nuper aliae detectae sunt . astronomia systematica quam alii theoricam vocant est ea astronomiae pars quae aspectui nostro exhibet ope quarundam machinarum orbiumque eos coelestes motus qui omnibus non aeque obvii sunt . haec astronomiae pars varias complectitur hypotheses cujusmodi est hypothesis anaxagorae ac democriti , qui motum astris liberum assignabant sed nullum admittebant primum mobile ; neque ulla proinde solidis sphaeris alligabant sydera : nec ullum secundum in ortum concedebant motum , sed simplicem tantum in occasum : ita juxta eorum sententiam ea tantum sydera moveri dicuntur in ortum , quae lentius moventur in occasum : alia quaedam est hypothesis quae sydera , ut solidis alligata sphaeris intuetur ; quique hanc hypothesim tenent terram in centro mundi quietam volunt . copernicus motum terrae attribuit ; solem constituit in centro mundi immotum , licet proprium circa axem moveatur spatio viginti septem dierum ut patet e motu ejusdem macularum in hoc systemate . 1. orbis fixarum immotus est . 2. mercurius spatio fere trium mensium circa solem vertitur . 3. venus intra quatuor menses , & semissem , terraque ipsa duodecim mensibus , circaque terram quolibet mense gyrat luna . 4. martis periodus circa solem absolvitur duobus fere annis , ut jovis duodecim , saturnique spatio triginta annorum . suum tycobrahe systema ita constituit . firmamentum , seu coelum fixarum primo loco statuit : mundi centrum terra est ; fixarum coelo succedit coelum saturni , tum jovis , & martis , venus & mercurius circa solem gyrant luna circa terram movetur . antiquum systema ita se habebat : terra mundi centrum occupabat ; supra illam erant aqua , aer , & ignis , succedebant planetae coelique hoc ordine , luna , mercurius , venus , sol , mars , jupiter , saturnus , firmamentum , duo coeli chrystallini primum mobile . authores . ptolomaeus , aratus , eudoxus , calippus , tycobrahe , gassendus , billius , courcierius , de sacrobosco , fracastorius , galilaeus . sect. v. military architecture . architectonica militaris , or military architecture , is the art of fortifying . this art teacheth us how to encline towards the angles of a poligone , that is , a figure of many angles , certaines lines upon which the fortress is to be built in such a manner , that the enemy by whatever side he makes his approach , may be beat back by the lesser number . every point of the circumference of the fortress must be defended by some other part of the same . according to the holland method of fortifying , the angle of the bastion , or the flanqued , and defended angle exceeds always by 15 degrees the half of the angle of the polygone ; upon this account 't is that the angle of the bastion is never streight , or of 90 degrees , unless in a place defended by 12 bastions ; but in places defended by more than 12 , it is always streight . according to tht french method , if the polygone be a triangle , the angle of the bastion contains 45 degrees ; if it be a pentagone , or of five angles , it contains 78 degrees ; if the polygone have more than five sides , the angle of the bastion is streight , or is open 90 deg . authors . errard of barleduc , samuel marolois , adam fritach , stevin in italian , de lorini , del cavallero francisco tensimi , del cavallero alessandro barone , de groote , herigone . sectio quinta . architectonica militaris . architectonica militaris est ars muniendi , ars autem muniendi docet qui inclinare debeamus ad angulos polygoni hoc est figurae variis terminatae angulis lineas quasdam super quibus propugnaculum aedificandum est , ita ut hostis quacumque parte invadat , minoribus viribus repelli possit . omne punctum in procinctu munimenti debet defendi ab alia parte . juxta methodum muniendi hollandicam angulus propugnaculi , aut defensus excedit semper quindecim gradibus semissem polygoni , quamobrem angulus propugnaculi nunquam est rectus nisi locus duodecim propugnaculis defenditur , quoties autem locus pluribus , quam duodecim propugnaculis munitur , rectus semper est . juxta gallicam muniendi methodum si munitum polygonum triangulum fuerit , angulus polygoni est graduum 46 , si pentagonum fuerit , angulus propugnaculi est gradibus 78 ; si polygonum constet pluribus quam quinque lateribus , angulus propugnaculi est rectus , aut 90 graduum . authores . errardus barneto-duceus , samuel marolois , adamus fritachius , stevinius italice , de lorini , franciscus tensimi , herigonius , &c. sect. vi. the military art. the military art of the greeks and the romans was on several accounts different from that of this age. of old an ordinary grecian army did contain 28672 , among whom we reckon not those that were upon the elephants , who were sometimes in greater numbers , sometimes in lesser . this army was divided into horse and foot : the foot was divided again into oplites and psiles , the oplites were those that wore a heavy armour , the psiles were slightly arm'd . the number of the oplites was always double of the number of the psiles , and the psiles double of the number of the cavalry . all the oplites of the phalange were put in one battalion , whereof the front contained 256 men , and the wing 16. of all the psiles of the phalange , the grecians made two battalions , each having 128 men on a breast , and 8 in the slanks ; all the cavalry of the phalange was divided into 16 squar'd turmes or troops , whereof each did contain 64 men . in a grecian army made up of four phalanges , there were four battalions of oplites , 8 of psiles , and 64 troops of horse . in a roman legion there were four different sorts of men , not only as to age , riches , warlick science , but likewise on the account of their arms , and way of fighting ; for of the younger and poorer sort ( as polybius assures us ) they made their velites ; those that were somewhat above them upon the account of their age and riches , were halbardeers , or hasteries ; such as were richer , and in the full vigour of their age , were princes ; and the oldest and most experimented , were the triaries . the number of the soldiers of every one of those different sorts , was different in different times , according as the legion was less or more numerous . when the legion did amount to 4200 , as it did in polybius his time , there were 600 triaries in the legion , and 1200 of every one of the three other sorts , to wit , of princes , hastaries , and velites . when the legion was more numerous , those three different sorts were likewise encreased , the triaries only excepted , who were always the same number . in the militia of this age , there is no such repartition observed , the armies being not always divided into parts made up of the samo numbers ; for some regiments have 10 companies , others 15 , others 20 , &c. likewise the compapanies have not always the same number , some being a hundred men strong , others one hundred and twenty , others one hundred and fifty , &c. in this age an army is drawn up in battel , or three lines , and the french divide sometimes every line into several little bodies ; the turks give sometimes to their army the figure of a cer●sont . the camp , especially if the enemy be near , ought to be in some place where there is a great abundance of water , and provisions : and if the army is to make a long stay , 't is to be observed if the air be good . ye are not to encamp near a hill , which being taken by the enemy , might incommode your camp. authors . polybius , stevin , herigone . sectio secta . ars bellica . ars bellica , seu militaris tum graecorum , tum romanorum varie discrepabat ab hodierna recentiorum . communis graecorum exercitus numerabat 28672 , quibus non annumeramus qui elephantis insidebant qui non eundem semper numerum conflabant , sed interdum majorem , minorem interdum . hic exercitus dividebatur in equites , peditesque , pedites rursus in oplitas & psilos , oplitae erant gravis armaturae milites , psili levis armaturae . numerus oplitarum duplus erat numeri psilorum , & psili equitum numerum geminabant . omnes oplitae unius phalangis uno colligebantur in agmine cujus frons constabat 256 , & ala 16. ex omnibus psilis phalangis constituebant graeci duo agmina , a fronte stabant viginti octo supra centum , a latere octo . omnes equites phalangis distribuebantur in turmas quadratas sedecim , quarum quaelibet quatuor supra sexaginta milites continebat . in exercitu graeco ex quadruplici phalange conflato quatuor erant agmina oplitarum , octo psilorum , & sexaginta quatuor turmae equitum . romana legio quatuor complectebatur hominum genera diversa non aetate tantum , divitiis , scientiaque bellica , sed & armis , modoque pugnandi : ex junioribus enim , pauperioribusque , ut testatur polybius seligebantur velites , ex proximis hastarii , ex aetate florentibus principes , senioresque , & magis experti seligebantur in triarios . numerus militum ex quibus diversi illi ordines constabant diversis temporibus diversus erat ; prout legio magis , minusque numerosa erat . cum legio constabat ducentis supra quatuor millia , ut temporibus polybii constabat ; sexcenti erant triarii in legione , ducenti supra mille in quovis ordinum reliquorum , scilicet principum , hastariorum , & velitum : at numerosiore jam legione tres varii ordines numerosiores omnes reddebantur , exceptis tantum modo triariis quorum numerus idem semper erat . in militia hujus saeculi nulla hujusmodi distributio observatur , cum exercitus non dividatur in partes eodem semper numero constantes : quaedam enim legiones constant 10 cohortibus quaedam 15 , quaedam 20 , paucioribus aut pluribus ; cohortes pariter non semper eodem constant numero : quaedam enim constant 100 militibus , aliae 120 , aliae 150 &c. hoc saeculo exercitus pugnaturus in tres ordines distribuitur ; galli unumquemque ordinem in varia agmina quandoque distribuunt , turcae exercitum interdum ordinant in formam lunae crescentis . castra , maxime si in propinquo fuerit hostis debent figi in loco tuto ubi magna adsit aquarum copia , commeatusque , & si diuturnior esse debeat exercitus mora , videndum an aura illic salubris sit . cavendum autem imprimis ne castra prope montem statuantur , qui ab hoste occupatus exercitui noxius esse posset . authores . polybius , stevinius , heregonius . sect. vii . cosmography . cosmography is a description of the world , and its chief parts .. the world is the highest heaven , and whatever it contains , it is divided into the sublunary region , and the coelestial : the sublunary region is obnoxious to divers changes , and is contained in the concave surface of the orb of the moon : it contains the four elements , the earth , the water , the air , the fire . the semi-diametre of the earth contains about 3436 italian miles . the ordinary depth of the sea is 500 geometrical paces . the surface of the earth is almost equal to the surface of the sea , and somewhat higher , because we see that rivers from their first rise to the sea go always downwards . the divines think that the earth was entirely round , and surrounded with waters on all sides , but after god had commanded the waters to retreat , so many hills were made as there are concavities to receive the seas . the coelestial region is that part of the world which is extended from the concave surface of the heaven of the moon , to the convex surface of the highest heaven ; which space comprehends the heavens of all the stars . astronomers distinguish three sorts of spheres ; the first is streight , when the equator maketh streight angles with the horizon ; the second is oblique , when the intersection of the horizon and equator makes oblique angles ; the third is the parallel sphere , when the equator and the horizon are joyned together . astronomers conceive ten points , and ten chief circles in the concave superficies of the first mobile : the points are the two poles of the world , the two poles of the zodiack , the two equinoctial , and two solsticial points , zenith and nadir . the circles are the horizon , meridian , equator , zodiack , the colures of the equinox , and the colures of the solstice . the cancer and capricorne , the arctick and antarctick circles ; by zenith and nadir we understand two points , the first directly answering to our heads , and the second to our feet . astronomers fancy divers motions in the heavens : the primum mobile turns round with it all the other orbs in 24 hours . they allow to the other heavens under the first mobile a motion of libration from the north to the south , and from the south to the north. the eclipse of the moon is a real privation of its light , by the interposition of the earth between it and the sun. the eclipse of the sun is not a real privation of light , because the sun eclips'd , is only hid from our eyes by the interposition of the moon . all the eclipses of the moon are universal , or seen by all such as see the moon ; all the eclipses of the sun are particular ones , or not seen by every one that sees the sun. there are five zones , one torrid , two temperate , and two cold ones . the torrid zone is comprehended between the two tropicks ; its breadth is 47 degrees , if we reckon according to the common calcul 23 ½ on each side of the equator ; the two temperate zones are contain'd between the tropicks and the polar circles , whereof one is south , and the other north ; the breadth of both is 43 degrees . the cold zones are contain'd within the polar circles , distant from the poles of the world 23 degrees ½ . authors . peter aerte his world , in five vol. herigone , garcy , adrianus metius . sectio septima . cosmographia . cosmographia est descriptio mundi , praecipuarumque ejusdem partium . mundus est caelum altissimum , & quicquid eo comprehenditur , dividitur in regionem sublunarem , & coelestem , regio sublunaris variis est obnoxia mutationibus , contineturque concava caeli lunaris superficie , quatuor complectitur elementa , terram , aquam , aerem , ignem . semi-diameter terrae quadringenta fere & triginta sex supra tria millia , milliaria ilalica complectitur . communis marium altitudo est passuum geometricorum quingentorum . superficies terrae est fere aequalis superficiei maris , atque aliquanto altior , quia animadvertimus flumina ab ipsa origine ad mare descendere , seu deorsum tendere . putant theologi terram initio rotundam fuisse , atque aquis undique circumcinctam : sed postquam deus aquas recedere jussisset , tot erupere montes , quot sunt concavitates aquis marinis recipiendis idoneae . regio coelestis est ea pars mundi quae porrigitur a superficie concava coeli lunaris ad superficiem convexam altissimi coeli , quod spatium coelos omnium stellarum comprehendit . astronomi triplicem sphaeram distinguunt prima est sphaera recta quando aequator rectos cum horizonte angulos constituit ; secunda est obliqua cum intersectio aequatoris , & horizontis constituit obliquos , tertia est parallela cum aequator , & horizon sibi congruunt , aut conjunguntur . astronomi in concava primi mobilis superficie concipiunt 10 puncta , totidemque primarios circulos : puncta sunt duo mundi poli , duo poli zodiaci , duo puncta aequinoctialia , duo puncta solsticialia , zenith & nadir . circuli sunt horizon , meridianus , aequator , zodiacus , colurus aequinoctiorum , colurus solstitiorum , tropicus cancri , & capricorni , duoque polares : his vocibus zenith & nadir intelligimus duo puncta ex diametro opposita , alterum , scilicet zenith vertici nostro imminens , alterum nempe nadir , pedibus oppositum . astronomi varios concipiunt in coelis motus . primum mobile reliquos secum coelos 24 horarum spatio circumducit : reliquis sub primo mobili coelis addunt motum librationis a septentrione in austrum & ab austro in septentrionem . eclipsis lunae est vera luminis privatio interjectu terrae lunam inter & solem : eclipsis solis non est realis privatio luminis . sol enim deficiens tegitur tantum ab oculis nostris interpositu lunae . omnes eclipses lunae sunt universales aut conspicuae omnibus corpus lunare eo tempore intuentibus ; omnes eclipses solis sunt particulares , aut non conspicuae omnibus qui solem ipsum intueri possunt . quinque sunt zonae , una torrida , duae temperatae , duaeque frigidae , torrida zona comprehenditur duobus tropicis : ipsius latitudo est vulgari calculo 47 graduum ; nempe 23 ½ cis , ●ltraque aequatorem ; duae temperatae comprehenduntur tropicis , & polari●us circulis quorum alter meridiona●is alter borealis est , utriusque latitudo est graduum 43 ; frigidae zonae comprehenduntur polaribus circulis dissi●is a mundi polis grad . 23 ½ . authores . petrus de aerte , seu mundus ipsius ● voluminibus , herigonius , garcaeus , adrianus metius . sect. viii . catoptrick . catoptrick is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a looking-glass , because it treats of the rays , as being reflected by polish'd bodies . this science demonstrates these following propositions . 1. if a ray falling upon a glass , make equal angles , 't is reflected into itself . 2. rays reflected from plain and convex glasses , do neither come together , nor are equi-distant . 3. heights and depths seem to be overturned in convex glasses . 4. in convex glasses , what is on the left hand , appears to be on the right ; and what is on the right hand , appears to be on the left . 5. if the eye were in the centre of ● concave-glass , it would see nothing but itself . authors . euclid and peter herigone have written on this subject . sectio octava . catoptrica . catoptrica derivatur a graeca voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod speculum sonat , quia agit de radio ut reflexo a laevigatis corporibus , sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. si radius in qualecumque speculum cadens aequales facit angulos ipse in seipsum reflectitur . 2. radii a planis , convexisque speculis reflexi neque mutuo concurrent , neque erunt paralleli . 3. altitudines & profunditates in convexis speculis inversae apparent . 4. in speculis convexis sinistra videntur dextra , & dextra sinistra . 5. si oculus ponatur in centro speculi concavi seipsum tantum cernet . authores . euclides , & petrus herigonius hoc super argumento scripserunt . sect. ix . chymistry . chymistry is the art of analysing , or resolving bodies by the operation of the fire into their compounding principles . the chymists do generally affirm mercury , salt , and sulphur to be the compounding principles of all compounded things ; which doctrine is learnedly and solidly confuted by the english philosopher , i mean the famous robert boyle in his sceptical chymist . yet it cannot be denied but that it is useful and necessary likewise to mankind , upon the account of those many excellent medicines it prepares to the great advantage of physicians , and ease of their patients , whereof these ensuing are some of the most considerable . 1. aurum fulminans , or thundering gold ; a very good sudorifick ; it may be taken in the measles from 2 grains to 6 in any convenient electuary ; it stops vomiting , and is a hindrance to the activity of mercury , or quick-silver . 2. vitriolus lunae taken inwardly , is prevalent against the dropsie , and the head-ach , of what sort soever ; you may take it from 2 grains to 6 in any specifick water ; it is likewise a moderate purger . 3. sal jovis , is a great drier . 4. magisterium bismuth , softeneth the skin , and is good against scabs and itch , if you mix a drachm of it with 4 ounces of water , because it is a great destroyer of salts and acids , two general causes of most distempers . 5. sal saturni taken inwardly , prevaileth against the squinancy , the overflowing of the flowers , piles , dysentery ; you may take it from 2 grains to 4 in plantain-water . 6. oleum saturni cleanseth and drieth up ulcers . 7. spiritus ardens saturni resisteth powerfully putrefaction ; it is beneficial to such as are troubled with too much melancholy . you may take it from 8 to 16 drops , in any convenient liquor , a fortnight together . 8. crocus aperitivus martis has a a peculiar vertue against all distempers occasioned by obstructions ▪ you may take it from 2 grains to 2 scruples in lozenges or pills . 9. crocus martis astringens is of a peculiar vertue against the glitting of the yard , the overflowing of the monthly flowers and piles ; you may take it from 15 grains to a drachm in lozenges or pills . 10. mars diaphoreticus cures effectually the most melancholy distempers , as likewise quartan-agues ; you may take it from 10 to 20 grains in pills , or any convenient liquor . 11. sublimatum corrosivum eats up superfluous flesh , and drieth up ulcers . 12. sublimatum dulce , or aquila alba , is very good against all venereal distempers ; 't is a great deobstruent , and killer of worms ; it may be taken in pills from 6 grains to 30 : 't is a mild purger . 13. praecipitatum rubrum drieth up wounds , and consumeth superfluous or proud flesh . 14. turbith minerale , or the yellow praecipitate , is a strong purger , and worketh both upwards and downwards ; 't is good against venereal distempers ; you may take it in pills from 2 gr . to 6. 15. crudum antimonium is a sudorifick , but if you boyl it in any acid liquor , it will provoke you to vomit . 16. regulus antimonii purgeth upwards and downwards , if mixed with any cathartick or purger . 17. vitrum antimonii is the strongest vomitory that is made of antimony . 18. antimonium diaphoreticum resisteth powerfully poison , and is likewise good against contagious distempers , and against the measlles . 19. flores antimonii provoke to vomit ; and rubri flores antimonii as yet more ; you may take them both from 2 gr . to 14 , taking every quarter of an hour a spoonful of broth wherein you have boyl'd a competent quantity of the cream of tartar. 20. sulphur antimonii is prevalent against the distempers of the breast ; you may take 6 grains of it in any appropriated liquor . authors . paracelsus , beguinus , helmontius , and the deservedly renowned robert boyle , &c. sectio nona . chymica . chymica est ars reducendi corpora vi ignis in ea ex quibus constant principia . fatentur chymicorum plerique , asseruntque mercurium , sal , sulphur , esse tria ut loquuntur , prima , seu constituentia omnium rerum compositarum principia : quam doctrinam erudite more suo , ingenioseque ac solidis argumentis confutat philosophus britannicus celeberrimus merito boylius in chymico suo sceptico . nemo tamen inficias ierit chymiam & utilem esse generi humano , & necessariam ob tot generosa quae parat medicamenta non mediocri medicorum emolumento , magnoque commissorum ipsis aegrorum levamine : quae hic subjunguntur , quaedam sunt ●e praecipuis . 1. aurum fulminans sudores provocat ; adhiberi potest adversus morbillos , minima dosis sit gr . 2 maxima gr . 6 sistit vomitum , obstatque activitati mercurii . 2. vitriolus lunae interius sumptus praevalet contra hydropem , & quemcumque capitis dolorem : dosis minima gr . 2 maxima 6 in quacumque aqua specifica ; leniter quoque purgat . 3. sal jovis valde desiccat . 4. magisterium bismuth , emollit carnem , valetque contra scabiem & pruriginem si illius drachmam quatuor unciis aquae commisceas , quia salia , & acida , geminas plerumque morborum causas destruit . 5. sal saturni , si sumatur interius praevalet contra anginam , immoderatum menstruorum fluxum , haemorrhoides , dysenteriam ; dosis minima gr . 2 , summa 4 , in aqua plantaginis . 6. oleum saturni purgat , exsiccatque ulcera . 7. spiritus ardens saturni potenter resistit putrefactioni ; nimia melancholia dejectis prodest : dosis 6 , 8 aut 16 guttae in quovis conveniente liquore per quatuordecim dies . 8. crocus aperitivus martis peculiari virtute pollet adversus morbos ab obstructionibus ortos : dosis minima gr . 2 summa scrupuli duo in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 9. crocus martis astringens peculiariter valet contra stillicidium penis , nimium menstruorum fluxum , & hoemorrhoides ; dosis ima gr . 15 , summa , drachma in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 10. mars diaphoreticus reipsa curat plerosque morbos a melancholia ortos , atque febres etiam quartanas ; dosis 10 aut 20 gr . in pilulis , aut conveniente quopiam liquore . 11. sublimatum corrosivum exedit superfluam carnem , exsiccatque ulcera . 12. sublimatum dulce , aut aquila alba pollet adversus omnem veneream intemperiem : insigniter deobstruit , vermiumque excidium est ; si in pilulis sumitur ; minima dosis gr . 6 summa gr . 30 ; leniter purgat . 13. praecipitatum rubrum exsiccat vulnera , consumitque superfluam carnem . turbith menerale , aut praecipitatum flavum valide purgat superne & inferne , valet adversus morbos venereos ; dosis ima in pilulis gr . 2. summa gr . 6. 15. crudum antimonium est sudorificum , sed si illud in acido quopiam liquore concoquas , vomitum provocabit . regulus antimonii cathartico cuipiam immixtus superne , inferneque purgat . 17. nihil ex antimonio fit , quod po●entius vitro antimonii vomitum ex●itet . 18. antimonium diaphoreticum re●istit potenter veneno , valetque contra morbos contagiosos , & morbillos . 19. flores antimonii vomitum pro●ocant fortiusque , adhuc , rubri flores antimonii ; amborum dosis ima gr . 2 ●umma 15 , sume interim quovis qua●rante horae cochleare jusculi in quo ●remoris tartari sufficiens mensura ●octa fuerit . 20. sulphur antimonii pollet adversus omnes pectoris morbos ; dosis ●r . 6 in quovis idoneo liquore . authores . paracelsus , helmontius , beguinus , meritoque celeberrimus ubique boy●ius . sect. x. dioptrick . dioptrick is that part of astrology that searcheth out by instruments the distance of the sun , moon , and other planets . if you take it more generally , its chief end is to shew the apparent changes of our sight , and of visible objects look'd into through prospective glasses . it treats of the broken or refracted rays of light , and this is its chief principle : when a ray passeth through a thin middle into a thicker , it breaks in the superficies of the thicker towards the perpendicular line ; and when it passeth through a thick middle , or medium , to a thinner it deviates from the perpendicular line , which this obvious experiment demonstrates . lay an image , or any other visible object , in the bottom of a vessel , and then go back till it vanish out of your sight ; now if you fill this vessel with water , it shall presently be visible again , because the ray coming from your eye , breaks downwards in the superficies of the water , as the same going streight up to the superficies of the water deviates from the perpendicular , because of the thinner air towards the eye , which renders the object visible again . this science treats likewise of convex and concave glasses , as they may work some change in the sight , and may help it . it gives ▪ an account of those whom aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who see remote things distinctly , and nearer objects confusedly ; and why those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , see both the remote and nearer objects confusedly . it teacheth likewise amongst other things , 1. that those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see distinctly some things that are represented by convex glasses in a streight situation . 2. that they see not distinctly through a convex glass any of those objects that are overturn'd . 3. it sheweth the influence of glasses applied one to another upon our sight . authors . kepler , maurolycus , euclide , &c. have written of this curious science . sectio decima . dioptrica . dioptrica ea astrologiae pars est quae instrumentis quibusdam distantiam solis & lunae , aliorumque planetarum indagat . eam in genere si spectes , praecipuus ejusdem scopus est indicare apparentes visus mutationes , objectorumque per vitra optica ut microscopia , megaloscopia inspectorum , agit de radio fracto ; hocque primarium hujus scientiae principium est : cum radius lucis progreditur a tenuiore medio ad dentius , frangitur versus perpendicularem in superficie spissioris ; cumque progreditur a medio spissiore ad tenuius , deviat a perpendiculari . quod obvio hoc experimento manifestum fit : imaginem aut quodvis aliud conspicuum objectum infundo vasis cujuspiam colloca : tum recede donec objectum non amplius appareat : jam si vas hoc aqua impleas , oculis se mox imago oggeret : quia radius lucis ab oculo ad fundum vasis porrectus frangitur deorsum in superficie aquae versus perpendicularem , ut idem ad superficiem ascendens ob tenuiorem aerem deviat a perpendiculari versus oculum , unde fit ut objectum rursus conspiciendum se praebeat . insuper haec scientia agit de convexis concavisque vitris , quatenus visum aut variare , aut juvare possunt . redditque pariter rationem cur ii quos aristoteles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat , remota distincte videant , propinqua confuse ; & cur ii quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus tum remota , tum propinqua objecta confuse videant . inter alia pariter docet , 1. eos quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , quaedam videre distincte quae a vitris convexis recto in situ exhibentur . 2. minime eos videre distincte per vitra convexa ullùm eorum objectorum quae eversa sunt . 3. ostendit vitrorum sibi invicem junctorum in visum nostrum operationem . authores . keplerus , maurolycus , euclides , &c. de curiosa hac scientia scripsere . sect. xi . moral philosophy . ethica is that art which directs us how to act always conformably to right reason : it s chief principle is this , do as you would be done by . it teacheth us that god is our last end , because he only is bonum sufficiens , the sufficient good , nothing else being able to content us . it teacheth likewise that we can never love any thing but under the shew and appearance of good , whereof it offereth three sorts , honour profit and pleasure . god alone is our objective beatitude or happiness , ( as they speak in the schools , ) our formal beatitude is that operation of the mind by which we possess god , which is the intuitive vision or contemplation of god. this art sheweth that the internal principles of humane actions are either natural , as powers ; or acquired , as habits : that the understanding moves the will to act , and the will our understanding ; that a habit being generated by the repetition of acts , giveth the soul not the real power of acting , but only enables it to act more easily . authors . aristotle , seneca , plato , cicero , &c. sectio undecima . ethica seu moralis philosophia . haec ea est ars quae nos ad agendum in omnibus conformiter rectae rationi dirigit : primarium ipsius principium hoc est , quod tibi vis fieri , & alteri feceris . docet deum esse ultimum nostrum finem quia ille solus est bonum sufficiens , cum nihil aliud beatos nos efficere queat : docet pariter nihil nos amare posse nisi sub specie boni , cujus triplex genus proponit jucundum , utile honestum . beatitudo nostra objectiva , ut loquuntur scholae , solus deus est , formalis nostra beatitudo est ea mentis operatio qua deum possidemus , intuitiva scilicet dei visio . hic habitus docet principia interna actionum humanarum , aut esse nobis congenita , cujusmodi sunt potentiae ; aut acquisita , cujusmodi sunt habitus ; docet intellectum movere voluntatem ad agendum , & vice versa ; habitum actuum repititione productum , animae tribuere non ipsam quidem agendi facultatem , seu potentiam , sed majorem quamdam facilitatem . authores . aristoteles , seneca , plato , cicero , &c. sect. xii . geography . geography is the description of the earth , and its chief parts .. because geographers talk much of the longitude and latitude of a place , 't is of some use to know what is meant by these two words . the longitude then of a place , or its distance from the east , is an arch of the equator intercepted between the semicircle of the first meridian , and the meridian of the place , according to the order of the signs . the latitude of a place , or its distance from the equinoctial line , is the arch of the meridian , intercepted between the equator and the place proposed , being always equal to the elevation of the pole , which is the arch of the meridian intercepted between the conspicuous pole and the horizon , because the latitude of a place , as likwise the height of the pole , together with the arch of the meridian intercepted between the pole & the zenith , are equal to the fourth part of the meridian or the quadrant . the whole world is now divided into four parts , europe , asia , africa , and america : europe is bounded towards the north by the hyperborean sea , towards the west by the atlantick sea , and the herculean by the streights of gibraltar and by the ocean ; towards the east by the egean sea , the hellespont , propontis , bosphorus thracius , the streights of caffa , the meotide lake , the river tanais , &c. till you come to a little town called ●uria , from whence 't is bounded by a white line till you come to the white sea. the chief parts of europe are germany , spain , france , great britain , switzerland , the low countries , ireland , denmarck , norway , swedeland , poland , italy , croatia , sclavonia , dalmatia , albania , grecia , thracia , bulgaria , servia , bosnia , russia , hungaria , transylvania . asia is bounded towards the north by the scythian sea , towards the east by the sea called eoum , towards the south by the indian sea or the red sea , towards the west by the arabick sreights and the interne sea. africa is joyn'd to asia by an isthme , or a narrow piece of ground dividing two seas : 't is bounded by several seas , towards the east by the red sea , towards the south by the ethiopian sea , towards the west by the atlantick sea , towards the north by the interne sea. the chief parts of africa we reckon to be those following , barbary biledulgeride , sarra , the countrey of the negroes , egypt , ethiopia both superior and inferior , the kingdom of the abyssins . america was wholly unknown to the antients till about the year 1492 , it was discovered by christopher columbus , a genoese , in the name of ferdinand king of castile . 't is called america from americus vespucius , a florentine , who the first after columbus , in the year 1497 , under the auspices of the king of portugal , discover'd that part of it that lyes beyond the equinoctial line . america is divided into two parts , the one norrhern , and the other southern , or the peruane america ; they are both divided by an isthme . the northern america is called the mexican , from its chief city mexico . we know only those countreys that lye near the shore , as canada , the land of labrador , the adjacent islands , new france or norimbegra , virginia or apalchen , florida , new spain , new grenade , california , quivira , ananian , jucatan , guatimala , hondura , nicaragna . in the southern america you have castile , the golden peru , chili , chica , the countrey of the pantagons , brasilia , caribana , guiiana , biquiri or the countrey of the amazons , paguan , picoram , moxos , uram , charchas . authors . ptolomy , the great atlas , the english atlas , ortelius , strabo , solinus , pomponius mela , philipp cluvier , &c. sectio duodecima . geographia . geographia est descriptio terrae praecipuarumque ejus partium . quia geographi multum loquuntur de longitudine ac latitudine loci , utile fuerit scire quid reipsa sint . longitudo itaque loci , aut ipsius distantia ab ortu , est arcus aequatoris inter semicirculum primi meridiani , & meridianum loci secundum ordinem signorum interceptus . latitudo loci aut ejusdem distantia a linea aequinoctiali est arcus meridiani interceptus aequatorem inter , & locum propositum , estque semper aequalis elevationi poli , quae est arcus meridiani horizontem inter , & conspicuum polum interceptus , quod tam latitudo loci , quam elevatio poli cum arcu meridiani inter polum & zenith intercepto , aequent quadrantem meridiani . totus terrarum orbis nunc dividitur in quatuor partes , europam , asiam , africam , americam : europa terminos habet a septentrione mare hyperboreum , aut septentrionale , ab occidente mare atlanticum , fretum herculeum , & oceanum , ob ortu mare aegaeum , hellespontum , propontidem bosphorum thracium , bosphorum cimmerium , lacum maeotim , tanais fluenta usque ad oppidum tuia , inde lineam rectam ad sinum usque granduicum , seu mare album . praecipuae europae partes sunt , germania , hispania , gallia , magna britannia , helvetia , belgium , dania , suedia , polonia , italia , croatia , sclavonia , dalmatia , albania , graecia , thracia , bulgaria , servia , bosnia , russia , hungaria , transylvania . asia terminatur versus septentrionem mari scythico , versus ortum mari eoo , versus meridiem mari indico , aut rubro , versus occidentem sinu arabico & mari interno . africa isthmo jungitur asiae , terminos habet varias circum maria , ab ortu mare rubrum , a meridie aethiopicum , ab occasu atlanticum , a septentrione internum . praecipuas africae partes sequentes numeramus , barbariam , biledulgeridem , sarram , regionem nigritarum , aegyptum aethiopiam utramque superiorem & inferiorem , regnum abyssinorum . america antiquis prorsus incognita fuit , donec sub annum quadringentesimum nonagesimum secundum supra millesinum detecta fuit a christophoro columbo genuensi nomine ferdinandi regis castiliae . america dicitur ab americo vespucio florentino qui primus post columbum anno 1497. sub auspiciis regis lusitaniae eam partem continentis detexit quae ultra lineam aequinoctialem jacet . america dividitur duas in partes alteram septentrionalem , meridionalem alteram aut peruanam ; utraque isthmo dividitur , septentrionalis america vocatur mexicana a praecipua ejusdem civitate mexico ▪ regiones tantum littoribus adjacentes novimus , nempe canadam , terram laboratoris , atque insulas adjacentes , novam franciam sive norimbregram , virginiam sive apalchen , floridam , novam hispaniam , novam granatam , californiam , quiviram , ananian , jucatan , guatimalam , honduram , nicaragnem . in meridionali america sunt castilio aurea , peruvia , chili , regio pentagonum , brasilia , caribana , guiiana , biquiri , paguam , picoram , moxos , uram , charchas . authores . ptolomaeus , magnus atlas , ortelius , strabo , solinus , pomponius mela , philippus cluverius . sect. xiii . geometry . this science teacheth us how to measure the earth , and to set limits to every mans lands ; 't is entirely contain'd in the fifteen books of euclid's elements : the first thirteen are acknowledg'd by all to be undoubtedly of this author ; the two last are ascrib'd by some to hipsicles of alexandria . euclid's elements may be divided into four parts ; the first part , contain'd in the first six books , treats of plains ; the second , consisting of the three other following books searcheth into the properties of numbers ; the third part of euclid's elements , consisting of the tenth book only , treats of commensurable and incommensurable lines ; and lastly , the fourth part comprehending the remaining books , treats of solids , or bodies . the first part of euclid's elements is again threefold ; the first four books treat of plains absolutely considered , of their equality and inequality ; the fifth treats of the proportion of magnitudes in general ; the sixth sheweth the proportion of plain figures . geometry may be divided into these three subordinate parts , altimetry , planimetry , and stereometry ; altimetry is the art of measuring streight lines , planimetry is the art of measuring surfaces , stereometry is the art of measuring solids or bodies . a line is measured by a line of a known magnitude , and a superficies or surface by a square of a known magnitude , and solids are measured by a cube of a known bulk . authors . euclid , hero mechanicus ▪ fournierius , malapertius , maginus , clavius , nicolaus tartalea in italian , adrianus metius , samuel marolois , simon stevin , and daniel sant bech . sectio decima tertia . geometria . haec scientia docet nos qui terram metiamur , atque unius cujusque praediis limites praescribamus : integra continetur quindecim libris elementorum euclidis : priores tredecim sine ulla controversia euclidi ascribuntur ab omnibus , posteriores vero duo , a quibusdam hypsicli alexandrino tribuuntur . elementa euclidis dividi possunt in quatuor partes ; quorum prima pars sex prioribus libris contenta , agit de planis ; secunda , quae ex tribus sequentibus conflatur , affectiones numerorum examinat ; tertia pars elementorum euclidis , quae solo libro decimo constat , de lineis commensurabilibus , ac incommensurabilibus agit ; quarta denique pars , quam residui libri constituunt de solidis , aut corporibus disserit . prima pars elementorum euclidis rursus triplex est ; priores enim qua●uor libri agunt de planis absolute spectatis , de eorum aequalitate , aut inaequalitate ; quintus disserit de proportionibus magnitudinum in genere ; sextus planarum figurarum proportiones exponit . geometria dividi potest in has tres partes subordinatas , in altimetriam , planimetriam , & stereometriam ; altimetria est ars dimetiendi lineas rectas , planimetria est ars dimetiendi superficies , stereometria est ars dimetiendi solida , sive corpora . lineas metiuntur lineae notae magnitudinis , superficiem metitur quadratum mensurae notae , solidaque metitur cubus notae molis . authores . euclides , hero mechanicus , fournierius , malapertius , maginus , clavius , nicolaus tartalea italice , adrianus metius , samuel marolois , simon stevinius , daniel sant bechius . sect. xiv . the art of dialling . gnomonica is the art of dialling , or of making sun-dials . of sun-dials there are two sorts , some are pendulums , and others are fix'd ones . the pendulums are those that being hung up , or held up , shew the hours by the height of the sun , as the astrolabe , the cylinder , the quadrants , the astronomical rings , and others of the same kind . the fixed-dials require a certain situation , to shew the hours by the motion of the sun from east to west , and upon this account they are more exact than the pendulums . the centre of the dial , is that point of the plane of the dial in which the axis of the world is cut by the plane . the perpendicular style is a streight line drawn from the centre of the earth to the plane of the dial : the centre then of the world , or of the earth in a dial , is the top of the style , which is perpendicular to the plain of the dial. the pole of the plane of the dial , is the pole of a great circle equi-distant from the plane of the dial. in all astronomical dials , that part of the style which by its shadow sheweth the hour , must be in the axis or axle-tree of the world. the italians reckon 24 hours , beginning from the setting of the sun ; the babylonians reckon as many from the rising of the sun , to the going down of the same ; but in the old dials , the hours of the day , and of the night , are reckon'd separately , viz. 12 from the rising of the sun , till the going down of the same ; and as many from the setting of the sun , till the rising of the same . authors . maurolycus , ptolomaeus , kircherus , &c. sectio decima quarta . gnomonica . gnomonica est ars construendi horologia solaria . horologia solaria dividuntur in pendula , & fixa : pendula sunt ea quae appensa , aut manu suspensa , horas indicant ope altitudinis solaris : cujusmodi sunt astrolabium , cylindrus , quadrans , annuli astronomici , aliaque ejusdem generis . horologia stabilia , seu fixa , requirunt situm quemdam ut ostendant horas ope motus solis ab ortu in occasum , ideoque accuratiora sunt pendulis . centrum horologii est punctum plani horologii , in quo axis mundi secatura plano . stylus perpendicularis est recta a centro terrae ad planum horologii ducta , unde centrum mundi , sive terrae in horologio est vertex styli plano horologii normalis . polus plani horologii , est polus magni circuli paralleli plano horologii . in omni horologio astronomico ea pars styli quae umbra horam ostendit , debet esse in axe mundi . itali numerant horas 24 initio ducto ab occasu solis ; babylonii numerant totidem initio ducto ab ortu solis ; sed in antiquis horologiis horae diei , noctisque separatim enumerantur , duodecim scilicet enumerantur ab ortu solis ad occasum , totidemque ab occasu ad ortum . authores . maurolycus , ptolomaeus , kircherus , &c. sect. xv. grammar . grammar is the art of writing and speaking well ; it treats of words and the construction of words . this art considereth two things in words , the letters , and the syllables ; as likewise two sorts of letters for some sound alone , and are called vowels , as a , e , i , o , u , ; others sound not alone , but together with some other letter , and they are called upon this account consonants , as these following , b , c , d g k , p , q , t , which letters are called mutes , as f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z are called half vowels . a syllable that has a full sound is made up either of a vowel and a consonant , or of vowels and consonants . in words , grammar considereth their accent or tone , whether acute , or grave , or mean ; their derivation and etymology , their composition and simplicity ; their numbers ; if the word be a noun , plural , singular ; their cases , nominative , genitive , dative , accusative , vocative , ablative : if the word be a verb , it considereth the tenses , as present , imperfect , perfect , future or to come . it teacheth the art of construing words one with another , as the adjective with the substantive , in order to make a congruous speech ; either continued or interrupted : it distinguisheth the sentences by three notes , which we commonly call comma , semicolon , colon , or as the latins speak , punctum . the first is a short pause of respiration , which we express thus ( , ) the second is a longer pause , which we express thus ( ; ) the third is a full pause , and finisheth the sense , which we mark thus ( . ) chief authors . alvares and despauter . sectio decima quinta . grammatica . grammatica est ars recte loquendi , scribendique ; agit de vocibus , vocumque constructione . duo contemplatur in vocibus literas & syllabas , ut pariter duo genera literarum quaedam enim solitarie sonant , & vocales dicuntur , ut a e , i , o , u , ; quaedam solitarie non sonant , sed simul cum alia quapiam litera , & propterea consonantes dicuntur , cujusmodi sunt hae literae oppositae b , c , d , g , p , q , t , quae literae dicuntur mutae , ut f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z dicuntur semivocales . syllaba quae integrum habet sonum , constat vel unica vocali , vel vocali addita consonante , vel vocalibus simul & consonantibus . in vocibus grammatica considerat accentum , seu tonum , sive acutum , sive gravem , sive medium , earum derivationem , originem , atque etymologiam , compositionem , simplicitatem , numeros , si quaestio de nomine sit , singularem , pluralem ; casus , nominativum , genitivum , dativum , accusativum , vocativum , ablativum ; si quaestio de verbo sit , considerat tempora , ut praesens , imper●ectum , praeteritum , futurum . docet qui voces simul construere debeamus , ut adjectivum cum substantivo , ut fiat oratio congrua , continua , aut interrupta ; distinguit sententias tribus hisce notis , quas designamus appellationibus hisce comma , semicolon , colon , aut ut latini loquuntur , punctum . prima nota indicat brevem a respirando cessationem , quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( , ) secunda est diuturnior cessatio quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( ; ) postrema est plena cessatio , sensumque absolvit , quam ita notamus ( . ) authores primae notae . alvares , despauterius , &c. section xvi . hydrography . hydrography is a description of the waters , especially the seas . the sea is the general collection of waters , 't is divided into the ocean and mediterranean sea : the ocean is that sea which surrounds the whole earth , 't is divided into the great ocean , gulfs and streights . the ocean hath four different names , from the four opposite points of the world , from the east , 't is called the eastern sea ; from the south , the southern ; from the north , the northern ; 't is divided into three vast seas , indian , or red sea ; the atlantick sea , so called from atlas , a hill in mauritania ; and the pacifick sea. the indian sea reacheth from the islands of sumatra and java to the promontory of good hope , its chief gulfs are the ganget●ck gulf , or the gulf of bengala , whose longitude is 120 deg . latitude 16 deg . the persick gulf , or elcatif sea , whose longitude is 76 deg . latitude 26 ; the arabick gulph , or the red sea , commonly called mar di meca , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 20 ; the barbarick gulf , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 4. these are the chief islands of the ocean , lerne , or madagascar , or the island of st. laurence , longit . 75 deg . lat 20. discuriada , or zocotara , longit . 48 deg . lat . 11. the maldives , longit . 105. lat . 5. nanigeris , commonly called zeilan , longit . 113. lat . 6. taprobana , sumatra , longit . 130. lat 0. java the great , longit . 140. lat . 10. we reckon among the chief islands of the atlantick sea , albion , or great britain , longit . 22. lat . 52. ireland , longit . 13. lat . 54. hesperides , or the islands of the cap vert , longit . 353. lat . 17. cuba , longit . 295. lat . 22. jamaica , 298. lat . 18. the pacifick , or southern sea , lies between asia , america , and the magellanick gulf ; its chief islands are japan , longit . 170. lat . 36. the molucs , longit . 157. lat . 1. salomon's islands , longit . 195. lat . 10. authors . herigone , ortelius , pomponius mela , joachim , vadiam , fournier . sectio decima sexta . hydrographia . hydrographia est descriptio aquarum , maxime marium . mare est generalis aquarum collectio , dividitur in oceanum , & mare mediterraneum : oceanus est mare quod universam terram ambit , dividitur in vastum , sinuosum , & fretum . oceanus quatuor sortitur appellationes a quatuor cardinalibus mundi partibus , ab oriente eous dicitur , ab occidente occiduus , a meridie australis , a septentrione septentrionalis ; dividitur in tria vasta maria indicum , sive rubrum , atlanticum a● atlante mauritaniae monte sic dictum , & in pacificum . oceanus indicus porrigitur ab insulis sumatra , & java usque ad caput bonae spei : ejus praecipui sinus sunt gangeticus , sive bengalensis , cujus longitudo 120 graduum , latitudo 16 graduum . sinus persicus , cujus longit . 76 graduum , latitudo 20 graduum . sinus arabicus , aut mare rubrum , vulgo mar di meca , cujus longit . 70. lat . 20. sinus barbaricus , sive mare asperum , cujus longit . 70. lat . 4. primariae oceani insulae sunt lerne , aut madagascar , seu insula sancti laurentii , cujus long . 75. lat . 20. discuriada aut zocotara , cujus long . 48. lat . 11. maldiviae , longit . 105. lat . 5. nanigeris , vulgo zeilan , cujus longit . 113. lat . 6. taprobana , sumatra , longit . 130. lat . 0. java major , longit . 140. lat . 10. praecipuae insulae maris atlantici sunt albion , sive magna britannia , ●ujus longit . 22. lat 52. hibernia , ●ujus longit . 13. lat . 54. hesperides , ●ut insulae promontorii viridis , longit . ●arum insularum 353. lat . 17. cuba , ●ujus longit . 295. lat . 22. jamaica , ●ujus longit . 298. lat . 18. mare pacificum , sive meridionale ●cet inter asiam , americamque , & ●retum magellanicum ; praecipuae ejus ●nsulae sunt japonia , cujus longit . 170. ●t . 36. molucae , longit . 157. lat . 1. ●nsulae salomonis longit . 195. lat . 10. authores . herigonius , ortelius , pomponius me● , joachimus , vadiamus , fournierius . sect. xvii . logick . logick is the art of disputing wel● the three operations of the min● make up its whole object , which are apprehension , judgement or affirmation and illation . it teacheth , that the truth of any of those three operations consist● in their confirmity to their objects : s● this compounded apprehension , go● almighty , is true , because i apprehen● god to be , what he really is , that i● almighty ; you may easily apply this t● the other two operations . it s two chief principles are these dictum de omni , and dictum de nullo : the first signifieth , that whatever 〈◊〉 generally affirmed of any thing , m●… likewise be affirm'd of whatever is contain'd under that thing , as if i s●… every animal is a living creature , th●… it follows , that a bird is a living cre●tur● ▪ the second signifieth , that what ever is generally denied of any thing is denied likewise of whatever is contain'd under that thing ; as if i say no animal is a stone , then i may , an cught likewise to say , no bird is stone , no man is a stone , &c. logick teacheth the art of making syllogism , which consisteth of three propositions , whereof the first two being granted , the conclusion must necessarily b● granted , because it was already implicitely admitted by him , who admitted of the premises : as 't is evident in this syllogism , every man is a living creature , peter is a man , ergo , peter is a living creature . logick is natural to all mankind , because 't is nothing else but the use of our reasoning faculty . artificial logick is made up of some rules and precepts that help our reasoning faculty . authors . aristotle , arriaga , ruvius , guilminot , &c. sectio decima septima . logica . logica est ars recte disserendi : ipsius objectum sunt tres mentis ●perationes ; apprehensio , judicium ●ut affirmatio , & illatio . docet ●eritatem illarum operationum in ea●um cum ipsis objectis conformitate esse positam ; ut composita haec apprehensio , deus omnipotens , est vera , ●uia apprehendo deum , ut reipsa est omnipotentem : quod reliquis operationibus applicari facile potest . duo praecipua logicae principia sunt ista , dictum de omni , & dictum ●e nullo : prius significat quicquid generaliter affirmatur de re quapiam , affirmari idem posse de omnibus sub eadem contentis , ut si dicam , omne animal est vivens , licebit dicere omnis volucris est vivens . posterius ●nnuit , quicquid generaliter negatur de quapiam re , negari posse idem de omnibus eadem comprehensis ; ut si dicam , nullum animal est lapis ; licebit etiam dicere , nulla volucris est lapis ; nullus homo est lapis , &c. logica docet artem conficiendi syllogismi , qui constat tribus propositionibus : quarum duae primae si semel admittantur , tertia necessario admitti debet , quia jam tacite admissa est ab eo qui duas primas admisit , ut patet in hoc syllogismo , omnis homo est animal , petrus est homo , ergo , petrus est animal . logica congenita est humano generi , cum nihil aliud sit quam facultatis nostrae rationalis exercitium . artificialis logica sunt praecepta quaedam hanc facultatem juvantia . authores . aristoteles , arriaga , ruvius , guilminotius , &c. sect. xviii . metaphysick . this science considers beings , as abstracted from all matter ; and is so called , because it treats of things somewhat besides , above , or beyond nature . it considereth two things in a being , 1. it s essence , which seems to have a real being , though it does not exist , as a rose in the midst of winter . 2. it s existence , which is actually in being , or by which a thing is actually in being , as the existence of a rose is that by which it now is . it considereth three properties of every being , its unity , goodness , and truth ; unity is that by which a thing is one , and not many . truth or verity , is the conformity of any thing to its real or consistent principles , as true gold consists in its conformity to the principles of this metal . the metaphysical goodness of things , is that essential perfection which is agreeable to them . this science treats likewise of powers , acts , principles , and causes , and proves , in opposition to aristotle , and other ancient philosophers , that the world was not eternal . authors . aristotle , vasques , suares , valentia , &c. sectio decima octava . metaphysica . haec scientia considerat entia , ut abstracta ab omni materia , nomenque hoc trahit inde quod agat de rebus aliquatenus praeter , vel supra , aut ultra naturam . duo in ente contemplatur , 1. essentiam , quae videtur esse verum ens licet non existat , ut rosa media hyeme . 2. existentiam quae actu in rerum natura est , aut vi cujus aliquid actu existit , ut existentia rosae est id vi cujus rosa nunc existit . contemplatur tres in quovis ente proprietates , unitatem , bonitatem , veritatem : unitas est id vi cujus quidpiam est unum , & non multa . veritas est conformitas unius cujusque rei cum principiis veris , & constituentibus , ut veritas auri , aut aurum verum est ejusdem conformitas cum constituentibus hujusce metalli principiis . metaphysica bonitas rerum est essentialis illa perfectio quae rebus congruit . haec scientia agit pariter de potentiis , actibus , principiis , causis , contraque aristotelem , aliosque antiquos philosophos , probat mundum non fuisse aeternum . authores . aristoteles , vasques , suares , valentia , &c. sect. xix . musick . musick is a science which teacheth us what belongs to the theory and practice of harmony . melody is that which has a certain order compounded of sounds and intervals . this science treats of these seven ensuing things , of sounds , of intervals , of genders , of constitutions or systems , of tunes , of changes , of the making of melody . the sound is a gentle falling of the voice upon the note . the interval is comprehended under two sounds , the one sharper than the other . authors . guido aretine , in the year 1028 , invented these six syllables , ut , re , mi , fal , sol , la , of which mi , fa , or fa , mi , imply a half tune , and the others following one another signifie a greater or lesser tune ; euclid , ptolomy , aristoxenus , faber stapulensis , boetius , john kepler , salinas , zarlins , and vincentius galilaeus in italian . sectio decima nona . musica . musica est scientia quae theoriam praximque harmoniae docet . concentus est id quod certum habet ordinem ex sonis & intervallis compositum . haec scientia de septem hisce sequentibus agit , de sonis , de intervallis , de generibus , de constitutionibus , de tonis , de mutatione , de melopaeia . sonus est concinnus vocis casus ad unam extensionem : intervallum est id quod continetur duobus sonis acumine , & gravitate differentibus . authores . guido aretinus , anno salutis 1028 , invenit has sex syllabas , ut , re , mi , fa , sol , la , quarum mi , fa , vel fa , mi , dimidium tonum significant , ac sequentes sese invicem aliae tonum absque discrimine majorem aut minorem ; euclides , ptolomaeus , aristoxenus , faber stapulensis , boetius , joannes keplerus , salinas , zarlinus , vincentius galilaeus italice . sect. xx. the mechanicks . this science considereth the quantity of moving forces , and of duration of the time in which the motion is performed . the gravity of a body , is a certain capacity of falling downwards ; the center of gravity , is that place or point from which if we conceive the body to be suspended , whatever situation you may give it , it shall retain the same . the center of magnitude , and of gravity , are not always the same , as 't is evident in a bowl half lead , half wood. the pendula diameter of gravity , or the handle , is a streight line drawn through the center of gravity perpendicularly to the horizon . no weight can rest , unless the pendula diameter of gravity , or handle , pass through the place upon which it leans , or from which the weight is suspended . in all planes , the center of the figure , is likewise the center of gravity . this art teacheth in general , how to find out the ponderousness of every thing , and how to move things with little strength . we must not forget in this place a sort of mecbanism , the knowledge whereof is of great concern for the good of mankind ; i mean that of trusses , and instruments fit for restoring by degrees , any part of the body to its natural place and situation . the burst peritonaeum sometimes gives way to the intestines , at other times to the caul . and not seldom , to both , to get out of their natural place , into the groins , or the scrotum , there causing a rupture , called enterocele , or hernia intestinalis ; if the bowels come out , an epiplocele , or hernia omentalis ; if the omentum or caul be out . the peritonaeum is made up of two strong , but soft membranes , which do so contain whatsoever is included in the belly , that , when sound , nothing can fall out . in women , the os pubis is its utmost limit . in men , its outermost membrane reacheth further , and constitutes the first proper coat of the testicles . in the groin , it comprehends the seminal vessels , as in a sheath , called processus , which being stretched or inlarged , or coming to burst , is the immediate cause of the lately mentioned ruptures . we must not nevertheless imagine , that the peritonaeum cannot be distended , and burst in other places , and therein to cause a rupture . the causes which make the peritonaeum to burst or dilate , are falling , leaping , beating , bearing of heavy burthens , strong vomitings or coughing , obstipation of the belly , winds pent in , and vehement motions of the body . but i can do no greater service to the publick , than to inform the world of two of the best artists i know of in this kind , both living together in black fryers , in london , i mean the famed robert smith , a scotch gentleman , and his son-in-law , thomas jewel , who give daily succesful proofs of their skill in this kind of mechanism , their trusses of what kind soever being so light , so easie , and so fitted to all the motions of the body , that they are not at all troublesome . they likewise cure effectually any deformity in humane bodies , occasioned by the preternatural bending outwards , inwards , or downwards , of any part thereof , and by such ingenuously contrived engines , as force nature gently into its first place and situation . authors . aristotle , henry monenthole , joseph blancan , guid ubald , stevin , hero , robert vulturius , cedren , john baptista porta , joseph boillot , ranelli , barbette , brown , &c. sectio vigesima . mechanica . mechanica est scientia quae quantitates virium moventium , & temporum in quibus fit motus considerat . gravitas corporis est quaedam potentia ad descensum . centrum gravitatis est punctum ex quo vel sola cogitatione suspensum corpus , quemcumque situm dederis retinet . centrum gravitatis , & centrum magnitudinis non sunt semper idem , ut patet in sphaera plumbo ▪ lignea . pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa est linea recta ducta per centrum gravitatis acta horizonti perpendicularis . nullum pondus quiescere potest nisi pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa transeat per locum cui innititur , aut e quo suspenditur corpus . in omni plano figurae centrum , centrum quoque gravitatis est . haec ars docet in genere modum reperiendae ponderationis , rerumque exiguis viribus movendarum methodum . non est praetermittendum hoc loco aliud genus mechanismi cujus notitia non parum humano generi profuerit ; de mechanismo loquor , fasciarum , instrumentorumque , aut machinarum quibus paulatim quaevis corporis pars ad debitum a natura situm reducatur . rupto peritonaeo interdum intestina , omentum interdum , saepe & intestina , & omentum loco naturali excidunt in inguina , aut scrotum , ibique hernia producitur , dicta enterocele , aut intestinalis , si prolabantur intestina , vel epiplocele , aut hernia omentalis si omentum excidat . peritonaeum gemina valida quidem sed molli constat membrana , quae ita concludit quicquid imo ventre comprehenditur , ut cum sanum corpus est nihil procidere possit . peritonaeum in mulieribus osse pubis terminatur : in viris tunica exterior ulterius procedit , ac testiculorum involucrum primum proprium constituit . in inguine vasa seminalia comprehendit , instar vaginae , processus dictae : processus hic laxatus , dilatatus aut ruptus est immediata herniarum mox commemoratarum causa : non est tamen existimandum peritonaeum non posse distendi , rumpique etiam aliis in locis ibique herniam producere . causae peritonaei rupti , aut dilatati hae fere sunt , lapsus , saltatio , percussio , gravium onerum gestatio , vomitus violentior , aut tussis , constipatio ventris , flatus reclusi , vehementiorque omnis corporis motus . sed nihil forte utilius rei publicae praestitero , quam si hic nominatim indica vero duos peritissimos quos quidem norim hujusmodi mechanismi artifices simul conviventes londini in ea regione urbis quae black fryers , dicitur ; sunt autem ii celebris robertus smith scotus , ejusque gener thomas jewel , qui quotidiana magnoque successu suae hoc in genere mechanismi peritiae experimenta exhibent : ipsorum enim fasciae cujuscumque generis , sive contra hernias intestinales , sive omentales , sive umbilicales , sive ventosas , aut contra aquosas , adeo leves sunt , gestatuque faciles , omnique corporis motui ita obsecundant , ut nihil omnino molestiae gestantibus secum afferant . reipsa quoque praenominati tollunt quamcumque humanorum corporum deformitatem a praeternaturali partis cujuspiam extrorsum , introrsum , aut deorsum distentione ortam , instrumentisque ac machinis ingenii ejusmodi quibus natura suaviter ad pristinum situm reducatur . authores . aristoteles , henricus monentholus , josephus blancanus , guidus ubaldus ' stevinus , hero , robertus vulturius , cedrenus , joannes baptista porta , josephus boillotus , augustus ranelli , paulus barbettus , johannes brownius , &c. sect. xxi . medica : or the art of conserving and curing humane bodies . hermes trismegistus , a fam'd physician in egypt , invented this necessary art : 't is either empirical , that is , grounded upon meer experience ; or dogmatical , that is , grounded both upon reason and experience : hippocrates and galenus were the chief masters of the dogmatical part . this art is either speculative or practical ; the former considereth , 1. the nature , and the outward causes of distempers , as the six things that are called not natural , because they are not the constituent parts of our bodies , such we reckon the air , meat , drink , sleep , watching , motion and rest , what we throw off , and what we retain , excreta & retenta ; our passions , plethora , or fulness , cacochymy , or an ill habit of our bloud . 2. it searcheth into the internal causes of our distempers , as wind , worms , acids . the practical part of this noble and useful art relates to the method of curing , which is either performed by alteration or evacuation . whether this evacuation be wrought by bleeding , vomiting , stool , urine , sweat , or insenble transpiration ; and upon this account , its true object is the whole materia medica , or whatever may be subservient to the physician 's intention in either of the three kingdoms , i mean , animal , vegitative , and mineral . the whole materia medica may be reduc'd to the ensuing heads . 1. the attenuating remedies , as elicampe roots , wormwood leaves , camomile flowers , the hot seeds , juniper , and lawrel berries , old tallow , and grease , especially that of a wolf , and of a bear , most oyls , as of bitter almonds , walnuts , &c. the plaisters of betony , diachylon , oxycroceum , &c. 2. the softening , as marsh mallow roots , briony roots , &c. 3. such as dissolve clots , as the roots of round birthwort . 4. the deterging , as the roots of gentian , and birthwort . 5 the epicerasticks , that by a moderate moisture take off the sharpness of the humour , as mallow , and marsh-mallow roots . 6. alexipharmaca , that resist venome , as angelica root . 7. the thickening , as the roots of bugloss and plantain . 8. the cathartick , which either purge the bile , as cassia , manna , tamarinds , &c. or the phlegm , as carthamy , wild saffron , agarick , turbith , jalep , or the melancholy , as sena oake-fern , or the watery humours , as dwarf elder , elder-seed , bark , juice , mechoaca . 9. the vomitory , whether milder ones , as sarabacca leaves bruised in dill water , or stronger ones , as the spirit of tobacco , the infusion of tobacco , crocus metallorum , &c. 10. diureticks , as radish roots , parseley roots , &c. 11. the sudorificks , as harts horn , diascordium , angelica roots , &c. 12. the repelling remedies , as the sloe-tree roots , tormentil roots , &c. 13. the emplasticks that stop the passages of the body , as lilly roots , wild comphry roots , &c. 14. the absorbing remedies , which by a great faculty of drying , consume the moisture , as all cenders , vineger , brine , &c. 15. the blistering , which raise blisters , as the cantharides , mustard , garlick , water-cresses . 16. the suppurating , that generate matter , as marsh-mallow roots , white lilly roots . 17. the vulnerary , as tormentil roots , the roots of both comphreys . 18. the sarcoticks , that remove whatever may hinder the breeding of flesh , as the roots of birthwort , tragacanth , dragons bloud , sarcocolla , &c. 19. the epuloticks , that generate a callus , or scarr , as dragons bloud , myrtle leaves . 20. the anodines , as marsh-mallows , and lilly roots . 21. the narcoticks , which take away all feeling , as oyl of palm , laurel , turpentine , opium , &c. 22. the hypnoticks , that cause sleep , as requies nicolai , diascordium , laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. such as stop bleeding , as corals , the bolus , seal'd earth . 24. the cephalicks , as the roots of birthwort , betony leaves , galanga . 25. the errhina , that purge the brains and the breast , by bringing down the superfluous pituite lying about the meninges , as the juice of betony , the powder of white and black hellebore . 26. the ophthalmicks for the eyes , as eye-bright , and celadine water , and also their juices . 27. otica , that ease the pains of the ears , as laurel leaves , leeks , radishes . 28. the cardiacks , as the roots of zodoaria , great leopards bane , thistle , and balm water . 29. the bechick , that render the humours contained in the lungs and the breast , fit to be thrown up , as the syrup of ground ▪ ivy. 30. the aromaticks , as roots of cyperus . 31. splenica , such as cure the spleen , as the powder of style , valerian roots . 32 , the nephritcks , that help the reins , as marsh-mallow roots , sal prunella , &c. 33. the lithontripticks , that break the stone , as elecampane roots , galanga , &c. 34. the hystericks , that cure hysterical fits , as purslain seed , the seed of agnus castus , the trochisques of myrrh , &c. 35. the arthriticks , that prevail against the gout , as elecampane roots , night-shade , plaintain , marsh-mallow leaves . authors . hippocrates , galen , trallian , actuarius , cornelius celsus , avicenna , sennertus , riverius , macasius , regius , willis , barbette , harvey the inventor of the circulation of the bloud . sectio vigesima prima . medica : sive ars conservandi & restaurandi humani corporis . hermes trismegistus celebris apud aegyptios medicus necessariae hujusce artis inventor dicitur : est autem aut empirica , hoc est quae mera experientia , aut dogmatica , quae ratione & experientia nititur : medicinae dogmaticae praecipui magistri extitere hippocrates & galenus . est aut speculativa aut practica ; prior considerat , 1. naturam , causasque externas morborum , ut sex res dictas non naturales quia non sunt partes corporis humani constituentes , cujusmodi censemus aerem , cibum , potum , somnum , vigilias , motum , & quietem , excreta , & retenta , animi pathemata , plethoram , sive plenitudinem , cacochymiam , sive pravum sanguinis habitum . 2. scrutatur internas morborum causas , puta flatus , vermes , acidum . practica pars nobilis hujus , utilisque artis methodum medendi spectat , quae posita est in evacuatione , & alteratione , quocumque demum modo evacuatio contingat , sive venae sectione , sive vomitu , dejectione , sudore , urina , aut insensibili transpiratione ; quocirca verum ipsius objectum est tota materia medica , aut quicquid in regno animali , vegetabili , & minerali , medici scopo inservire poterit . porro totam materiam medicam ad sequentia capita reducere fere possumus . 1. attenuantia , ut radices aenulae campanae , folia absinthii , flores camomillae , semina calida , baccae juniperi , lauri , axungiae vetustiores maxime vulpina , & ursina , olea pleraque , ut amygdalarum amararum , nucum , &c. emplastra de betonica , diachylon , oxycroceum , &c. 2. emollientia , ut radices altheae , bryoniae . 3. grumos dissolventia , ut radices aristolochiae rotundae . 4. detergentia , ut radices gentianae , aristolochiae . 5. epicerastica quae moderata humidate acrimoniam humorum obtundunt , ut radices malvae , & altheae . 6. alexipharmaca quae resistunt veneno , ut radix angelicae . 7. condensantia , ut radices buglossae , & plantaginis . 8. cathartica que vel purgant bilem , ut cassia , manna , tamarindi , &c. vel phlegma , ut carthamus , crocus sylvestris , turbith , jalap , vel melancholiam , ut sena , polypodium quercinum , vel humores aquosos , ut sambuci , & ebuli semen , cortex , succus , mechoaca . 9. vomitoria , sive mitiora , ut asari folia , aut validiora , ut spiritus nicotianae , infusio nicotianae , crocus metallorum . , &c. 10. diuretica . ut radices raphani , apii . 11. sudorifica , ut cornu cervi , diascordium , radices angelicae . 12. repellentia , ut radices pruni sylvestris , tormentillae , &c. 13. emplastica quae corporis meatus obstruunt , ut radices symphiti , & liliorum . 14. absorbentia , quae valida exsiccandi vi absumunt humorem , ut omnes cineres , acetum , muria . 15. vesicatoria , quae vesicas excitant , ut cantharides , sinapi , allium , nasturtium . 16. suppurantia , a quibus pus generatur , ut radices althaeae , liliorum alborum , &c. 17. vulneraria , ut radices tormentillae , consolidae utriusque . 18. sarcotica , quae removent quicquid carnis generationem prohibet , ut radices aristolochiae , tragacantha , sanguis draconis , sarcocolla . 19. epulotica , quae callum generant , aut cicatricem , ut sanguis draconis , folia myrthi . 20. anodina , ut radices althaeae , radices liliorum . 21. narcotica , quae omnem sensum tollunt , ut oleum palmae , lauri , terebinthinae , &c. 22. hypnotica , quae somnos conciliant , ut requies nicolai , diascordium , laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. sanguinem sistentia , ut coralliae , bolus , terra sigillata , &c. 24. cephalica , ut radices aristolochiae , galangae , folia betonicae . 25. errhina , quae cerebum purgant & thoracem , educta superflua circa meninges pituita , ut succus betonicae pulvis albi & nigri hellebori . 26. ophthalmica , ut aquae & succi euphrasiae , & chelidoniae . 27. otica , quae levant aurium dolorem , ut folia lauri , radices porri , raphani . 28. cardiaca , ut radices zedoariae , doronici , aquae cardui benedicti , & melissae . 29. bechica , quae humores in thorace , & pulmone conclusos ad faciliorem tussiendo ejectionem disponunt , ut sirupus & succus hederae terrestris . 30. aromatica , ut sirupi absinthii , & betonicae . 31. splenica , ut pulvis ex chalybe , radices valerianae . 32. nephritica , ut radices althaeae , sal prunellae . 33. lithontriptica , quae calculum frangunt , ut radices aenulae campanae , galangae . 34. hysterica , ut semen agni casti , portulacae , trochisci de myrrha . 35. arthritica , quae valent adversus podagram , & chiragram , ut radices aenulae campanae , folia solani , plantaginis , althaeae . authores . hippocrates , galenus , trallianus , actuarius , cornelius celsus , avicenna , sennertus , riverius , macasius , regius , willisius , barbetius , harveius circulationis sanguinis inventor , &c. sect. xxii . the art of sailing . ars nautica , or histiodromica , is that art which teacheth how to direct a ship through the seas , to the propos'd harbour . this art requireth the knowledge of the mariners compass , and the lead , of the sea-coasts , capes , rocks , promontories , harbours , of the distances of one place from another , of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , of the latitude and longitude of every place . it requireth likewise the knowledge of several instruments fit to take the latitude of a place , as of the cross-staff , of the quadrant , of the nocturnal , of the plane scale , of gunter's scale , &c. the mariners compass is a round plane , whose circumference is divided into 32 equal parts , by streight lines , called rhombs , passing through the center . the height of the pole , of so great benefit to sailers , is found out thus : observe first the height of the sun at noon-day , with an astrolabe , or some other instrument of that kind ; then take the declination of the sun , from the height , if the sun declines from the equator towards the northern pole ; or add the declination of the sun , to the observed height , if the sun declines towards the southern pole ; the remaining number , or the sum made up by addition , gives you the height of the equator , whose complement to 90 degrees ( as they speak ) is always the height of the pole. thus if the height of the equator above our horizon be 60 deg . the height of the pole is 30 deg . because 30 added to 60 , make up 90 ; and if the pole be elevated but 10 deg . the height of the equator is 80 , because this number is the complement of that . if their could be an hour glass , or ● clock , so contriv'd , as to fall but very little short of the measure of time ▪ with the help of this clock , to the great advantage of sailers , the differences of the longitudes might be found after this manner : when the ship sets off , let the clock shew the hour in the place from whence you sail'd , without discontinuing : if then we would know the longitude of the place in which we now are , let us , by observation of the sun , find the hour in that place we chance to be in ; which if it be the same pointed at by the clock , or shewn by the glass , 't is certain we are in the same meridian we were in at our first setting out ; but if we find by observation , more hours than the clock pointeth at , we have made a progress towards the east ; if we find fewer hours , we are gone towards the west ; and the differences of the longitudes may easily be known , if the differences of the hours be converted into degrees , and minutes of degrees . authors . seller , everard , wright , &c. sectio vigesima secunda . ars nautica . ars nautica , sive histiodromica ea est quae docet qui dirigi debeat navis per maria ad propositum portum . haec ars requirit notitiam pyxidis nauticae , & bolidis , orae maritimae , promontoriorum , rupium , portuum distantiarum inter loca , aestuum maritimorum , latitudinis & longitudinis cujusque loci , instrumentorum pariter variorum ad investigandam syderum altitudinem , ut baculi decussati , quadrantis , nocturnalis , scalarum planarum , scalarum gunteri , &c. pyxis nautica est planum rotundum , cujus circumferentia in 32 partes aequales dividitur rectis lineis per centrum transeuntibus quae rhombi dicuntur . altitudo poli navigantibus adeo utilis sic invenitur : observa primo meridianam solis altitudinem ope astrolabii , aut alterius cujuspiam instrumenti , tum substrahe declinationem solis ex altitudine jam inventa solis , ope instrumenti , si declinatio solis versus polum conspicuum sit , aut adde declinationem solis observatae altitudini si sol declinaverit versus polum meridionalem , residuum aut summa futura est altitudo aequatoris , cujus complementum est semper altitudo poli : itaque si altitudo aequatoris supra horizontem nostrum sit graduum sexaginta , altitudi poli futura est graduum triginta : quia si addas 30 ipsis 60 , summa futura est 90 ; & si polus 10 tantum supra horizontem gradibus extet , aequator supra eundem extabit 80 , quia hic numerus est complementum illius . si posset construi clepsydra , aut horologium quod ab accurata mensura temporis parum aberraret : illius ope inveniri possent hoc modo longitudinum differentiae : aptetur horologium ita ut dum solvit navis ostendat horas loci unde discedimus , deinde inter navigandum nunquam cesset : cumque libuerit scire longitudinem loci in quo sumus , ex observatione coelesti inquiratur illius loci hora , quae si omnino convenerit cum hora quam horologium indicat , certum erit nos esse sub eo unde discessimus meridiano , si vero plures horas observatione invenimus , quam horologium indicet , progressi sumus versus ortum , si pauciores defleximus versus occidentem , dignosceturque differentia longitudinum , si reducantur differentiae horarum in gradus , & minuta graduum . authores . sellerius , everardus , wrightius , &c. sect. xxiii . opticks . the opticks , or optica , gives us an account of various appearances of objects . this science treats of the streight ray , as the catoptrick of the reflected , and the dioptrick of the refracted or broken ray. these following definitions belong to the opticks . the proper objects of sense , are those that can be known but by one sense ; and the common objects , such as may be known by more than one sense . light and colour , are the proper objects of our sight ; the light , upon its own account ; and the colour , by the help of light. these following things , are the common objects of our senses , bulk , figure , place , situation , distance , continuity , discontinuity , motion , and rest. the visuel rays , are the streight lines , by which the frame of the visible object is in a manner carried to the eye . we may reckon among the chief principles of this science , these following . the visible object radiates from all its least parts , to all the least parts of the medium , to which one may draw a streight line . that is seen , and that only , from which to the eye the visuel ray may be eztended . the more bodies there appear between the eye and the object , the more remote the objects appear to be . the convergent rays , are those that departing from the object , come together : such are , the rays of diverse parts of the object , which cut one another in the chrystalline humor . the divergent rays , departing from the object towards the eye , recede from one another : the rays of every point of the object , are divergent , till they come to the chrystalline humour , beyond which they come together again towards the retina . we may reckon these following propositoins amongst the most considerable of the opticks . no visible object is seen at first altogether , and perfectly . magnitudes being in the same streight line , the remoter seem to be the lesser . parallel intervals seem to be nearer one another , the farther they are from the eye . rectangle magnitudes being seen at a distance , seem to be round . equal magnitudes being under the eye , those that are farthest from the eye , seem to be highest . authors . you may reckon amongst the best masters of the opticks , euclid , aquilonius , scheiner , vitellio , alhazane , herigone , &c. sectio vigesima tertia . optica . optica variae objectorum apparentiae causas demonstrat . agit de radio recto , ut catoptrica de reflexo , & dioptrica de refracto . ad opticam spectant sequentes definitiones . propria objecta sunt ea quae ab uno tantum sensu percipi possunt . communia sunt ea quae a pluribus sensibus percipiuntur . lumen & color sunt propria visus nostri objecta , lumen quidem ratione sui , color ope lucis . communia visus objecta sunt ea quae sequuntur , quantitas , figura , locus , situs , distantia , continuitas , discontinuitas , motus , & quies . radii visorii rectae lineae sunt , quibus forma aspectabilis objecti ad visum porrigitur . inter praecipua hujus scientiae principia sequentia numerare licet . visibile radiat e quolibet sui puncto ad quodlibet punctum medii ad quod recta duci potest . id omne & solum videtur a quo ad oculum radius opticus extendi potest . quo plura corpora oculum inter , & objectum apparent , eo remotius existimatur objectum . convergentes radii sunt ii qui recedendo ab objecto simul coeunt . ejusmodi sunt radii variorum punctorum objecti qui se mutuo in humore chrystallino secant . divergentes radii progrediendo ab objecto versus oculum recedunt a se invicem donec ad humorem chrystallinum pervenerint ultra quem versus retinam coeunt . annumerare possumus praecipuis opticae ; propositiones sequentes . nullum visibile objectum simul totum , & perfecte videtur . magnitudinum in eadem recta quae remotiores videntur , minores apparent . parallela intervalla eo magis ad se invicem accedere videntur quo sunt remotoria ab oculo . rectangulae magnitudines procul visae apparent rotundae . aequalium magnitudinum sub oculo quae remotiores , videntur altiores . authores . inter praecipuos opticae doctores censere possumus euclidem , aquilonium , alhazenum , scheinerum , vitellionem herigonium , &c. sect. xxiv . perspective . perspective representeth every object seen in some diaphane , or transparent medium , through which the visual rays are terminated or bounded on the object ; and generally what ▪ is seen through something , as through the air , water , clouds , glass , and the like , may be said to be seen in perspective . the chief contents of this science , may be referred to these following heads . the ray is a streight line drawn from the eye to the glass perpendicularly . that point is called primary , on which falls a perpendicular line drawn from the eye to the glass . the projection of a line , is not a crooked line . the object being a point , there is but one visual ray drawn from the object to the center of the eye , and this ray is called the axis , or centrical , as being the most vivid , and the strongest of all . if the object be a streight line , the visual rays make a triangle . if the object be a surface , plane or spherical , the visual rays represent a pyramide . ichonography is the pourtraiture of the platform or plane upon which we would raise any thing . orthography is the pourtraiture of the fore part of the object . scenography representeth the object wholly elevated and perfect , with all its dimensions and umbrages on all sides . the horizontal line in perspective , is taken from the height of our eye : this is the chief piece of the picture , and which ought to be the rule of the dimensions and height of the figure . the point of perspective , or sight , is made by the centrical ray above the horizon . authors . amongst the chief writers of perspective , you have roger bacon , john baptist porta , stevin , marole , john cousin , daniel barbaro , vignola , serlio , du cereau , salomon de caus , guidus ubaldus , niceronius , &c. sectio vigesima quarta . perspectiva . perspectiva quodlibet objectum exhibet conspectum permedium quodpiam diaphanum , per quod radii visorii transeuntes terminantur ad objectum , & generaliter loquendo quicquid per aliud quidpiam videtur , ut per aerem , per aquam , per nubes , per vitrum , & quaecumque alia sunt ejusmodi , dici possunt videri in perspectiva . quae praecipui momenti haec scientia continet ad sequentia capita reduci queunt . radius primarius est recta ab oculo in vitrum ad angulos rectos ducta . primarium punctum dicitur id in quod cadit perpendicularis ab oculo in vitrum ducta . projectio lineae non est linea curva . cum objectum est punctum unicus tantum est radius visorius ab objecto ad centrum oculi ductus , hicque radius dicitur axis , aut radius centricus , estque omnium vivacissimus , ac fortissimus . si objectum recta sit linea , radii visiorii conflant triangulum . si objectum sit superficies plana , aut sphaerica , radii visiorii conficiunt pyramidem . ichonographia est delineatio plani super quod erigere quidpiam volumus . orthographia est delineatio anterio●is objecti partis . scenographia exhibet objectum omnino elevatum , perfectumque una cum omnibus ejusdem dimensionibus , um●risque undique . linea horizontalis in perspectiva ●ucitur ab altitudine oculi : haec prae●pui in pictura momenti est , regu●que esse debet dimensionum , altitu●numque figurae . punctum perspectivae , aut visus fit ●entrico supra horizontem radio . authores . inter praecipuos perspectivae scriptores hi censentur rogerius bacco , johannes baptista porta , stevinius , marolus , johannes cousinus , daniel barbaro , vignola , serlio , du cereau , salomon de caus , guidus ubaldus , niceronius , &c. sect. xxv . poetry . poetry is the art of making verse and poems : in order to this , 〈…〉 teacheth the quantity of syllables , whether they be short or long , doubtful 〈…〉 common , i mean , either short or long 〈…〉 pleasure . it teacheth what feet every verse compounded of , that feet are made syllables of different quantities , as spondee consists of two long syllables ; for instance , doctos , and pyrrichius ; of two short , as rota ; a dactyle consists of one long , and two short , as pectora . a poem implieth a fiction : upon this account , verses that contain no fiction , are not strictly considered ▪ a poem ; and he that gives a meer matter of fact , without any ingenious fiction adapted to the subject , is rather styl'd a versificator , than a poet. verses are either denominated from their inventors , as sapphick verses , from the greek poetress sappho , the first inventress ; as pindarick , from pindarus , or from the feet whereof they consist ; as iambick , from the iambick● of which they are compos'd , or from th● matter they express ; as heroick , from the praises of great men ; as elegiack from sad narratives , or from the number of feet , as hexameter , and pent● meter , the first having six , and the othe● five . the scansion of a verse , is the measuring of a verse by its feet . the cesure is the making of a short syllable long at the end of a foot . authors . aristotle , horace , alvares , despauter , waller , cowley , dryden , & . sectio vigesima quinta . poetica . poetica est ars pangendorum carminum quem in scopum docet quantitatem syllabarum an scilicet sint longae , breves , dubiae , aut communes , hoc est pro arbitrio , breves aut longae . docet ex quibus pedibus quilibet versus constet , pedesque constare ex syllabis variae quantitatis , spondaeum puta , duabus longis , ut doctos , pyrrichium ; ex duabus brevibus , ut rota ; dactylum ex una longa & duabus brevibus , ut pectora . poema fictionem necessario requirit : quare versus nullam fictionem complexi stricte loquendo poema dici nequeunt : qui rem absque ingenioso ullo commento , ut reipsa contigit , carmine describit , versificator potius quam poeta dicendus est . versus denominantur aut ab inventoribus , ut sapphici versus a puella graeca quae sappho dicebatur , prima inventrice , ut pindarici a pindaro ; aut a pedibus ex quibus constant , ut iambici ab iambis , ex quibus fiunt ; aut a materia quam exprimunt , ut heroici a laudibus heroum , elegiaci a maestis narrationibus ; aut a numero pedum , ut hexameter , & pentameter a numero pedum sex , & quinque . scansio versus est ejusdem ope pedum dimensio . caesuta est productio syllabae brevis sub finem pedis . authores . aristoteles , horatius , alvares , despauterius , &c. sect. xxvi . philosophy . philosophy , if we take it generally , is the love of wisdom ; if more particularly , the knowledge of natural bodies , or of the natural causes of things : the aristotelian philosophy acknowledgeth three principles of every thing , matter , form , and privation ; for we can conceive nothing to be generated without these three ; for if i conceive the generation of fire in wood , i must of necessity apprehend the wood as the matter , as likewise the privation of the fire in the wood , and also the form of fire taking place of that of wood. this philosophy resolveth all difficulties relating to bodies , by matter , privation , and form , occult qualities , and such like pretences to humane ignorance : so every mixt , according to aristotles principle , is compounded of matter and form : this matter , the peripateticks call the subject of all forms ; and this form , the act of matter ; and both together , the two compounding principles of all compounded things aristotles followers teach , that nature is such an enemy to a vacuum , that to shun it , she forceth heavy things upwards , and light things downwards . the new philosophy holds but two simple principles of all things , matter , and motion ; that , as the material cause ; this , as the efficient . the formal cause of things , which school-men call a substantial or accidental form , being nothing else , according to the modern philosophers , but a certain texture of the compounding particles ; and by the variety of textures every where obvious , or by the various modifications of matter , they give us a rational account of all the differences we observe among corporeal beings . authors of the school philosophy . aristotle , and all his commentators , as averroes , alexander aphrodisaeus , &c. authors of the new philosophy . descartes , verulam , the honourable robert boyle , who in not a few things , has out-done them both , and is deservedly styl'd abroad , the english philosopher ; he being indeed , the honour of his nation , as well as of his family . sectio vigesima sexta . philosophia . philosophia si latius sumatur , amorem sapientiae sonat , si propius & specialius , est corporum naturalium , aut naturalium causarum cognitio . philosophia aristotelica agnoscit tria rerum dum generantur principia , materiam , formam , & privationem . nihil enim generari concipimus nisi haec tria concipiamus : si enim concipio generationem ignis in ligno , necessario concipio lignum , ut materiam , & privationem pariter ipsius in ligno , formamque ignis formae ligni succedentem . haec philosophia omnes fere difficultates ad corpora spectantes ope materiae , privationis , & formae resolvit , atque occultarum qualitatum beneficio , aliisque humanae ignorantiae velamentis ; unumquodque igitur mixtum juxta aristotelica principia componitur ex materia , & forma : hanc materiam vocant peripatetici subjectum omnium formarum , & hanc formam actum materiae , componentiaque duo principia si simul sumantur , omnium rerum compositarum . aristotelis sectatores docent naturam vacuo adeo esse inimicam , ut illius vitandi gratia gravia sursum cogat , & levia deorsum . nova philosophia duo admittit simplicia omnium rerum principia materiam , & motum , illam ceu causam materialem hanc ut efficientem . formalis enim rerum causa , quam scholastici formam substantialem vocant , aut accidentalem , nihil aliud est juxta philosophos recentiores , quam textura quaedam partium componentium . hacque contextus varietate ubique obvia , aut variis materiae modificationibus , rationalem , facilem , obviamque nobis reddunt rationem omnium quae observamus , corporea inter entia discriminum . authores philosophiae scholasticae . aristoteles ejusque commentatores , ut averroes , alexander aphrodisaeus , &c. authores novae philosophiae . gassendus , cartesius , verulamius , illustrissimus robertus boylius , qui in multis his omnibus palmam praeripuit , meritoque philosophus britannicus cognominatur ; est que reipsa nationis suae , & nobilissimae familiae ornamentum & decus . sect. xxvii . rhetorick . rhetorick is the art of speaking well ; the duty of a rhetorician , is to speak pertinently to the subject , in order to perswade , and his chief scope must be to perswade by his discourse . rhetorick consists of four parts , invention , disposition , elocution , and pronounciation : invention is the contriving of an argument fit to perswade , and those arguments are always taken from some of these ensuing heads . 1. from the definition , when we declare what the thing is . 2. from the division , when we distribute a thing into all its parts . 3. from the etymology , when we shew its origine and signification . 4. from the species , when we frame an argument from that particular kind of thing the subject we treat of , belongs to . 5. from the genus , when we bring some proof from that general thing the subject we treat of , is contain'd under . 6. from the similitude . 7. from the dissimilitude . 8. from contraries . 9. from opposites , that can never concur together . 10. from comparison . 11. from the four causes , efficient , material , formal , and final . 12. from the antecedents and consequents of a thing . disposition is the orderly placing of the things invented : this orderly placing consists of five things ; exordium , by which the speaker prepares the minds of his auditors , to what he is to say . proposition , when the orator declares what he intends to make out . narration , when he relates the matter of fact , with all its circumstances . confirmation , when he proves his proposition . peroration , when the orator endeavours to move the affections of the hearers , by a fit elocution . elocution , made up of tropes , as they speak in the schools , by which words change their signification ; and of figures , which are an elegant , and not vulgar manner of speaking , is the ornament of speech . pronunciation relates to the voice , and the gesture ; by the first , we please the ear ; by the second , the sight . these forementioned things ( necessary to the compleating of an orator ) being seldom found together in any eminency , gave occasion to cicero to say , that we scarce find a good orator in a whole age. authors . aristole , cicero , suarez . sectio vigesima septima . rhetorica . rhetorica est ars bene dicendi ; officium rhetoris est loqui apposite ad scopum hoc est ad persuadendum ; praecipuus enim ipsius scopus est persuadere dictione . rhetorica quatuor constat partibus , inventione , dispositione , elocutione , pronunciatione : inventio est excogitatio argumenti ad persuadendum idonei ; haec autem argumenta ducuntur semper ab aliquo sequentium capitum . 1. a definitione , cum declaramus quid res sint . 2. a divisione , cum rem distribuimus in omnes partes . 3 , ab etymologia , cum indicamus ejusdem originem & significationem . 4. a specie , cum argumentum quodpiam ducimus a particulari illa rerum specie , ad quam res , de qua agimus spectat . 5. a genere , cum probationem de sumimus a generali illa re , sub qua id quod sub litem cadit , continetur . 6. a similitudine . 7. a dissimilitudine . 8. a contrario . 9. ab oppositis , quae nunquam concurrere queunt . 10. a comparatione . 11. a quatuor causis , efficiente , materiali , formali , & finali . 12. ab antecedentibus & consequentibus . dispositio est ordinata rerum inventarum collocatio : haec ordinata collocatio his quinque constat , exordio , quo parat orator auditorum animos ad ea quae dicturus est . propositione , cum orator quid probaturus sit exponit . narratione , cum materiam facti omnibus vestitam appendicibus enarrat . confirmatione , cum propositionem suam probat . peroratione , qua conatur orator auditorum animos apta elocutione movere . elocutio , composita ex tropis , quibus voces ad alienam significationem traducuntur , & figuris quae sunt elegantes , & non vulgares loquendi formulae , est totius orationis ornamentum . pronunciatio spectat vocem , & gestum , ista recreamus aurem , hac oculum : praememorata haec quae in perfecto oratore requirimus cum vix uspiam simul summo in gradu concurrant , impulerunt ciceronem ut dicere● vix singulis aetatibus singulos tolerabiles oratores extisse . authores . aristoteles , cicero , suares . sect. xxviii . the doctrine of the sphere . sphaerica is a science which treats of the sphere , whether artificial or natural . the sphere is a solid figure comprehended under one surface , to which all the streight lines drawn from one of those points that are within the figure , are equal one to another . the center of the sphere , is the forementioned point . the axis of the sphere , is a streight line drawn through the center , and terminated on each side in the surface of the sphere ; about which the sphere turneth round . the poles of the sphere , are the two extreme points of the axis . this science demonstrates these following propositions . 1. the sphere toucheth but in one point the plane by which it is not cut . 2. in the sphere , great circles cut one another into equal parts ; and if they divide one another into equal parts , they are great circles . 3. in the sphere , the pole of a great circle is distant from the circumference of the same circle , a full quadrant , or a fourth part of the great circle . 4. in the sphere , parallel circles are about the same poles ; and circles that are about the same poles , are parallel . 5. in the sphere , there are no more than two circles , both equal-distant and equal . this science teacheth how to find the center , and the pole of any sphere , and sheweth likewise all the properties of the circles of the sphere . authors . theodosius , maurolycus , sacrobosco , clavius , mestlinus , blancanus . sectio vigesima octava . sphaerica . sphaerica est scientia quae agit de sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali . sphaerica est figura solida comprehensa una superficie , ad quam ab uno eorum punctorum quae intra figuram sunt , omnes rectae lineae ductae sunt aequales inter se. centrum sphaerae est punctum praememoratum . axis sphaerae est recta per centrum ducta & utrimque terminata in superficie sphaerae circa quam volvitur sphaera . poli sphaerae , sunt duo extrema puncta axis . haec scientia sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. sphaera planum a quo non secatur , non tangit in pluribus punctis uno . 2. in sphaera , maximi circuli sese mutuo bifariam secant , & qui sese mutuo bifariam secant , sunt maximi . 3. in sphaera , polus maximi circuli abest a circumferentia ejusdem circuli quadrante maximi circuli . 4. in sphaera , paralleli circuli circa eosdem polos sunt , & qui circa eosdem polos in sphaera sunt , sunt paralleli . 5. in sphaera non sunt plures circuli aequales , & paralleli quam duo . haec scientia praeterea docet qui centrum , polumque cujuscumque sphaerae invenire possimus , indicatque pariter proprietates circulorum sphaerae . authores . theodosius , maurolycus , sacrobosco , clavius , mestlinus , blancanus . sect. xxix . divinity . theology , or divity , is wholly directed to the glory of god , and salvation of mankind . the speculative part of it , proposeth to us things that we are to believe , as whatever concerns gods attributes and perfections , the immortality of our souls , and whatever is contain'd in the apostolick creed . the practical part , proposeth to us things that we are to do , viz. whatever is contain'd in the decalogue . the immediate object of divinity , as it relates to christians , we reckon whatever concerns christ , directly , or indirectly ; as in general , the old and new testament . and in particular , the prophecies relating to his coming , his miracles , his doctrine , and the conversion of the world by his apostles : if then , a man knew no other divinity , but that which gives an account of gods attributes , he is not upon this account a christian divine , but a philosopher , or deist . christian divinity , besides the aforesaid things , teacheth all kind of vertues , as charity , humility , patience , chastity , adoration , prayer to , and praise of god , faith , obedience , repentance , &c. it will have us moreover to pardon and love our very enemies ; which no other religion commands : it offers to us the fundamental points of christian religion , christs godhead , passion , death , resurrection , &c. and ( as i was saying ) whatever is contained in the creed . authors . the master of sentences , thomas aquinas , scotus , hammond , lightfoot , and several other doctors of the church of england . sectio vigesima nona . theologia . thologia ad dei gloriam , salutemque animarum tota dirigitur . speculativa pars proponit nobis credenda , ut quae spectant ad attributa divina , immortalitatem animae , quaeque in symbolo apostolorum continentur . pars practica facienda nobis proponit , quaecumque scilicet decalogus nobis exhibet . theologia prout spectat christianos , immediatum habet objectum quicquid refertur ad christum directe , aut indirecte ut in genere tum antiquum , tum novum testamentum ; & magis speciatim prophetias ad ipsius adventum spectantes , miracula , doctrinam , hominumque ab apostolis conversionem : quocirca si nullum quis aliam noverit theologiam quam quae divinorum attributorum reddit rationem non hoc nomine christianus theologus , sed philosophus potius , aut deista merus dici debet . theologia christiana praeter superius commemorata docet omnia virtutum genera , humilitatem , patientiam , castitatem , adorationem , orationem , laudem dei , fidem , obedientiam , paenitentiam , &c. vult insuper nos non tantum remittere injuriam , sed & diligere inimicos : quod nulla nisi christiana religio injungit . proponit nobis religionis christianae fundamenta , christi deitatem , passionem , mortem , resurrectionem , &c. atque ut superius dicebam quicquid in symbolo continetur . authores . majister sententiarum , thomas aquinas , johannes duns scotus a patria , hamm●ndius , lightfootius , aliique quam plurimi ecclesiae anglicanae doctores . sect. xxx . spherical trigonometry . spherical trigonometry teacheth us to measure spherical triangles , that is triangles in the surface of the sphere , made by the arches of great circles . those sides of a spherical triangle are of the same kind that both exceed , or both fall short of 90 degrees ; but they are of a different sort , if the one exceed , and the other fall short of 90 degrees . this science demonstrates these following propositions . 1. in all spherical triangles , any side whatsoever , is less than a semi-circle . 2. in all spherical triangles , any two sides , howsoever they be consider'd , are greater than the third . 3. of a spherical triangle equilateral , if each side be a quadrant , or of 90 deg . all the angles are streight ; and if each side be less than the quadrant , all the angles are obtuse . 4. in all spherical triangles , when the angles are all acute , all the arches are less than the quadrant . 5. in all spherical triangles , the three angles are greater than two streight angles , and lesser than six . authors . kepler , afraganius , julius higinus , garcaeus , robert hues , adrianus metius . sectio trigesima . trigonometria sphaerica . trigonometria sphaerica docet nos modum dimetiendi triangula sphaerica , hoc est triangula ex tribus arcubus maximorum circulorum , in superficie sphaerae composita . latera ea trianguli sphaerici ejusdem sunt affectionis quae simul excedunt , aut deficiunt a quadrante , aut nonaginta gradibus , sed non sunt ejusdem generis si unum latus excedat , & alterum sit infra nonaginta gradus . haec scientia sequentes hasce propositiones demonstrat . 1. in omni triangulo sphaerico quodvis latus quomodocumque sumptum est minus semi-circulo . 2. in omni triangulo sphaerico duo latera reliquo sunt majora quomodocumque sumpta . 3. omne triangulum sphaericum aequilaterum , si singula latera sunt quadrantes , habet singulos angulos rectos , si vero quadrante minora , ob , tusos . 4. in omni triangulo sphaerico cujus omnes anguli sunt acuti arcus singuli quadrante minores sunt 5. omnis trianguli sphaerici tres anguli duobus quidem rectis sunt majores , sex vero rectis minores . authores . keplerus , afraganius , julius higinus , garcaeus , robertus hues , adrianus metius . sect. xxxi . the rectiline trigonometry . the rectiline trigonometry teacheth us how to measure triangles made of streight lines . a streight line , is the shortest way between two extremes . between two extremes , there can be but one streight line . two streight lines can not cut one another , but in one point . an angle is measured by degrees , so a streight angle is an angle of 90 degrees , an acute angle is an angle of fewer than 90 , as an obtuse angle contains more than 90 degrees . a line falling even down upon another line , without inclining either to the one side , or to the other , is called a perpendicular line , and makes two streight angles . parallel lines , are those that are equidistant one from another . this science demonstrates this proposition , of great use in mathematicks , that the three angles of all rectiline triangles , are equal to two streight ones . all the angles of a triangle , may be acute , but there can be but one streight , or obtuse . if one of the three angles of a triangle be streight , the two others are equal to a streight angle . who knows the degrees of two angles , knows the degrees of the third , because all three make up 180 degrees . all the angles of a triangle being equal , all the sides are likewise equal . authors . euclid , clavius , arnauld ; malapertius , fournier , &c. sectio trigesima prima . trigonometria rectilinea . trigonometria rectilinea docet qui triangula ex rectis lineis composita metiri oporteat . linea recta est brevissima duo inter extrema via . duo inter extrema unica tantum duci potest recta . duae rectae nequeunt se invicem nisi in puncto secare . angulum metiuntur gradus , angulus rectus est angulus 90 graduum , acutus angulus graduum pauciorum , angulus obtusus plures nonaginta gradibus gradus continet . linea in aliam utrimque incidens ex aequo perpendicularis dicitur , duosque utrimque rectos angulos constituit . lineae parallelae , sunt lineae aequo a se invicem intervallo dissitae . haec scientia non exiguae mathematicis in disciplinis utilitatis hanc propositionem demonstrat , omnis trianguli rectilinei tres anguli duobus rectis sunt aequales . omnes anguli trianguli rectilinei possunt esse acuti , sed unus tantum rectus esse potest , aut obtusus . si unus trium angulorum trianguli sit rectus , duo reliqui recto aequales sunt . qui novit duorum angulorum gradus tertii anguli gradus novit , simul enim tres anguli conficiunt numerum 180. quoties omnes anguli trianguli sunt aequales , omnia latera quoque aequalia sunt . authores . euclides , cicero , clavius , arnauld , malapertius , fournierius , &c. an appendix , pointing at some of the chief authors of this , and the foregoing ages . by authors , here are meant , those that are really such , and the first inventors of any useful piece of knowledge . reader , thou mayest rest satisfied with this very short and imperfect account of some of the chief new inventions , either of this , or of the past ages , since i design , at more leisure , to write a larger treatise of this subject , as likewise to set down the particular times every thing was printed in , that so the unjust dealing both of domestick and foreign transcribers , who have so often stolen the greatest , or ( at least ) the best part of their writings from the honourable robert boyle , hook , descartes , gassendi , and others , may to their confusion , be discovered ; and to the great encouragement of all ingenious men , who shall the more willingly venture abroad their notions , and new contrivances , in what kind soever , if they ▪ are once secured from usurping authors . i shall begin with the deservedly famous robert boyle , though i may dispatch in one word , what relates to this noble author , if i say , as truly i may , that whatever he has publish'd , is in every respect new , both as to the subject it self , the arguments he proposeth , and the particular method : but because the curious reader will not be satisfied with this general account , i come to particulars , but shall speak but of a very few things , as designing , at greater conveniency , a more accurate history of this great author's new contrivances , whether notions , engines , or experiments . as likewise whatever the natives of this island have invented towards the promoting of useful learning . the famous air-pump was invented by the honourable robert boyle : he giveth a full account of it , in his discourse of physico mechanical experiments ; by the help whereof , he proves the elastick power and spring of the air , and several other wonderful phaenomena's relating to the nature , spring , expansion , pressure , weight of the air , &c. he contrived the experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of salt-peter ; whence he concludes , that motion , figure , and disposition of parts , may suffice to produce all secondary affections of bodies , and so banisheth the substantial forms and qualities of the schools . but because i design a larger account in another treatise of this noble author's new inventions , i shall only tell you here , that his physiological and experimental essays , his sceptical chymist , his usefulness of experimental philosophy , his history of cold , his experimental history of colours , his hydrostatical paradoxes , his origine of forms and qualities , his free enquiry into the receiv'd notion of nature , his reconciliableness of specifick remedies to the new philosophy , his history of humane bloud , his discourse of final causes , not yet published ; as likewise all his other treatises contain as many new notions and exepriments almost as lines . i shall not forget in this place , what that very learned and ingenious gentleman , sir robert gordon , of gordistoun , has lately invented ; i mean , his famous water-pump , a piece of mechanism , far beyond the contrivances of all foregoing ages , in this kind , as i shall easily make out by the following account of this useful engine . this new pump draweth twice as much water as any other ; it is wrought with half the force , and costs half the price , and takes up but half the room . the experiment , performed at deptford the twenty second of march , in presence of my lord dartmouth , and the commissioners of the navy ; appointed to give account of it to the king , was as follows . in a sixth-rate frigat , this new pump did fill the gaged cistern of two tuns , in one minute and forty five seconds ; and the shippump did the same in six minutes and some more , each pump being wrought by four men . in a fourth-rate frigat , this pump being wrought by twelve men , did fill the cistern in thirty one seconds ; and the ship-pump , being wrought by six men , fill'd it in four minutes and some more . the chief authors of new discoveries in anatomy , we reckon to be these following : fabricius ab aqua pendente discover'd the valve of the veins , as the valve at the entrance of the great gut colon was found out by bauhinus ; the milky veins of the mesentery , by asellius ; the receptacle of the chyle , hy pequet ; the ductus virsungianus , by george virsung , of padua ; the lymphatick vessels , by dr. joliffe , bartholin , and olaus rudbeck ; the internal ductus salivaris in the maxillary glandule , by dr. wharton , and dr. glisson ; the glandules under the tongue , nose and palate ; the vessels in the nameless glandules of the eye ; the tear glandule , by nicolas steno ; a new artery , called arteria bronchialis , by frederick rusch ; the circulation of the bloud , by dr. harvey , though some , upon no very good grounds , ascribe it to paulus venetus , and others to prosper alpinus , and andreas caesalpinus . the act of making salt water fresh , was lately invented in england , whereof the deservedly famous r. boyle gave a very rational account , in a letter written upon this subject . arithmetick was either invented , or much promoted by pythagoras , by euclid , not the euclid that was contemporary to plato , and hearer of socrates , but the famed mathematician of that name , who was after aristotle , and at ninety years distance from the former ; by diaphantus , psellus , apuleius , cardan , gemma frisius , clavius , &c. neper invented the logarithms , by the help whereof we perform all the operations of arithmetick by addition and substraction . he invented likewise an easie , certain and compendious way of accounting by sticks , called rabdology , as also computation by neper's bones . the telescope was invented by james metius , of amsterdam , though commonly ascribed to galile , who indeed , improved it . torricellius found the barometer , whereby we weigh the air itself . printing , according to polidore vergile , was found by john cuttemberg , of ments , in germany , though others give the honour to one fust , of the same city ; and some , to lawrence , a burgher of harlem . the chineses knew this art before the europeans . flavius goia , of amalphis , in the kingdom of naples , is thought to be the inventor of the mariners-compass , three hundred years since . finis . appendix , quosdam e praecipuis hujus , superiorumque saeculorum authoribus indicans . hic nomine authorum intelliguntur ii , qui reipsa ejusmodi sunt , hoc est primi utilis cujuscumque scientiae , seu cognitionis inventores . aequi bonique consulet lector brevem hanc imperfectamque descriptionem eorum , quae sive hoc , sive praeterita saecula invenerunt ; cum enim per otium licebit , statui ampliorem hoc super argumento conscribere tractatum , ipsumque denotare tempus quo quidlibet e prelo in lucem prodiit , eo consilio ut transcriptores tum domestici , tum extranei qui toties ties illustrissimo boylio , hookio , cartesio , aliisque maximam aut praecipuam saltem lucubrationum suarum partem surripuere meritas ipso detecti furti pudore luant paenas : quo fiet ut ingeniosi quique quaecumque de novo excogitant , facilius in lucem emissuri sint si tutos se ab authoribus aliena usurpantibus noverint . initium ducam a roberto boylio jure merito jam ubique celeberrimo , quamvis quae hic nobilem hunc authorem spectant verbo absolvere queam , si dixero ut vere possum , quicquid ab ipso in lucem editum est esse omnino novum , sive argumentum ipsum spectes , sive rationes ab ipso propositas , sive denique peculiarem ipsius methodum : sed quia his in genere dictis lectoris curiositati factum satis non fuerit , propius quaedam attingam paucissima tantum commemoraturus , ut qui per otium accuratiorem scribere decreverim historiam tum eorum quae magnus hic author primus adinvenit puta notionem machinarum , experiment orum , &c. tum eorum quae indigenae hujus insulae ad utilium scientiarum propagationem excogitarunt . celeberrima antlia aeria ab illustrissimo roberto boylio excogitata fuit : plenam ejusdem descriptionem tradit ibi ubi de experimentis physico-mechanicis ; illius ope elasticam aeris virtutem , atque elaterem probat , variaque alia , quae merito miremur , phaenomena ad naturam , elaterem , expansionem , pressionem , gravitatemque aeris spectantia . primus ille author experimenti est de diversis partibus , & redintegratione salispetrae , unde concludit motu , figura , partiumque dispositione secundarias omnium corporum affectiones produci posse , proscribitque proinde substantiales scholarum formas , & qualitates . sed quia fusius alibi scribere statui de iis quae nobilis hic author primus invenit , hic tantum suggeram , physiologicis ipsius tent aminibus , atque experimentalibus , chymico sceptico , utilitate experimentalis philosophiae , historia frigoris , experimentali historia colorum , hydrostaticis paradoxis , origine formarum & qualitatum , libera in receptam naturae notionem disquisitione , concordia remediorum specificorum & novae philosophiae , historia humani sanguinis , dissertatione de causis finalibus , nondum edita ; variisque aliis ejusdem operibus , tot novas contineri notiones , experimentaque fere quot versus . non praetermittam hoc loco quod doctissimus , ingeniosissim usque rob. gordonius , a gordistoun eques , nuper● adinvenit ; notissimam scilicet jam ubique hauriendis aquis antliam , mechanismi quoddam genus , quod superiorum aetatum hoc in genere arte facta longe exsuperet , ut sequente utilis hujusce machinae descriptione facile demonstrabo . nova haec antlia duplo plus quavis alia aquarum trahit ; & dimidiis tantum viribus dimidioque solum constat pretio , & dimidium tantum modo implet locum . experimentum hoc deptfordii vigesimo secundo martii coram comite darmouthensi commissariisque classis regiae , ad rem ut reipsa erat regi referendam constitutis ita se habebat . imposita nova haec antlia navi bellicae sexti ordinis mensuratam duorum doliorum cisternam minuto uno , secundis quinque supra quadraginta implevit : notaque navis antlia idem sex minutis & aliqua parte septimi praestitit , utramque autem quatuor tantum operarii agebant . navi bellicae quarti ordinis imposita coopera●tibus interim duodecim operario cist●ruam secundis triginta , & uno implevit , navisque antlia ope sex nautarum cand●●● quatuor minutis , & aliqua parte quinti implevit . praecipuos rerum anatomicarum detectores sequentes numeramus , vid. fabricium ab aqua pendente , qui detexit valvulas venarum , ut valvula , sub introitum magni intestini quod colon dicunt inventa fuit a bauhino ; venae lacteae mesenterii ab asellio , receptaculum chyli a pequeto , ductus virsungianus a georgio virsung paduensi ; lymphatica vasa a doctore joliffeo , bartholino , & olao rudbeckio , internus ductus salivaris in glandula maxillari a doctore whartono , & doctore glissonio , glandulae sub lingua , naso , palato , vasa sub innominata glandula oculi , glandula lacrymalis a nicolao stenone ; nova arteria bronchialis dicta a frederico ruschio , circulatio sanguinis ab harvaeo ; quamvis alii quidam non sat probabiliter eam ascribant paulo veneto , ut nonnulli prospero alpino , & etiam andreae caesalpino . ars aquae salsae dulcorandae inventa nuper in anglia est , de qua celeberrimus merito boylius conformia omnino rationi in epistola quadam hoc super argumento scripsit . arithmeticam aut invenerunt , aut multum promoverunt sequentes authores , pythagoras , euclides , non is qui coaevus fuit pl●toni , auditorque socratis , sed celeberrimus mathematicus hujus nominis qui post aristotelem floruit , annis post priorem nonaginta ; diaephantus , psellius , apuleius , cardan●s , gemma frisius , clavius , &c. neperus invenit logarithmos quorum ope omnia arithmeticae praescripta exequimur sola additione , & substractione . invenit pariter facilem , certam , brevemque numerandi methodum ope baculorum , quam rabdologiam dicunt , aut computationem per ossa neperi . telescopium inventum fuit a jacobo metio , amstelodamensi licet vulgo galilaeo tribuatur , qui quidem perfectius illud multo reddidit . torricellius invenit barometrum quo instrumento aerem ipsum metimur . ars typographica teste polydoro vergilio inventa fuit a johanne cuttembergio , moguntiano , licet quidam hunc honorem tribuant cuidam fustio ex eadem civitate , & nonnulli laurentio civi harlemensi . sinenses hanc artem prius aeuropaeis noverant . flavius goia , ab amalphi , in regno neapolitano creditur jam trecentis abhinc annis pyxidem nauticam invenisse . finis . scepsis scientifica, or, confest ignorance, the way to science in an essay of the vanity of dogmatizing, and confident opinion : with a reply to the exceptions of the learned thomas albius / by joseph glanvill ... glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 1665 approx. 196 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70185 wing g828_pt2 estc r13862 11839211 ocm 11839211 49777 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70185) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49777) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 70:14, 31:5) scepsis scientifica, or, confest ignorance, the way to science in an essay of the vanity of dogmatizing, and confident opinion : with a reply to the exceptions of the learned thomas albius / by joseph glanvill ... glanvill, joseph, 1636-1680. 2 v. printed by e. cotes, for henry eversden ..., london : 1665. vol. 2 has special t.p.: scire/i tuum nihil est, or, the authors defence of the vanity of dogmatizing, against the exceptions of the learned tho. albius in his late sciri ... london : printed by e.c. for h. eversden, 1665. first ed. published under title: the way of dogmatizing. copy at reel 31:5 (g827) is volume 1; copy at reel 70:14 (g828) is volume 2. "a letter to a friend concerning aristotle": v. 2, p. 77-92. reproduction of original in library of congress (v. 1) and british library (v. 2) created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng white, thomas, 1593-1676. philosophy -early works to 1800. knowledge, theory of -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-02 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion scire / i tuum nihil est : or , the authors defence of the vanity of dogmatizing ; against the exceptions of the learned tho. albius in his late sciri . no doubt but ye are the men , and wisdom shall dye with you ! job . london , printed by e. c. for henry eversden at the grey-hound in st. pauls-church-yard , 1665. the authors apology for his style . it may perhaps seem to some incongruous , that my reply is not written in the language of the objections ; and i should have thought so too , had the objections spoke the language of my discourse . but since my assailant takes the liberty to recede from my style , i know no reason obligeth me to humour his . and 't is less improper for a book to differ in fashion from another that opposeth it ; than from that of which 't is a part and vindication . and this answer were sufficient for the seeming impropriety : but yet i have reasons more considerable to excuse it . i must confess then , that by that time sciri was extant , i was grown so indifferent to those matters , that i had much ado to perswade my self to a review of what i had written ; and could have ben content to have left it without any other vindication , then what it could it self obtain from the good nature and ingenuity , of impartial perusers . and in this coldness of humor had without doubt deserved it , but that my bookseller importun'd me for another edition : which request of his having consented to , i saw my self under a necessity of decorum to return something on an occasion , in which silence perhaps might have been ill-manners to an ingenious and learned adversary . but though the constraint of these circumstances overcame my aversness to writing any more on a subject , with which i thought i had done for ever ; yet could it not prevail against the humour i had of troubling my self no more then needs in a business , to which i was driven , rather then inclined or perswaded . so that after i had resolv'd an answer ; it had been more difficult to have drawn my self to put it into any other drss , then what is most easie and familiar . which yet was not the effect only of the indisposition and laziness of my humour ; but a dictate of my discretion . for the truth is , i foresaw the occasion would not engage me in any thing , that i could think worthy of the universal language ; except i should have written a discourse , and not an answer . besides which , had i used another style i must have been more diffuse in reiterating what i had said in the opposed essay ; otherwise those that understood not english , had been uncapable of my justification ; and my self , and those that do , nauseated by the repetition . these then were the chief reasons of my continuing the language i began with ; which i confess i was the more easily perswaded by , because there are late great examples of like practice , whose fashions 't is no discredit to imitate . and to all i might add , that i love not that my discourse should wear linsy-woolsy . sciri , a. sive sceptices & scepticorum à jure disputationis exclusio . remarques on the title . g. i should never have thought my self concern'd in a book , that wears such a title ; but that i found my name in the first page made an ungrateful adjunct : and the opposing a discourse i had publish't , profest the occasion , and mark it aim'd at . how unjust 't is to suggest that i am a sceptick , is i think clear enough from what i have said already , and shall make more fully appear in the process . and how little kindness i have for the disputing way of procedure , i have publiquely declared . how proper then that part of the title is in this application , any one may pass an easie judgement . but to what purpose old cato stands there , with that instructive oracle in his mouth , which i remember ever since i cap't verses , contra verbosos : i was posed to conjecture . especially since the insignificant prattle , and endless garrulity of the philosophy of the schools , which this gentleman seems to vindicate , is none of the least offences to those whom , whither they will or no , he will have be scepticks . in consideration of this , and some such other misapplyed appellations , i thought that this learned man had an other notion of sceptick then was usual ; and casting mine eye over his late purgation , presented to the cardinals of the inquisition , i found that his scepticks were some of the modern voluminous ●●sputing peripateticks , whom in that part of my discourse where i deal with the aristotelian philosophy , i bestow a particular reflection on . these it seems by the solicitation of their complaints against his writings had obtain'd a general condemnation of them from the pope and consistory of cardinals ; whom therefore in his appeal to the said cardinals he accuseth of ignorance , corruption of the aristotelian doctrines , and tendency to heresie and atheism . and that these are the scepticks of our philosopher , appears also from several passages both of the praeface and body of the discourse i am rejoyning to . but then upon what account the celebrated gassendus and the author of the vanity of dogmatizing should be comprised under a common name with these , with whom they have so little confederacy either in doctrin or design ; i cannot yet find the least ground for conjecture . a. junioribus academicis . etsi non dubitem validioribus & magis opportunis auxiliis obviam itum esse exitiali illi pyrrhonicae contagio , quod nova audere non ita pridem occaepit ; tamen , quia nil publici cauterii adactum ad ulous glanvillanum jam biennio integro aestuofum audiveram , visum est filentibus potioribus ad meam infirmitatem devolutum esse onus , iniquitatem indisciplinatae illius calumniae universo philosophantium choro impositae , si non avertere , certe aperire , & plumis disertioribus lacerandam exponere . — page 1. upon the supposal then that i am a sceptick , the learned g. gentleman invades my harmless and peaceable essay as a deadly pyrrhonical contagion , and an enemy to science . but with what ingenuity i am charg'd , with what i have so frequently disclaim'd , i appeal to the professions of the discourse it self to evidence : which whether they are arguments of a sceptical aim and temper , let the dogmatist judge between us . and though my apology for philosophy may perhaps be defective in point of judgement and argument , for the clearing of what i undertook to vindicate ; yet both the design and menage of it , one would think , should have secured me from suspicion of endeavouring to discourage philosophical enquiries , by introducing a despair of science . for on the contrary , one of my chief designs was , to remove that sloath and laziness which in these later ages hath cramp't endeavour , and made men content to sit down with their slender acquists , as certainties and demonstrations which are scarce probabilities . i desire it may be taken notice of once for all then , that i have nought to do with that shuffling sect , that love to doubt eternally , and to question all things . my profession is freedom of enquiry , and i own no more scepticism then what is concluded in the motto which the royal society have now adopted for theirs , nullius in verba . so that there was no need of so solemn a warning to the universities against my innocent discourse ; whose greatest fault is , that 'tas been so unhappy as to be mistaken . for the ulcus glanvillanum ( as my learned assailant is pleased to call it ) contains none of the supposed venome . nor will it inspire any but supine and passive tempers with any other spirit then that of more diligent research , and careful pursuits of nature . i am not therefore concern'd in the question our author propounds to his junior academicks to this purpose : whether they would be severely wise for the conduct of their manners and religion , or enticingly rhetorical , pleading for ignorance and uncertainty , and whistling their dependants into apparent precipices ? since one of the greatest quarrels i have against confident opinion , is , that it renders the dogmatist conceited , not wise . and is so far from being serviceable to good manners , that it mischievously corrupts them , sowring mens spirits with envy , ill nature , and moroseness ; and mingling their religion with schism , bitrer zeal , and sedition : and these are worse precipices then a modest and reserv'd belief can betray men into . to what follows within this period , i 'le say no more , then that there 's a medium between being blind and infallible . and vanitas dogmatizandi , is not well explained by vera pollicendi . a. viro non irascor , qui magno ingenio & eloquentiae cum annis maturandae flumine non vadando , — pag. 3. g. in this clause the learned gentleman acknowledgeth my confession of certainty in faith , and hopes of science from experiment ; neither of which can consist with a criminal and dangerous scepticism : which yet he seems not willing to have me free from , adding , that i point at one , as the ground of my expectation , whom this learned man will have believed a favourer of the pyrrhonian nihil sciri : the person aim'd at in this reflection , i conceive , is des-cartes ; though i confess , i remember not that sentence mention'd in his writings ; for after the proposal of what might be expected from experiment and the progress of enquiry , i adde , that those that are acquainted with the fecundity of the cartesian principles will dispair of nothing . and if that great man , possibly one of the greatest that ever was , must be believed a sceptick , who would not ambitiously affect the title ? and to give the pyrrhonians one of the noblest and happiest wits that hath shone upon the world , is to yield a greater advantage to their cause , then would be done by a thousand profest assertions of it so that had i been guilty of such a concession , i might thence more reasonably have been judged a favourer of the scepticks , then by any thing i have writ against the dogmatists . for i am apt to think , that mankind is like to reap more advantage from the ignorance of des cartes , then perhaps from the greatest part of the science was before him , and i cannot forbear pronouncing him the phosphoros of that clear and useful light , that begins to spring in plentifully upon an awakened world . so that though the following expostulations are proper and seasonable in reference to our authors peripatetical scepticks , yet are they most improper and injurious , if they have any aspect on des-cartes , or those that endeavour to promote that free and useful way of philosophizing which he hath insisted in . but i add no more on this occasion , because 't is possible i have mistaken the person intended by my assailant . however , if the reflection be not directed to him , 't is to the excellent gassendus , who is presently after introduced , under the title of the great interpreter of epicurus ; who hath as little reason to be suspected of criminal scepticism , as the other . it is well known that these great men were inquirers , and it becomes not such to be swearers , nor is it therefore reasonable to conclude them scepticks . a. aliud offendiculum est complurium modernorum effraenis impudentia , qui aristotelem — pag. 7. g. i am glad to find my learned assailant justifying all my censures of the modern aristotelians ; only he accuseth them of one fault which i seldom find among them , viz. modesty in proposing their opinions ; which our authour inveighs against as a criminal diffidence . but for my part i think the greatest number of that spirit can plead not guilty to the accusation . and for those of them that are less assured in their sentiments , i should not reckon it among their crimes , to be wary and sparing of assent in notions so lubricous and uncertain , as are those they deal in . though i confess , to keep such voluminous ado about acknowledg'd uncertainties , is a very reprehensible vanity . and doubtless the unprofitable toyes of these later peripateticks , have offended many against that philosophy . but whether most of them are not the genuine derivations of the hypothesis they claim to , may without difficulty be determin'd by any that will consider the natural flatulency of that aery scheam of notions . and i think they have no great reason to pretend to ingenuity or judgement , that accuse aristotle for the faults of his sectators . but from this last period of sence , i desire chiefly it may be noted , that our learned author pleads not for the modern aristotelianism , which yet obtains in most of the schools of christendom : all the advantage i shall make of which at present is to question , whether the reseuing men from an over fond value of such small wares , and the preventing the expence of time and pains upon such solemn trifles , as our philosopher deservedly calls them , be like to be a prejudice to their persuits of more useful knowledge , and the furtherance of science ? vos modo novi palmites surgentes in vinum quod a. laetificet corda hominum , memores quod — pag. 9. though i confess i have not so great a value for the g. aristotelian learning , as some others ; yet i am none of those , that would disswade junior academicks from the study of that philosophy . especially , i think aristotles logick and rhetorick are to be acknowledg'd ; though , i am not of the opinion of averroes that he was the inventer of either . and doubtless that reverence and observance is due to the statutes of those universities that recommend this author ; yea and the antiquity of that philosophy ( though it be far from being the antientest ) will commend it to the students of universal learning . besides , i would have nothing avoided or condemn'd till it be understood : and were i more an enemy to that philosophy then my assailant can suppose i am , yet should i not disswade the learning it ; since primus sapientiae gradus , est falsa intelligere . only , i think , 't would be very injurious to knowledge , if aristotle should ingross men , and should his placits be all receiv'd as the dictates of universal reason . there are other hypotheseis more antient , and possiby more useful , that deserve to be enquired into . and 't is an enlargement and enobling the minds of men to acquaint them with the various scheams in which things have been represented . my design was not then to discourage any from inquiring into the aristotelian doctrines , especially as they are in their original : but to prevent mens sitting down for ever on his composures , and making his placits the infallible measures of truth and nature . let aristotle be studied then , but not adored . let him have the first of our time , but not all ; the advantage of prepossession is great , which yet free philosophers i presume will grant him ; only let pythagoras , democritus , plato , and the more antient chaldaean wisdom , have their turns to be inquired into , and let the great and illustrious moderns have theirs . 't is an unaccountable vanity , to spend all our time in raking into the scraps and imperfct remains of former ages , and to neglect the knowledge and clearer notices of our own , which ( my lord bacon makes the third , but reckoning in the aegyptian ) is the fourth , and perhaps greatest enquiry of learning . for many have gone to and fro , and science is increased . methinks 't is pity that so many improveable wits as frequent the universities , should be hindred from enquiry ; and tyed up to the writings of a single authour , from the knowledge of the sentiments of the philosophick world , and studying the more instructive volumn of the universe . doubtless , since the dayes of aristotle , the face of things is alter'd , and new phaenomena are disclosed , which his hypotheseis will no more suit , then the coats of children will a body that is at full and advanced stature . besides , the greatest spirits of our dayes , proceed in another way of enquiry , which , if there were nothing in 't but the fashion of the learning of the age , it were however fit to be known by those that lay any claim to ingenuity , and have leisure for such researches . and it seems to me an unpardonable kind of sloath , ( especially in youth that useth to be busie and inquisitive ) to be contentedly ignorant of those great theories that make such noise in the age they live in ; and to spend all their time in that which will signifie little without the walls of a colledge . for the wiser world is of a differing opinion from our philosopher in the assertion of this paragraph , viz. that no progress can be made in sciences without the aristotelian grounds ; and i think will hardly be brought to believe , that those that have quitted those foundations must be alwayes to seek for principles , and necessarily come short of science . for to think that the principles of any man should be the only and infallible measures of things , seems a fond overvaluing credulity that hath nothing to warrant it . and he that phancies that all succeeding mankind cannot light upon principles as happy and likely , as those of aristotle , but must eternally despair of science , if they proceed in any other way , then he hath prescribed them ; hath no pretence for so bold a judgment of possibilities . actio prima . scepsin infaelici naturae aborsu antiquitùs natam , a. & ipsiusmet pudore è linguis disertorum ubi diu habitaverat elatam , & fidei christianae constantiâ tumulatam , à vermium & insectorum epulis raptam , magicâ quadam operâ vivis restituere conatus est petrus gassendus , acerrimae vir sagacitatis , nitidae eloquentiae , copiosae facundiae , suavissimorum morum , & diligentiae admirandae . idem ( quod his omnibus majus est ) catholicae fidei tenacissimus , & nusquam pravorum áogmatum suspectus , cùm tamen haec sceptica infinitorum errorum & omnium haereseôn mater sit , & illa ipsa seductrix philosophia , & inanis fallacia , quam cavendam apostoli monitu docuêre sancti . hanc vir ille , caetera magnus , in exercitatione suâ paradoxâ adversus aristotelaeòs , non ut priùs tectam & scortorum more in tenebris vagantem , sed effronti vultu & fucatâ formâ turbis & foro ostentare ausus est . 2. illius exemplo , apud nos linguâ vernaculâ eandem exornatam produxit vanitatis dogmatizandi author ; ipse quoque & ingenio pollens & eloquio . neque enim à vulgaribus mentibus timenda sunt grandia infortunia . haec mei laboris est occasio ; propositum verò , si lumen caelitùs affluat & vires calamo ministret , hanc cadaveream scientiae aemulam in sua sepulcreta compellere , & inominatis dentibus rodendam tradere . agedum igitur , quaesiti nodum evolvamus . g. the scepticism which the constancy of christianity lay'd in it's grave , i dare say the illustrious gassendus would never have redeemed from thence . the scepticism which consists in freedome of inquiry , that noble pen recommended , and adorned ; but did not restore : for campanella and the great verulam were before him ; yet , avicenna and others of his spirit among the antient peripateticks , were free philosophers . but what that scepticism should be , that is consistent with so sharpe a wit , so neat and copious an eloquence , such sweet manners , and admirable diligence , such firmness and fledfastness in the faith , and so unsuspected an orthodoxie , as are ascribed , and deservedly , to that great person : and yet be the source of infinite errorus and heresies , that seducing philosophy and vain deceit , against which we have the caveat of an apostle ; is beyond the reach of my conjecture . and i am the more confounded when i am told , that this mother of heresie , this vain deceit , is nothing but an endeavour to lessen the imposing authority of a vain-glorious heathen , whom some excellent persons , both fathers and philosophers , have accused , as one impious in manners , and worse in doctrine and belief . a suppressor of the more antient and more valuable wisdom : and one , that from a proud and insolent tassus contemned , and continually quarrel'd with his betters : yea , and who grew so far into this humour and contradiction that he would frequently unsay and contradict his own assertions . one , whose credit grew up in the night of barbarism and ignorance ; and whose principles are repugnant , many of them , to the nature of things , and the fundamentals of faith : i say , that an attempt to redeem the free ▪ born spirits of men , from an unworthy vassallage to so stigmatiz'd an authority , should be to this learned man so criminal and dangerous a business , is , i confess , to me , occasion of some surprise and wonder and if this be the faulty scepticism gassendus , and the author of the vanity of dogmatizing , are accused of ; let those that have a mind to pass their censure , make the worst they can of the imputation . that gassendus was no sceptick in the old and common notion , is apparent from the voluminous pains he hath taken in the building up a body of philosophy upon the principles of democritus and epicurus ; and if he was not so fond of the principles he undertook to illustrate , as to boast their certainty ; proposing them not in a confident and assertive form , but as probabilities and hypotheseis : i see no reason why his modesty should be made his crime , and be so severely animadverted on . nor doth the author of the impugned essay yet see any cause to be ashamed of having followed his example in an affair so innocent ; to say no more on 't . and he cannot yet decern how that discourse could yield an occasion to this learned man of opposing scepticism , which he may lay in the dust without concernment to the vanity of dogmatizing , or it's author : who is no otherwise interested in the paragraphs that follow for the asserting science , and opposition of the scepticks , but only to wish our author his desired success in the undertaking . i am not therefore concerned to take notice of any thing further , till the second section of the fourth action . for though possibly in the intermediate discourse , some things are said , which are not so cogent , and othersome which might appear obnoxious to one that would be quarrelsome ; yet because i wish well to the design , and attend not an assault , but defence , i shall pass all that without any other remarque ; but ; that if this learned gentleman had thought gassendus and my self scepticks in good earnest , his proof which must suppose the certainty of some principles , had been precarious ; or , if not , needless . a. actio quarta . sect. 2. ipsae jam loquantur querelae , illae nempe quibus quatuor a tertio capitula , cumulavit — pag. 51. g. it seems the learned gentleman had a desire to make an occasion to solve the motion of the sea , and magnetick attractions ; since in my discourse i gave him none , having only mention'd them as things i would not insist on , and confest them better accounted for then less acknowledg'd mysteries . whether the reason of these darke phaenomena be well assigned by this philosopher ; i 'le not put my self upon the occasion of inquiring . that they are the certain and infallible causes , i suppose this learned man's modesty will not permit him to affirm ; and if they are but confest probabilities , here 's no opposition to the scepticism of the author ; which allowes ingenious and hopeful conjecture in resolving the appearances of nature : though he fears , few accounts will amount to certainties and demonstrations . so that though for mine own part i acquiesce in the cartesian solution of these magnalia , as an hypothesis that may content one , that is not restlesly and unreasonably inquisitive : yet even in that , when i would look deep , i descern objections which perhaps will very difficulty be satisfied : and which speak those ingenious offers to be but attempts , no absolute performances . and if this acute philosopher think the impulse of the external winds a sufficient cause of the flux and reflux ; i shall not go about to disturbe him in his satisfactions . that will ease one man's mind , that will leave an others restless . only i cannot well apprehend how so constant and regular an effect as the motion of the sea , should depend upon so uncertain and proverbially inconstant a cause as the winds are . or , if there were no difficulty in that , yet the learned author may please to consider , that this is but the next cause of the phaenomenon , the cause of which , perhaps , is more hardly assigneable then the other . and the nature and original of the winds , is , it may be , as abstruse a theory as any in philosophy . for in assigning causes , in the second or third , commonly we are lost and non-plust , which is no inconsiderable evidence of humane ignorance and deficiency . actio quinta . sect. i. a. tertio itaque eloquentissimae dissertationis capite objicit ignorantiam illius rei quae notissima — pag. 57. my learned assailant is now descended to the difficulties g. i propounded , and judge not yet satisfactorily accounted for ; concerning which i affirm not , that they are doubts that cannot possibly be unriddled ; for this were to discourage , and not to awaken inquiry : but that they have not yet been sufficiently explain'd , or explicable by any yet extant hypothesis ; a sad argument of intellectual deficience , that after so much talk and indeavour after science , the whole world should yet be to seek in matters they have the greatest advantages of being acquainted with . i am not therefore an enemy to any essayes can be made towards the explication of the difficulties proposed ; but should heartily embrace any hopeful offers for the clearing of those mysterious theories . so that if this learned man propose any thing that may be probable ; though it come not near the title of certainty or science : i have so great a kindness for ingenuity , and such a desire for the quieting my anxious and inquiring mind , that i shall give it an entertainment not like the usual ones of angry disputants , who cannot endure any thing that proceeds from an antagonist ; but such a one as may evidence , that truth is welcome to me , though it comes in a way of opposition to the petty interest of mine opinions . to the business then , if to suppose the soul a distinct substance from the body and extrinsically advenient , be a great error in philosophy , almost all the world hath hitherto been mistaken : so that if this gentlemans opinion be true , he hath confirm'd the scepticism i endeavor to promote . but if we enquire into the philosophy of the soul , as high as any accounts are given of it , we shall find it's distinction from the body to have been the current belief of all the wiser ages . for , ( 1. ) the highest times of whose doctrines we have any history , believed it's praeexistence , and therefore certainly asserted it's diversity and substantial distinction from the body it informs . of which briefly . we have praeexistence among the chaldean oracles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and afterwards more clearly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and psellus in his exposition of the chaldean theology , tells us , that according to their doctrine souls descended hither ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again zoroaster , speaking of souls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides which ( 2. ) trismegistus is express in the assertion of the same doctrine ; of which a testimony or two perhaps will not be impertinent . in his minerva mundi , he brings in god threatning those he had placed in an happy condition of life and enjoyment , with bonds and imprisonment in case of disobedience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and they transgressing , he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in another place , assignes this for the cause of their incarceration ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 3. ) it was also the opinion of the ancient jews , that souls were first created together , and resided in a place they call golph , a coelestial region . ad therefore 't is said in the mishna , non aderit filius david priusquam exhaustae fuerint universae animae quae sunt in golph . so that they believed all generations on earth to be supplyed from that promptuary and element of soules in heaven ; whence they supposed them to descend by the north-pole , and to ascend by the south . hence the saying of the cabbalists , magnus aquilo scaturigo animarum . and probably that other omne malum nobis ex aquilone . from which tradition 't is likely also homer had this notion , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 4. ) what was the opinion of pythagoras , plato , and the greatest of the greek philosophers in this particular , is notoriously known to all men that know any thing of these matters . and i need no testimonies in so clear a business . it appears then from the allegations i have produced , that the most valuable wisdom of the antient world asserted a doctrine which necessarily inferres and supposeth their opinion of the souls being a distinct substance from the body . which also ( 2 ) must be supposed by all that believe it 's natural immortality . for separability is the greatest argument of real distinction ; especially that , which the schools call mutual . now the souls immortality is a truth that hath had an unanimous reception from the better and wiser world . the aegyptians , chaldaeans , assyrians , indians , jews , greeks , and universally all that ever had a name for wisdom among the antients , believed it . and what hath been the apprehension of latter ages , i need inform no body that is capable of judging in such inquiries . a councel of the church of rome it self hath determin'd it , and recommended it's proof and demonstration to all christian philosophers . but what need of more ? 't is the belief of sir k. digby , and our authors own . and how real separability can consist with identity and indistinction , i know no possibility of apprehending . for that a thing can be separated from it self , can never be believed by any , but those that make a religion of absurdities . ( 3. ) the sacred and mosaical philosophy supposeth the like real distinction ; of which the expression of god's breathing into adams nostrils the breath of life , is sufficient evidence . yea , and all the arguments that are alledg'd to prove it's immediate creation , do strongly conclude it an other substance from the body . yea ( 4 ) aristotle himself affirmes it ; for saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . elsewhere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet more clearly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and once more , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . other testimonies i could bring to like purpose , but these are sufficient to evince that if aristotle be consistent with himself , he believed the real distinction i contend for ; and his peripateticks i 'me sure unanimously affirm it . to all which if i can add sir k. digby's opinion , i shall bid fair for our authors assent to my conclusion , that 't was aristotle's , and the truth . ( 5 ) then , that noble and celebrated friend of our authors , affirmes in his immortality [ that the soul is a substance , and a substance besides the body . ] yea , almost all that discourse of his leans upon that supposal . yea ( 6 ) our philosopher himself in his peripatetical institutions , affirms as much as ever i supposed . for he saith that [ 't is most evident that the mind is something of an other kind from quantity and matter , that 't is noble and wholy opposite to the nature of quantity , that 't is a substantial principle of man , and no mode or determination of divisibility , and that there is nothing common to body and spirit . ] besides which , in the fifth book of the same institutions , he discourses of the souls separation from the body , and asserts it to be evident , that it perisheth not with it ; because it hath actions that belong not to a body , but hath of it self the vertue of a being . and that it's power of existence is not taken away when the body fails , the soul being apart from and besides it . and that matter is not necessary to the souls existence . many other expressions there are in that discourse to like purpose , which seem to speak the souls real distinction from the body in as great variety of phrase as diversity and distinction can be spoken . so that how such passages consist with the doctrine of it's identity with the body , i confess i am not metaphysical enough to comprehend . and i believe very few else can perceive the consistency besides this philosopher ; whose metaphysicks of whole and part , have yet been entertain'd by none that i know of ; and therefore though this should be acknowledged a good account , yet 't is an argument of the weakness of humane understanding that it hath not yet comprehended it . i think by this time 't is clear then , that the supposition of my procedure , the souls distinction from the body , is not peccant ; except all the world , both antient and modern , hath been mistaken , and our author also : which if it be granted , 't is an instance of what i plead for . if not , my supposition is good , and the emergent doubt unanswer'd . and if our learned author yet thinks it plain , that either man is no being , or that the soul and body are not two , i must acknowledge such palams to be the dogmatizing i suppose . and i am willing to put it upon the issue , whether it be so to any body else but this philosopher . but ( 2 ) besides all this , it seems to me very clear from the nature of the things themselves abstracting from authority ; that the soul is a substance distinct from the body . for i think , ( 1 ) 't is strongly concluded by the common arguments that prove it immaterial ; for perception , perception of spirituals , universals and other abstracts from sense , as mathematical lines , points , superficies , congenit notions , logical , metaphysical , and moral ▪ self-reflection , freedom , indifferency and universality of action : these , i say , are properties not at all competible to body or matter , though of never so pure a mixture . nor is it conceiveable how any of these should arise from modificaiions of quantity being of a diverse kind from all the phaenomena of motion but ( 2 ) if the soul be not a distinct substance from the body , 't is then a certain disposition and modification of it ; which this gentteman in the 10 lesson of his institutions seems to intimate , saying , [ that since the soul is a certain affection — which is introduced and expell'd by corporeal action — ] he thence inferrs some thing that is not to our purpose to relate . and if so ▪ since all diversities in matter arise from motion and position of parts , every different preception will require a different order and position of the parts of the matter perceiving , which must be obtained by motion . i demand then , when we pass from one conception to another , is the motion , the cause of this diversity , meerly casual ; or directed by some act of knowledge ? the former , i suppose , no man in his wits will affirm ; since then all our conceptions will be non-sense and confusion ; chance being the cause of nothing that is orderly and regular . if therefore there be a knowledge in us that directs the motions that form every distinct conception : i demand concerning that knowledge , whether it be in like manner directed by some other , or is it the effect of meer casual motions ? if the former , we must run up in infinitum in our inquiry : and the latter admits the alledged absurdities . there is no way then of defending the assertion of the souls being matter , or any modification of it : but by affirming with master hobbs a certain connexion between all our thoughts , and a necessary fate in all things : which who ever affirmes , will find difficulties enough in his assertion to bring him to mine , that there 's a vanity in dogmatizing , and confidence is unreasonable . but of this i have had occasion to discourse more in an other treatise , and i shall not repeat what i have there written , or what others have said on the subject . especially since perhaps this learned gentleman will not think himself concern'd in the proof of this conclusion , he having in his writings asserted it . but whether he have not unsaid it again in this , i appeal to any equal decerner . and that the soul should be a substance of another kind from matter , that hath nothing common with it ; a substance separable from all body , to which matter is not necessary , and actually in the other state divided from it : ( all which and more to like purpose our author hath in some of his books affirmed ; ) and yet not be a distinct substance , but really the same with the body to which it is united ; which he asserts in this ; i say ▪ how these so opposite affirmations can be reconciled , i have either not wit , or not charity enough to help me to imagine . i know this authors doctrine is , that there are no parts before separation and division , and therefore no real distinction . but whether things in their natures so divers as body and spirit , which almost in nothing , even according to this philosophy , communicate ; are not essentially divided , though not locally distant , i am willing to leave to the readers judgment . and i would fain know whereupon the separability of the soul and body is founded , if not upon the real distinction of their natures : so that though this notion may be less obnoxious when it relates only to substances of the same kind , and quality ; yet when it concerns those that are so essentially distinct , as body and spirit , it seems most strangely lyable . yea though it should be supposed a truth , yet it must be acknowledged unconceiveable ; which sufficeth to satisfie my conclusion . a. neque me terret distinctio ( quae pueris philosophiam garrientibus in sacco parata est ) entis perfecti & imperfecti — pag. 58. the distinction of the schools of a being perfect and g. imperfect , is not i think so childish and impertinent as our author would have believed . for though ens imperfectum in the metaphysical sence , be non-sence and a contradiction ; yet in genere physico , as they speak , 't is no absurdity : since a being may want some circumstances of natural compleatness and perfection ; and yet be metaphysically compleat and perfect : so that to affirm the soul an imperfect being nakedly in it self , is to say no more , then that 't was made with a natural aptitude , and congruity to a body by union with which 't is perfected and compleated , being then furnish't with the requisites of its nature ; which in like manner may be said of a body in humane form , viz. that 't is defective and incompleat till it be furnished with the principle of humane actions , for which it was designed . so that there 's no absurdity in affirming , that a thing may be one in a physiological and natural sense ; and two in a metaphysical ; and so out philosopher's inference is no sequel . a. 2. quando itaque petit , unde anima veniat ? reponendum est , an dubitet unde homo veniat ? — pag. 59. g. the foundation of our learned authors answers to the proposed difficulties being overthrown ; and it being made secure enough , that the soul is a distinct substance from the body ; 't is a pertinent and material enquiry to ask , whence the soul is ? and if our philosopher will call this the man according to the maxim , let the question be proposed in his own phrase , and there 's no danger of an absurdity . a. neque majorum quamtumvis reverendorum me quatit authoritas ; non dico illorum qui — pag. 59. g. it seems the learned gentleman would fain reconcile the authority of the church asserting the souls creation to his main conclusion , that 't is no distinct substance from the body ; and to his inference thereupon , that 't is improper and impertinent , to inquire whence it came . but whether what is said be a clear salve or a shuffle , let it be determin'd by any equal judgment . for either by homo quatenus intellectivus , our author means something that is the same with the body ; or really distinct and diverse . if the former , he hath not satisfied the authority of the church , which affirms , the soul as a distinct substance , to be the immediate subject of creation ; founded upon that clear distinction in the inspired writings [ the body to the dust , and the soul to god that gave it . ] but if he mean the latter , he hath not provided for his own assertion and hypothesis . besides ( 2. ) if man as intellective be created , then either he means the whole man , or only that by which he 's intellective ; the former is against all sense and experience . and the latter overthrows all our author's answers , with the proposition upon which they are erected . for if there be some thing in man which is the subject of divine power and action ; and some other thing that is the subject of natural production and generation ; it seems to me apparent that these must be two things really distinguish't . for the same thing cannot be created and naturally produced . for creation supposeth the production of the whole ex nihilo , both sui & subjecti ( as the schools phrase it ) without the co-operation of any thing with the divine superlative power : whereas all generation , according to truth and the same hypothesis , at least supposeth one of them , and is perform'd by natural agents . and i think the case is plain enough when 't is brought to this , whether the same thing can be produced of something and nothing , with created assistance , and without it ? since the actions then are so infinitely diverse , i think i shall not be reprehensibly dogmatical , in affirming the terms distinct . what the gentleman says more , seems to be involv'd , and looks like a designed evasion . and if [ one action produceth a man , a creature equivalent to a beast and angel ] i demand , whether this one action be divine or natural , from god or the generant ? if the former , every man is as immediately created as the first . and the latter quite excludes crea ion , and supposeth god no otherwise to act in giving being to our souls , then in each common production . 't is necessary therefore that the terms produced be distinct , when the actions whereby they are produced are so vastly diverse ; and that the soul have an origination different from the formation of the body , of which 't is more pertinent to inquire , then easie to return an answer . 3. ex hâc veritate derivamur ad sequentes duos a. nodos patentissimè solvendos . — pag. 60. in this and the following paragraphs our author supposeth g. his doctrin of the identity of the soul and body for an answer ; and i think after what hath been said , i have as good reason to suppose mine of the diversity for a reply . but how the definition of a part enervates my enquiry , i cannot imagine , since if [ parts are , out of which by composition are made one ] and the body and soul be supposed parts of the man ( which may well enough be allowed upon the account of what hath been said ) i see not but why we may inquire , how these parts , whose natures are so different , can be compounded and united . a. currit idem error in sequenti difficultate , quae luget nesciri quomodo anima moveat corpus , — pag. 61. g. whether my supposal be an error , we have seen already ; if it be not , our philosophers answer is so . and whither the implyed assertion that the soul moves not the body be not one , i appeal to any man , that understands he hath any claim to such a being . for though many of our actions , and possibly more then are suspected , may be allowed to be meer mechanick motions ; yet the experience of all the world attests , that our wills determine and excite not a few of our corporeal motions . what else means the distinction of the schools of actions imperate and elicit ? and how is it that we can speak and move at pleasure , and in spight of all corporeal impulse , desist from external action ! and if man be a meer mechanicks engine , farewel free-will , virtue , vice , laws , religion , rewards and punishments . a clock were as capable of these , according to our philosopher's hypothesis , as an humane automaton . a. vere enim unum membrum animatum movet aliud , sed non aliqua substantia quae sit pura anima — pag. 61. ▪ t is true , one animate member moves another , but the g. motion must somewhere begin . and though those which are purely corporeal in us are excited by material agents ; yet others we find , which derive from an higher principle , viz. a free and unconstrained will. and it seem strange to me that men should be so much in love with their private speculations , as for their sakes to confront their own , and all the worlds experience . what follows , no body that i know , affirms , viz. [ that a substance which is a pure soul moves a member wherein there is none ] . but to what concerns other animals , the learned author knows , that the platonists assign them souls independent on their bodies ; and the peripateticks , substantial forms distinct from matter , which are the source and principle of their actions . so that according to either of these hypotheseis , the question may as pertinently be proposed concerning their kind , as our own , and will be as difficultly answered . indeed the excellent monsieur des-cartes , and his followers that affirm , all bruit actions to be mechanical , are not concern'd in the inquiry . and if this be the belief of our philosopher , i 'le not indeavour to disturb his hypothesis . only this i 'le add to our purpose , that though we suppose the actions of beasts to be fatal and material , yet there 's no reason to infer the same of ours , since we feel it otherwise . and 't is no very reasonable method of arguing , to conclude from an opinion of things we can but conjecture , to the denyal of things we certainly feel , and know . so that though , as our author insinuates , there may perhaps be no kind of corporeal actions in our selves , which are not in bruits ; yet 't is not therefore necessary to inferr , that they proceed from a like principle in both : much less that we should conclude , that none of our own actions are begun by a principle distinct from the body and immaterial ; because we believe that theirs are not so . on the other side methinks the argument will be stronger to inferr , that because we feel a substance distinct from matter to be the cause of some of our motions ; that therefore there may likely be an incorporeal substance that is the principle and spring of some of theirs : and 't is better to conclude from certainty to conjecture , then from conjecture against certainty . a. 4. ultimae , quas in hoc capitulo plangit , tenebrae collocatae sunt in ignorantiâ illius motus , — pag. 62. g. the difficulties about the direction of the spirits concern not only man , but all other animals , supposing them to do any thing by a principle of knowledge and animadversion . or , though we judge all their actions m chanical , yet the account will be more difficultly rendred that way , then by supposing them to act by an animadversive principle . for how such an infinite variety of motions should be regularly menaged , and conducted in such a wilderness of passages and distinct avennues by meer blind impellents and material conveyances , i have not the least shadow of conjecture . and though des-cartes hath made the best attempts in this kind of any hath yet appear'd in the theory , yet there are mechanical difficulties in the way of his solutions , which perhaps will never be well satisfied . but our philosopher confesseth here the defect of his anatomy ; and though he thinks himself secure of the general cause , yet the particular direction he acknowledges wonderful , and not yet sufficiently discover'd . verùm author casum proprium homini constituere videtur , a. ostentans voluntatem & fortassis — pag. 63. to prove that the will is not alwayes moved by some g. precedent passion , and consequently that the soul is the immediate principle of some of our actions , i make this double offer : ( 1. ) 't is clear from experience , that , though many of our volitions are motions from the passion , yet some of our determinations are from the understanding and immaterial faculties . and sometimes we set our wills to determine in things that are purely indifferent , to make tryal of our liberty ; when we find not the least provocation or incitement to the action from any emotion of the body . and indeed to suppose every action of the will to depend upon a previous appetite or passion , is to destroy our liberty , and to inferr a stoical fatality with all the dangerous consequences of that doctrine ▪ ( 2. ) our author's proof that there is no dispassionate volition , is an insinuation , that there is no knowledge without an impulse from the phantasms ; a conclusion which may be easily disproved , by those highly abstract speculations which the mind of man sometimes entertains it self with , when it puts off all the cloathing of the imagination , and raiseth it self to a temper for those noble enquiries about god and immaterials : and if there be no intellect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as aristotle speaks , for ought i know , we lose one of our chiefest arguments for our immortality : besides which , i suppose our learned author will not think it for his credit , to be told , that he is in the very rode of the hobbian hypothesis ; which will clearly enough appear , if we consider these his assertions ; [ that the soul is no distinct substance from the body , that it contributes nothing towards its motion ; that our wills are moved by precedent or present passion , which doubtless is excited by something that is not in our power ; that all our intellections are from phantasms , and consequently , nothing else but elevated sense , and that all both natural and free actions are performed by motions deriv'd from the heart ] i say , who ever considers , how these symbolize , yea , and are one with the main principles of that irreligious philosophy , must without an excess of charity , suppose our philosopher to have shaken hands with the leviathan . briefly then , 't is confest , that the mechanical way of conveyance and direction of the spirits in animal performances is yet undiscover'd , and that the channels and particular passages of mechanical motions ( which all ours are supposed to be ) is yet occult and manifest . and though this gentleman affirms , the heart to be the fountain of animate operations , yet 't is but an unapproved presumption ; and the greatest master of mechanicks that ever was , the illustrious des-cartes has deriv'd all these motions from the brain , in which he 's follow'd by the greatest part of profoundest speculators ; so that it seems we are not certain of the first spring of the motions we enquire of ; much less can we certainly determin the minutes and particularities of direction : and if any of our actions are deriv'd from our souls , which our author seems unwilling to hear of , though i think i have made it sufficiently evident , the difficulties i urg'd upon that supposal have not had the least offer towards solution . a. 5. caput quartum sensationis & memoriae inexplicabiles esse naturas objicit . — pag. 64. i am no further concern'd in the beginning of this section , g. then to mind this learned gentleman how different his apprehension of des-cartes his hypothesis of the manner of sense , is , from that of his ingenuous and applauded friend sir k. digby ; who calls not his opinion a fanstatical conjecture , but thus prefaces to the recital of his hypothesis . [ monsieur des-cartes , ( who by his great and heroick attempts , and by shewing mankind how to steer and husband theit reason to the best advantage , hath left us no excuse of being ignorant of any thing that is worth the knowing ) explicating the nature of sense — and then goes on to declare his opinion of this matter , which he concludes with this character ; of a colour very diverse from our author 's [ this then is the sum of monsieur des-cartes's opinion , which he hath very finely exprest with all the advantages that opposite examples , significant words and clear method , can give unto a witty discourse ; which yet , is but a part of the commendations he deserveth , for what he hath done on this particular : he is over and above all this , the first i ever met with who hath published any conceptions of this nature , whereby to make the operations of sense intelligible , certainly , this praise will ever belong unto him that he hath given the first hint of speaking groundedly , and to the purpose upon this subject ; and whosoever shall carry it any further ( as what important mystery was ever born and perfected at one ? ) must acknowledge to have deriv'd his light from him . ] this is the censure that excellent person gives of des-cartes , and his opinion , which his dear friend our author , hath with so much severity reflected on . and the learned knight professeth himself of des-cartes's mind in all the other circumstances of this hypothesis , except the subject of this motion . so that i wonder that our philosopher should so far forget himself , as to put such a slurre upon the judgment of his admired friend , by speaking so contemptuously of a notion that learned man had so much , and so deservedly , applauded . what follows is already answer'd . a. sed nè nihil novi dicat , calumniatur sensu solo non posse agnosci quantitates rerum , distantias , — pag. 65. g. our author in this period , wonders at my assertion , and i wonder as much at his wonder ; which is not occasioned by any affirmation of mine , but by a mistake of his own : for my doubt ( as plain as i could express it ) is , how , since there is nothing in the brain , the seat of sense , to represent external objects but motion , ( for which i have the suffrage of his noble friend , whose method he professeth to follow ) how , i say , we should by that know figures , distances , magnitudes , and colours , things of another kind from motion ; which therefore cannot represent them , but by some knowledge in the soul , which we are not aware of ; and how the scant and narrow images in the brain should notifie the vastest objects , in their large dimensions , without some secret inference and geometry in the soul , is unconceiveable : but what this knowledge is , we know not . this is the sense of the difficulty propos'd , which , how it is explicated by the optical demonstrations the gentleman talks of , the opticks of my understanding cannot discover . for the rest i dare venture it without an answer . 6. proximus in memoriam labor expenditur . illius a. explanationem ut impossibilem declaret , — pag. 66. 7. imprimis , decîdi à moventibus sensum quasdam exuvias & corporis delibamenta , quoad tactum , — pag 68. i take not upon me to determin of possibilities ; and therefore g. from the present ignorance of the nature of memory i infer not , that it will never be explained hereafter : only i affirm , that no hypothesis extant hath yet made it manifest ; which is sufficient for my conclusion of the present narrowness of our knowledge , though not of my assailants of the impossibility of enlarging it . but our philosopher thinketh the nature of memory sufficiently explained already , and the account he gives is that of sir k. digby , which was one of the four that i examin'd in the discourse impugn'd . this is the hypothesis which our author hath adopted , and undertook the defence of ; with what success , we shall discover when we have examin'd the answer he makes to my impugnations . which after a large recital of the hypothesis he descends to in the ninth section . 9. attamen , perturbat novum naturae miratorem a. multitudo objectorum cavis cerebri — pag. 72. the difficulty i urg'd against the digbaean account of g. the memory , was , that 't is inconceiveable how those active particles , which are the images and representations of things remembred , should keep their distinct and orderly situations without confusion or dissipation in a substance wherein there is continual motion ? to which the learned gentleman returns ; that 't is as conceivable as how the rays of light should come in a direct line to the eye ; or how the atomical effluvia that continually flow from all bodies , especially the magnetical and sympathetick , should find their way to the place they tend to . to this i rejoyn briefly , ( 1 ) what the gentleman himself suggests , were answer sufficient , that the multiplying of difficulty doth not solve it : for supposing the direction of the corpuscles of light , and those mention'd effluvia , to be of a difficult apprehension , as the continuance and regularity of those images in the brain : yet this only argues another defect in our knowledge , and so is a new evidence of the truth of my general conclusion . but ( 2 ) the proposed instances are far more accountable then this before us . for , as to what concerns the light , supposing with des cartes ( as is most probable ) that the action of light consists in nothing but the conamen of the aethereal matter , receding from the centre of its motion : the direct tendency of it to the eye , is no difficulty worth considering , but as clear as the light it self the subject of the enquiry ; or , if the rays be atomical streams , and effluxes of the sun , there is no more difficulty in this hypothesis neither , then in the direct spouting of water out of a pipe ; yea no more , then in the beating of the waves against the sides of a ship , when it swims in the ocean . for there 's an whole sea of atomes which derive from the fountain illuminant , whose course can no more be diverted , by those little bodies that swim up and down in the air ; then that of the ocean can by those sands , pebles , fishes , and rocks , that are mingled with the waters . and as for the other instances of corporeal emissions , it would require to be prov'd that they perform all those feats that are ascrib'd to them : whereas perhaps it is more likely , that those strange operations are not mechanical but magical , being effected by the continuity of the great spirit of nature , which runs through all things : or however , to suppose this act of the memory to be as clear as magnetisme and sympathies , will be no great advantage to the belief of its certain intelligibility . at ego ipsum sic nodum scindo . in majoribus ubi facilior a. est experiendi facultas , palàm est multa — pag. 73. that what our author has answer'd in this period , g. should resolve the difficulty , is to me as great a wonder , as the mystery we are discoursing of . and if the knot be cut , 't is certainly by some occult and sympathetick instrument , for the gross of his answer comes not near it . the difficulty was ; how the images of such an infinite of objects , as we remember , should be kept distinct without confusion , be brought forth when we have occasion , and remanded back again into their own cells when they have done the errant they were sent for . to which our author saith no more , but to this purpose ( if i understand him ) that if the object stays not on the sense , it makes not impression enough to be remembred , but if it be repeated there , it leaves plenty enough of those images behind it to confirm and strengthen the knowledge of the object : in which radicated knowledge , if the memory consist , there would be no need of reserving those atomes in the brain , or calling them forth upon occasion , as the hypothesis supposeth ; or , if there be , the difficulty is untouched . besides all which , i might adde , that if these material images are a sufficient account of the memory , how will our remembrance of distances , magnitudes , relations , words , metaphysical notions , and those of immaterials , which leave no such idola , in the brain , be accounted for ? let this gentleman tell me how — et erit mihi magnus — a. 10. palàm est me in hâc responsione digbaeanam methodum caeteris praetulisse . ipsius enim — pag. 74. g. if i am mistaken in the opinion of aristotle in this matter , ( 1. ) i err with the great body of his commentators and followers ; yea , and all the schools in christendom , who unanimously concurr in the assignment of the doctrine of intentional species to their master aristotle ; so that if all the peripateticks hitherto have been so grossly out in imposing an opinion he never taught upon their ador'd philosopher , for ought i know , there is no such thing as the aristotelean philosophy in the universities of europe : for the taking in , or denying these intentional species will make material and mighty alterations in the whole frame of the hypothesis ; and i see not how the denial of them is consistent with the aristotelean doctrine of qualities and forms . but ( 2. ) if aristotle taught the digbaean philosophy , as our author sayes , he taught the atomical , which is notoriously known to have been the way of democritus and epicurus , which aristotle frequently and professedly opposeth . that democritus taught the atomical hypothesis , we have the affirmative of aristotle to justifie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of leucippus and democritus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and neerer to our purpose , that these solved the way of sensation , by material images , we have from plutarch ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this hypothesis aristotle endeavours to confute ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sayes he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aristotle then thought the doctrine of sensation by corporeal images absurd in democritus and epicurus ; and therefore certainly would not himself affirm it ; as he must do on the supposal of his having taught the same hypothesis with sir k. digby about the memory , which is exactly the same with that of these sages : for that learned knight affirms , sensation to be perform'd [ by driving of solid material bodies , exceeding little ones , that come from the objects themselves , ( they are his own words ) against that part of the brain where knowledge resideth , which same bodies rebounding thence into certain cells of the brain , perform the offices of the memory ] as he has largely discourst upon the subject . sir k. digby then proceeds in the corpuscularian method which aristotle opposeth , and particularly in the business of sensation ; and consequently cannot be of his belief in his hypothesis of the memory , which the learned knight gives account of by the same material idola , which aristotle laught at . and doubtless the memory is excited to action by the like instruments as are the external senses , consonantly to that of plato in his phaedo , speaking of the senses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and aristotle himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i think 't is clear then that aristotle's doctrine of the memory is not the same with sir k. digby's . and if i have been out in intitling the opinion of intentional species to aristotle , my mistake is the more venial , because the whole army of his most devoted sectators are deceived with me . but our author is more reprehensible in his mistake , if it be one ; because he 's alone in his opinion . and an error hath by so much the more of guilt , as it hath of singularity and self-assurance . but whether this were aristotle's doctrine or not , i think 't is not very material , since i make this none of the charges against him . if it be not his , 't is the general opinion of his schools ; and i have proved it an insufficient account of the faculty we are discoursing of . actio sexta . a. 1. capite quinto formationis corporum naturalium , viventium praesertim , obscuritatem intentat : — pag. 76. g. two methods it seems our philosopher proposeth , for the giving an account of the formation of animals ; neither of which seems to me a sufficient solution of the doubt attempted . for first , he that supposeth all the vastly differing parts of a worm or insect to be actually contain'd , though in myriate and indivisible proportions , in a drop of dew out of which they are sometimes generated , believes gratis , without any ground of his supposal ; and therefore will be very bold to assert this the certain account of the phaenomenon . ( 2. ) if the seed contain , though invisibly , all the parts of the animal ; then either in the same site , and position , that they are found in in the compleated body ; or they lie there in a confused huddle and mixture ; the former , is contrary to all experience , which assures us , that the immediate matter of all generations is a certain fluid , and , as far as can be discern'd , an homogeneous substance . now fluidity consisting in the motion of the parts of the fluid body , as is testified by experience and the best philosophy , the seminal parts can be of no setled form or consistence . and if the second be supposed , which doubtless is the truth , the difficulty under debate will be unanswer'd , ( viz. ) how such an infinite of distinct parts should be brought into their regular and orderly positions without the guidance and conduct of some knowing agent ; to fly to a first cause is unphilosophical ; and he that pretends a second , let him shew it . and fortuitously it cannot be : for chance is the cause of no constant and regular effect ; and to suppose an undirected motion to shuffle these fluid parts into the wonderful and exact form of an animal , or any other regular body ; is as likely , as that the divided letters of an alphabet should be accidentally jumbled into an elegant and polite discourse ; which when once i see effected , i 'le believe , that there wants nothing to the formation of the world and all bodies therein , but matter and motion . some intelligent principle then must be suppos'd to guide these elementary parts into their orderly situations . but what that is , who is 't will determine ? ( 2. ) the second account also is too general , and flies very wide of my particular enquiry . for my quaery is concerning the principle of the conduct of the parts of the various matter in those rare and methodical composures ; and our philosopher's answer concerns only the gross and material parts of the composition . and therefore little can be collected from the chymical processes he speaks of , for our purpose ; and the elementary solutions mention'd , signifie nothing towards the accounting for the unerring exactness we find in animal formations . for all these being suppos'd , the matter is in the same circumstances of difficulty as before ; and this gentleman's solution seems to me to signifie no more , then if a man should answer to one that that desires an account of the art and method of the motions of a watch , or any other ingenious automaton ; that they are perform'd by steel , iron , brass , or silver , wherein the matter indeed of the work is declar'd , but not the artifice . and in the case before us , i inquire of the principle of direction of those intricate and methodical motions , and am answer'd with an account of the gross and material ingredients . nor is what follows of any whit more avail to the solution pretended ; for let the matter resolve into parts dry , subtle , and liquid ▪ let the dryer dispose themselves into divers figures , and constitute what vessels our philosopher is pleas'd to fancy ; yet how from hence forward the infinite variety of the parts of an animal will result , will require something more to help us to conjecture . a. 2. haec qui mente comprehenderit , non plorabit plasticam vanum nomen esse & vocem sine re . — pag. 78. g. though by a close and recondite search into the seminalities of plants , and vegetables , the future processes may be judg'd , as our philosopher assures us ; yet this only argues , that the grown parts were all contain'd pack't up in their seeds and berries ; so that in the growth and progress nature did only display and unfold , what before was in the minute proportions more closely laid together ; supposing which , the main doubt still remains unsatisfied , viz. how these smaller seminal parts were so order'd , and framed ? and this brachygraphy of nature cannot be thought less difficult then it 's text. and , secondly , what relates to animals we have seen already ; for 't is not likely , that the formed parts were ever actually contain'd in the seed , out of which they were produced . neque quemquam terreant artificum dicta , admirantium a. ea quorum causas non intelligunt , — pag. 79. i might well wonder at the specifical uniformity of things , if g. unguided matter were the only principle of their formation , against which hypothesis this doubt was raised ; and the variation from the kind which happens in some regions , would not be so observable , as an identity in any . 3. eodem capitulo duas alias quaestiones movet quas a. absolutè inexplicabiles putat ; mihi contra — pag. 80. if the doubts i propose of the union of the parts , and composition g. of quantity , contain scarce any difficulty at all ; our philosopher is more lucky in his enquiries , then others that have dealt in those theories ; most men confessing the perplexity of the mention'd phaenomena , especially of the latter . and the vast diversity of philosophers about it , testifies , that the speculation of them is not of so facile an explication . and 't is strange that the ancients should keep such ado about an easie probleme , and the moderns despair of a solution , so pretendedly obvious . i will not differ with the learned gentleman about the order of the questions , and grant , that they both suppose actual parts in quantity ; which because our author denies , & makes this the foundation of his answer to these , and some of my former propos'd difficulties , i must be fain to prove it ; which i attempt ( 1. ) by giving some evidence of my affirmative , and ( 2. ) by shewing the weakness and insufficiency of the grounds of the contrary assertion . for the first then , that there are actual parts in quantity , i evince it by these considerations . ( 1. ) the formal nature of quantity is extension in the notion of aristotle's schools ; and divisibility in the philosophy of sir kenelm digby , and our authour ; both which suppose parts , and parts actual : for to be extended , in the school phrase , is to have partes extrapartes ; and if the extension be actual , the parts must be so : for it is not conceiveable how a thing can be extended , but by parts which are really distinct one from another , though not separate : which seems to me so evident , that nothing can be spoken plainer ; and i appeal in this matter to the common sense of all men . nor can a thing be divided , except we suppose the parts praeexistent in the divisible : for divisibility is founded upon real distinction , and 't is impossible to divide what is one without diversity . ( 2. ) except there are parts in quantity before division , there are none at all : for after they are divided they are no parts , but have a compleatness and integrality of their own , especially if the subject were homogeneous . ( 3. ) except there are parts actually in quantity , contradictions may be verified de eodem , with all the other circumstances , which the metaphysicks teach impossible . for the same body may be black and white , cold and hot , seen and not seen , and partake of all other most contrary qualities . which contradictions , and inconsistences cannot be accommodated in the same subject , without supposal of the contended-for diversity . nor will the answer , which sir k. digby has provided for such objections help the hypothesis , viz. [ that it is not one part of the thing that shews it self , and another that doth not , one that is hot , and another cold , &c. but it is the same thing , shewing it self according to one possibility of division , and not another . ] for first , these distinct possibilities are founded upon distinct actualities , which are the parts i would have acknowledged . and such a capacity of receiving things so different , cannot be in the same subject , without the supposal of parts actually distinct and divers . ( 2. ) the subjects of these contrary qualities are things actual : whereas possibilities are but metaphysical notions . and these subjects are distinct , or contradictions will be reconcil'd de eodem ; from which the inference seems necessary , that quantity hath parts , and parts actual , and distinct possibilities will not salve the business . and ( 3. ) why must the common speech of all mankinde be alter'd , and what all the world cals parts , be call'd possibilities of division ? which yet if our philosopher will needs name so , they being acknowledg'd distinct , and prov'd actual , or at least founded immediately upon things that are so ; my question will as well proceed this way as in the common one , viz. how the things that answer to these distinct possibilities are united , and of what compounded ? there is another answer which i find in our authors peripatetical institutions , the sum of which is , [ that the contradictions have only a notional repugnance in the subject as 't is in our understandings : and since the parts have a distinct being in our understanding , from thence 't is that they are capable to sustain contradictions ] which answer , if i understand , i have reason to wonder at : for certainly the subject sustains the contradictories as it is in re . and , i never heard of a notion black or white , but in a metaphor ; 't is the real substance is the subject of these contrarieties ; which were impossible , if it had not divers realities answering to the qualities so denominating . and therefore 't is not the understanding that makes the divers subjects of these accidents , as our author suggests : but there being such is the ground that we so apprehend them . i hope i need say no more then to establish the supposal of the difficulty under consideration , that there are parts actually in quantity : only i am obliged by my proposed method to add further , ( 2. ) that the grounds of the excellent sir k. digby , and our author , on which they built their asserted paradox , seem to me very insufficient to sustain so great a weight as leans upon them . the reasons are ( 1. ) quantity is divisibility . ( 2. ) divisibility is capacity of division . ( 3 ) what is only capable of division , is not actually divided . ( 4. ) quantity is not actually divided , and therefore hath no parts actually , to which in short , ( 1. ) that quantity is divisibility , is presumed ; but extension is before it , in nature , and our conception , and is the received notion , though perhaps impenetrability is the truest . however ( 2. ) even this supposeth parts , and those actual : for division is but solution of union . and union supposeth parts to be united . ( 3. ) what is only capable of division in a physiological and mechanical lense ; may , yea and ought , to be divided in a metaphysical . that is , they ought to be divers in their being , before they can be separate and distinct in their material bulk and quantity . for separability must presuppose diversity . ( 4. ) though quantity be not actually divided in one sense , 't is in another : every part having a distinct place and being of its own , though it doth not yet enjoy it separately and apart from others . but ( 2. ) it is pleaded against actual parts in quantity , that if we admit them , we cannot stop till we come down to indivisibles ; of which to suppose quantity composed , is said to be absurd and impossible . in return to which , i grant the inference , and have acknowledged the hypothesis of indivisibles to be full of seeming inconsistencies ; as is the other also : and therefore reckon both among the unconceiveables ; of which there can be no greater argument then their having driven so great and sagacious wits upon such an assertion , ( to which out of reverence to these celebrated persons , i shall not affix an epithete ) against the evidence of our senses , and the apprehension of all the world : that there are no parts in quantity . but ( 2. ) 't is no good method of reasoning , to deny what is plain and obvious , because we cannot conceive what is abstruse and difficult . and i think the assertor cannot answer it to his severer faculties , who affirms , there are no parts actually in quantity , against all his senses and the universal suffrage of mankinde ; because he cannot untie the difficulties that emerge from the supposal , that bodies are compounded of indivisibles ; a nice and in tricate theory . yea how will our author answer for the assertion to his master aristotle ? who saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . argumenta asserentium partes actu vel sensum a. citant , de quo nihil certius est quàm — pag. 81. i believe the assertors of actual parts may well appeal g. to the senses , notwithstanding what our author , and the learned knight have alledg'd to invalidate their evidence . for what though the sense discovers not the distinct term of the hand or finger ; can it not therefore discern them to be distant and distinguish't from the foot and toes ? and is not this enough to ground the belief of their diversity ? cannot we distinguish the motions of our parts ; though we know not their first springs and exact beginnings ? or discern a difference between the apple and the twig it grows on ; except we could see the point where one begins and the other endeth ? and whether an hypothesis is like to stand , that is put to such poor shifts to defend it self against the grossest of our faculties , i leave to be conjectured ? the supposition then of my doubts , being thus asserted and prov'd , we see yet but small hope to expect their solution . or , if this be an aenswer , t' is an evidence of our intellectual weakness , that all the world hath all this while been confounded about a plain problem upon a false supposal . the answer to my other difficulty about the union of the parts of quantity , is grounded also upon the presumption that there are actually none ; which i think i have sufficiently disprov'd . a. 5. caput sextum totum motui rotarum dedicatum est , neque si credimus authori de cujus — pag. 83. g. i conclude not only that no part can move , but the whole must ; but also that in the circular motion of a wheel , it seems that the motion of every part must be praerequired to it self , which i think is clear enough in the inference , though the proposition inferred , be impossible and absurd . and what inconvenience there is in this conclusion , that all the parts change their place at once , i have made sufficiently evident , in the place where the difficulty is urged . i confess in our authors hypothesis that there are actually no parts in bodies , the doubt is none ; and the whole matter will pass into words and air : but supposing that in quantity there are distinct realities , i think 't will be hard to dis-incumber this trite phaenomenon from the perplexities i mention'd . a. subjungit author secundam difficultatem , quomodo in rotâ circumvolutâ viciniores centro partes — pag. 84. g. i say again , however we find it in the event , while yet we consider the remote parts , moving swifter then the central ones , in the speculative notion , 't is hard to conceive , but that the line drawn from the centre to the circumference , should be inflected ; since one point of the line rests while the other moves , which in the theory seems to argue a disunion , and consequently an incurvation . so that though it be true in the experiment and event , yea and while we look upon the reason of the thing , in one position ; that the line would be made crooked , were it not for the unequal velocity of the parts ; yet it appears as clear to reason , in another posture , that this inequality should inferre it . for if b move swifter then a. a rests some instant while b is in motion . there 's no motion , but where there 's change of place , viz. of that place , in respect of which the body is said to move : the place in respect of which the body is said to move , is the next superficies that is considered as quiescen ' . and consequently it seems if b move any instant , in which a doth not : it is proportionably to its motion remov'd from that of a to which it was adjacent , and by consequence one would expect it should be disjoyn'd , or inflected . 6. jactatum tandem experimentum capite alto ingreditur a. author ille , prefatus audentisseme — pag. 85. since the publishing my discourse ; i have met an ingenious g. account , among some excellent geometricians of this probleme , which perhaps may satisfie the difficulty . the account briefly is , that in volutation the whole circumference moves by a motion both progressive and circular : but the centre by the progressive only . and consequently by how much the nearer the parts are to the centre the more they have of the progressive motion , and the less of circulation . so that the little wheel in our experiment draws , and hath so much more progression then the greater , as makes amends for it's defect of parts . which solution i 'le acknowledge perfect , if two things answer experiment , which i have not yet had occasion to make tryal of ; viz. ( 1. ) supposing both wheels to be denticulated , the little wheel will with it's teeth describe lines ; and the great one with it's make points . and ( 2. ) the disproportion being augmented , suppose to an hundred to one , the drawing of the lesser wheel will be exceeding palpable , and discoverable by the dullest sense . i say , if these circumstances answer experiment ; this difficulty is for ought i know well accounted for . and i need add no more to this confession : for our authors answer is either materially the same with this , or much less to purpose . actio septima . a. 1. in sequentibus aliquot capitulis satis exquisitè investigat causas errorum & ignorantiae — pag. 90. g. that the present age abounds with pratling ignorance , and vain shews of science falsly so called , will not be denyed by one , who hath directed some indeavours against them . and did i not deeply apprehend how much bold affirmers , and lazy inquisitors have prejudiced the advance of true and substantial knowledge , i had never engaged against dogmatizing and peripatetick philosophy . i wonder therefore that my learned assailant should object my omission of these causes of ignorance , which had the greatest interest in drawing from me the discourse he opposeth ; in which , i have largely insisted on those reasons of the defect of knowledge , viz. the depth of truth , the praecipitancy of mens understandings , and aversness to deep search , and close engagement of their mindes . besides which , i have professedly attacqued the disputing way of inquiry , and the verbal emptiness of the philosophy of the schools ; which how guilty it is of laying a foundation for sloath and loquacity , is particularly made appear in the discourse i directed against it . and while the schools of learning are under the regency of that kind of spirit , i fear little is to be expected from philosophy but bold talk ; and endless disputes and quarrels . for what else can be the fruit of a philosophy made up of occult qualities , sympathies , entelechia's , elements , celestial influences , and abundance other hard words and lazy generalities , but an arrest of all ingenious and practical indeavour ; and a wilderness of opinions instead of certainty and science ? but thanks be to providence , the world begins to emerge from this state of things , and to imploy it self in more deep and concerning disquisitions ; the issue of which , we hope , will be a philosophy fruitful in works , not in words , and such as may accommodate the use of life , both natural and moral . testis mihi esto author qui sub finem prioris capitis a. conqueritur de obscuritate speculationum , — pag 90. how justly the author is made an instance and witness g. of that , which , in the very discourse , by which only , i suppose , he is known to our philosopher , he hath so earnestly witnest against , which his spirit is so averse unto , which gave the occasion of the dispute between us ; i say , with what justice i am made an instance of that i have so professedly opposed , let it be judg'd by any , that is not unreasonably partial . 't is true , i complain of the obscurity of motion , gravity , light , colours , vision , and sounds ; and yet am not ignorant of the accounts sir k. digby , and other philosophers both antient and modern , have given of these phaenomena . my mind is anxious in speculation , and hath engag'd me to look as far , as my capacity could reach , into these theories ; i could never content my self with superficial put ▪ offs ; nor am i apt immediately to dispair , if i find not present satisfaction in my first enquiries . i have with my best diligence examined the most hopeful accounts are extant of these appearances , and yet must profess , that though the first sight of their respective solutions is pleasant and encouraging , and seems to promise my mind a requiem ; yet the longer i view the most likely of these hypotheses , the more liable and obnoxious i apprehend them . like pictures they will not bear to be look't upon , but at a distance , and when i come neer , i easily detect their imperfections . so that deep search discovers more ignorance , then it cures ; and confidence of science seems to be built upon a slight and superficial view of things ; as aristotle himself hath somewhere observed , and every one else may , that will but take notice , that young talking sophisters use to be far more assured of their assertions , then the deepest and most exercis'd philosophers . i 'le not disparage the account given by the learned sir k. digby of the mention'd phaenomena ; they are to be acknowledg'd pretty , and ingenious : but yet i cannot think , that 't is an argument of shallowness and impatience in enquiry , not fully to acquiesce in his hypotheses as infallible solutions . i suppose , that ingenious philosopher's own modesty and justice will not suffer him to own such a fondness for his notions , which i know he proposeth , but as likely and convenient supposals . i confess the most satisfaction . i any where meet with , is in the accounts of des-cartes , to whom sir k. digby himself bears this testimony , [ that he hath shown the world the way to science , ] and yet that great man , the excellence of whose philosophick genius and performances , the most improv'd spirits acknowledge , propounds his principles but in the modest way of hypotheses , and pretends not to have explain'd things as they are , but as they may be . and i believe our author will not reckon , him among the slight and talkative philosophers ; which is so far from being true , that such as love only to skim things , and have not the patience to keep their minds to a deep and close attention , cannot with any face as much as pretend acquaintance with his principles ; the comprehension of which , will require the most severe meditation , and fix't engagement of the mind , of any philosophy that is intelligible . not , that this excellent person affects obscurity either in matter , style , or method , being indeed very perspicuous in all of them : but because , his way is unusual , and his principles so coherent and closely pack't together , that the letting fall any link of connexion , will spoil the dependance , and hinder the understanding of the sequel . but i return from this excursion . if all then must be accounted impatient and shallow philosophers , who acquiesce not in the digbaean hypotheses ; all the learned cartesians , platonists , the whole stock of the ingenious recent philosophers ; yea and all , that follow not the way of sir k. digby , must unavoidably fall under the shame of these appellatives ; and perhaps that great person himself , who i dare say thinks not the light his philosophy hath afforded these perplexing speculations , to be so clear , as to admit of no shadow or obscurity . what ever haste therefore those discover , that will not be fully contented with the principles in which our philosopher is so well satisfied , i am confident that a little reflection will inform him , that he hath betrayed some , in his censure . a. 2. altera ab authore nostro neglecta ignorantiae causa mihi apparet esse quidam specialis — pag. 91. g. if any are so weak to affirm nothing can be demonstrated , against which any thing is , or can be objected ; let them answer for their assertion , i am not to account for the mistakes of others : and if there are those who will not admit of certainty or evidence in a conclusion that any hath made a doubt of , as our author intimates in the following paragraph , i have as little to answer for their scepticism and incredulity . for i never expect to see the world agree in any thing ; and therefore i assent where i see cause , and proportion the degree of my belief to that i have of evidence , without expecting the hopeless encouragement of a universal suffrage . though i confess , where deep and enquiring spirits differ , i judge i have reason to be cautious , and to suspect uncertainty . our author concludes with a reprehension of those endless talkers , the modern peripateticks , and their voluminous trifles , in which i dissent not from him : but pass from them to their master aristotle , whom our philosopher undertakes to vindicate from my reflections ; with what success , will be the subject of our next enquiry . actio octava . 1. et jam defunctus labore imperato videor , nisi a. summâ cum invidiâ aristotelem omnibus — pag. 95. our author in this paragraph is of a very different g. apprehension from all other aristotelians , if we 'l believe patritius , who saith , tritum vero jam est ac emnium aristotelicorum assensu comprobatum , nullam esse in aristotelicis libris scientificam demonstrationem . our philosopher then denies all science among the other antients , and the rest of the aristotelians allow none in aristotle . and if either be true , or both , 't is an evidence against dogmatizing , and fond doating upon authorities . but this action is professedly directed against gassendus ; some few of whose charges against aristotle our author indeavours to defeat and disable ; which should he succeed in according to his desires , yet the far greater , and perhaps the more formidable number stands unanswer'd . briefly then ( 1. ) he excepts at gassendus's animadverting on aristotle's manners , which he insinuates , to be more like a crafty orator , then a close and severe philosopher . to which in behalf of that excellent neoterick , it may be rejoyn'd , that if aristotle were vicious and immoral , there is much the less reason why we should revere his authority : for truth and vertue use to dwell together ; and the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom . vice drowns the noble idea's of the soul , and fills the mind with those foul steams of the body , which are prejudicial to deep and worthy enquiries ; so that with all good men and true philosophers 't will not a little detract from the credit of aristotle's intellectuals , if his morals are acknowledg'd , or can be prov'd obnoxious . whither the charge be just or not , our philosopher makes no enquiry , which seems a tacite confession of the truth of the accusation ; and then i think he hath no reason to object the impropriety . after this remark he descends ( 2. ) to some particular instances of gassendus's charge , to as many of which , as i am concern'd in , i make this brief rejoynder : ( 1. ) then aristotle expresly makes god an animal in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if he sayes otherwise elsewhere , 't is only an argument of the inconsistency of aristotle , not of the injustice of gassendus . ( 2. ) that god acts by necessity , aristotle clearly enough insinuates in that conclusion of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is testimony sufficient of the truth of my charge ; if gassendus accused him of more , 't is like he was able to make it good . ( 3. ) that aristotle made the world eternal , our author allows me . but that hereby he prov'd himself the chief of all the ethnick philosophers , i cannot grant him so easily . for ( 1. ) aristotle was not the first in this assertion , but had it from ocellus lucanus ; from whom also he transcrib'd the arguments he made use of to enforce it : which yet ( 2. ) are not such , as do so highly commend his philosophy , and faculty of arguing . he proves the world eternal then , because the heavens are so ; the assertion of which he attempts by five arguments : ( viz. ) ( 1. ) from the etymology of aether , viz. ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 2. ) from the silence of history of any change or alteration they have undergone . ( 3. ) from the opinion of the antients . ( 4. ) from the freedom of the heavens from contrarieties . and ( 5. ) from the eternity of the caelestial motions , which he proves with the eternity of time by reasons borrow'd from ocellus , who was the author of the main argument . now whoever affirms that such arguings as these set aristotle so much above all the more antient philosophers , expresses more fondness towards him , then justice to his betters . nor can the comparative excellency of his wit be any more reasonably concluded from his allowing the natural inference of that acknowledg'd principle , ex nihilo nihil ; which doubtless the antients never meant in the general notion ; but in a sense which restrain'd it to natural productions ; else their assertion of the worlds beginning had been nonsense and a contradiction . ( 4. ) the learned gentleman admires that we should charge aristotle with the denyal of the resurrection of the dead ; which though he acknowledges truly to be alledg'd ; yet he thinks it unreasonably objected , since he supposes this doctrine only to be discoverable by supernatural light and revelation . to which briefly , ( 1. ) though the resurrection in the particular circumstances , in which christianity hath cloathed it , be not known by our unassisted faculties : yet that the soul shall live , and live united to a body in the other state , i think deducible from the meer principles of nature : for the philosophy of the soul informs us , that it uses matter in its highest operations , which is fair ground of conjecture , that it is alwayes united to some body . besides which , it may be argued from the analogy of nature , which useth not in other things , to leap from one extream unto another ; and therefore 't is not likely that the soul should pass immediately , from the state of so deep an immersion into the gross matter , to a condition of pure and absolute immateriality . to which may be further added , that , even according to the principles of aristotle , there can be no knowledge without sense , nor sense without corporeal motion , which cannot well be perceiv'd by a being that is perfectly disjoyn'd from matter . thus the principles of meer reason suggest , that the soul is joyn'd to another body after its discharge from the present . and ( 2. ) others of the greek philosophers , by the meer conduct of their natural light , believ'd it . the academicks generally assign'd bodies to those in the other state , and such as were suitable to the regions of the world they resided in ; and therefore plato calls some of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to others of more inferior conditon he attributes aerial bodies ; yea , generally the greeks appointed corporeal punishments for the wicked in their acheron , and cocytus , as theocritus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and virgil , — aliis sub gurgite vasto infectum eluitur scelus , aut exuritur igni . but the business is so well known that it needs no testimony ; and from hence 't is sufficiently evident , that they believ'd the corporeal state of the soul after its separation from this terrestrial body : so that aristotle's assertion herein , is contrary both to the nature of the thing ; and the belief of most of his contemporaries ; nay , and the most venerable wisdom that was before him . and indeed , what he taught of the soul , is at the best uncertain , he using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the mind one while , and then for the phancy ; applying it now to angels , and at another time to brutes ; so that none of his sectators could ever tell what was his opinion about it . actio nona . 1. a gassendo ad authorem vanitatis dogmatizandi a. reducenda est oratio , postquam ipse — pag. 104. i think still that the many are very incompetent judges g. of worth either in men or things , admiring trash , and slighting excellence ; and 't is my lord bacon's observation , which signifies much more with me ; then all our learned author has said in this paragraph , viz. [ i hat the lowest vertues are the subjects of the peoples praise ; the middle ones of their admiration ; but the highest they have no sense at all of ; ] which saying holds not only in morals , but in all things else which the vulgar use to judge in : for they regard nothing , but what is like themselves , that is , mean and trivial ; which is the reason of that other observation of the same great philosopher ; that time , like a river bears up what is light and chaffy , while the things that are more weighty and considerable , are lost at the bottom . 2. subjicit author noster sapientium arbitrio peripateticam a. esse vocum nihil significantium — pag. 105. the excellent lord verulam is one of the wise men that g. hath reprov'd the arbritrariness of aristotle's words , particularly in his instauratio magna , where he saith , [ i cannot a little marvel at the philosopher aristotle , that did proceed in such a spirit of difference and contradiction to all antiquity , not only to frame new words of science at pleasure , but to confound and extinguish all antient wisdom ] and his affected obscurity , patricius sayes , all the greeks confessed ; yea themistius one of his great sectators sayes of him , se , veluti sepiam a●ramento suo sese occuluisse . and simplicius another , writes thus in his prolegomena to the praedicaments : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , besides which clear testimony the author of the censure prefixt to aristotle's works cited by gassendus after great praises of him , adds , ingenium viri tectum & callidum & metu●ns reprehensionis , quod inhibebat eum , ne proferret interdum aperiò , quae sentiret ; indè tam multa per ejus opera obscura & ambigua . and again the forementioned themistius , cum plerèque omnia aristotelis scripta quasi de composito caligine quadam offusa oppletaque habeantur : like unto which is that , which simplicius sayes of him : in acroamaticis datâ operâ obscurus esse voluit . we see then who the wise men are , that have accused the obscurity of the aristotelean processes . and that he was not so clear from aequivocatiens as our author suggests ; i 'le give but a double instance ( 1. ) of his applying the foremention'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to beasts and angels , to the imagination and abstracted intellect . and ( 2. ) his calling god , the quintessence , form , the soul , and motion , by the common appellative of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to all which might be added , that 't is an argument that the aristotelean method was not so clear and cautious , as our author would have it believed ; since his commentators have been infinitely divided about his meaning : and our author himself complains , that those of the latter schools have quite receded from his genuine doctrine , which either accuses their ignorance , or his obscurity . it appears then , that the wise men i mention to have accused aristotle's ambiguities and aequivocations were those that understood the aristotelean doctrines , being some of them his most genuine and ancient interpreters ; and not those who are so little acquainted with the matters of this philosophy , as to charge aristotle with the faults of , i know not what , apish peripateticks , and pyrrhonians . 3. prosequitur deinde actionem in peripateticos per a. dubia quaedam , quae illi clara non sunt , — pag. 107. in this paragraph i can understand nothing proved , but g. that a thing is possible to be before it is ; which possibility our author will have to be neither quid , nor quale , nor quantum : though not absolutely nothing . and if this learned gentleman take this posse of a thing for aristotle's materia prima , he mistakes the metaphysical , for the physical matter : or , if hereby he would only insinuate , that the first mater may be something , though neither quid , quale , nor quantum ; the instance is too short for his conclusion , since the posse of a thing before it is , is no real beeing , but an extrinsecal denomination , and a mode of our conception . 4. duae aliae voces molestae sunt sceptico nostro . hae a. sunt forma , & educi de potentiâ materiei ▪ — pag. 109. i call the aristotelean form an empty word , because i g. believe there 's nothing real that answers it ; all bodies are sufficiently distinguish'd by figure and position of parts , and i see no necessity to introduce such an arbitrary being ; however , if our author pleases , let him call that by which things are distinguish'd , their form : but if with aristotle he will make this a substantial principle of things ; i must be excused in a dissent to which my reason inforces me . and if his hypothesis be , that forms are accidents , ( as it seems , he supposes , by the instances alledged ) he recedes from his master aristotle , who expresly makes his form a substance . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a. 5. quoad posteriorem vocem , seu educi de potentiâ , videat vir ingeniosus an illud quod — pag. 110. g. that which was brought out of the dark , was in it . and caesar adds nothing to the marble , but the figure ; which is but a mode of matter , and answers not our case . but forms are not supposed praeexistent in the matter from whence they were educed ; and are substances really distinguisht from it : which i have prov'd from aristotle , and 't is the sense of his commentators , though it seems 't is not our authors . i inquire then , are these substantial forms produced of something , or of nothing ? an aristotelian will not allow the latter ; for this were against the maxime , ex nihilo nihil , and a creation . he affirms it produced of something then , and this something is potentia materia . i enquire further therefore , whether any thing of the form did actually praeexist in this power of the matter , or not ? if so , all possible forms reside in the subjects out of which they are educed , which is not consonant to their hypothesis . if not , the latter part of the disjunction is confest ; to avoid the shame of which , they fly to subjective dependence : and this is the potentia materiae , they talk of ; from which follow the absurdities i inferred . and this is the philosophy of the schools ; and this the peripateticism i charge : if our author saith , it is not according to aristotle's doctrine , let him dispute it out with aristotle's followers ; i charge it not on him , but on his schooles , in which all the world can justifie me . actio decima . 1. proximè sagittant duas aristotelis definitiones , a. utramque exactissimam & quicquam in — pag. 112. let 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie as our author would have it , g. viz. that which remains of an action , and is introduced by it . but i enquire then , ( 1. ) whether this interpretation be not arbitrary ? i 'me sure the word in this sense is so . ( 2. ) light is then something that remains of an operation : and this explication notably helps the perspicuity of the definition , which is as good a one as that was lately given of a thought in a university sermon , viz. a repentine prosiliency jumping into being . and if our author's description be all contain'd in actus perspicui ▪ i shall need no more proof of aristotle's obscurity in this ▪ instance . 2. idem est reliquae definitionis vitium . est autem a. ipsa definitio , motus est actus entis — pag. 113. g. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the definition of motion signifie the mode , whereby the subject is affected in the end of action , according to our author ; with what congruity doth aristotle then apply it to the soul ? except he thought it a mode of matter , and then our philosopher had no reason to suppose he believed its immortality ; but whatever he concluded of this , he affirm'd it to be a substance , as in that passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and galen of him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a. 3. nova calumnia capite decimo septimo instruitur adversus aristotelem , tantò indigniùs — pag. 115. g. that aristotle was not so careful in distinguishing the signification of words , as is pretended , we have evinced already : and it appears clearly enough from the last instance ; in which things are coupled together by a common appellative that agree in nothing . and for the other mistake this period chargeth me with , i answer ; that if i take the scepticks for peripateticks , i hope our philosopher will henceforward absolve me from the so often objected scepticism . for according to our author my peripateticks are scepticks , and he knows how much friendship i have for those . but whether they are scepticks or not , they are aristotle's followers , if he have any in the schools of christendom ; and i leave them to justifie the title they have assumed . it sufficeth for me , that the genuine aristotelian method is a way of obscurity and dispute ; for which , besides the instances i have given , i have alledged the clear testimonies of his acknowledg'd sectators . and if the modern peripateticks can prove themselves aristotelians , we have a charge of sufficient aggravation from our author against them also . for thus he censures them under the name of scepticks [ scepticorum conatus esse vanissimos facile agnosco , illos parum de vocum usu sollicitos esse quo liberum sit iis quaslibet nugas vanitatis aut alterius lucri causa divendere , oratorculos vel magis rabulas , non philosophos esse , aristotelicorum nomen assumere ut corrumpant juventutem , & discipulos post sese abducant ; hos omnibus scientiae sectatoribus veluti pestem vitandos non inficior , neque quicquam ab iis solidi expectandum esse . ] 4. confirmant fictam adversus philosophum actionem a. ex ipsis philosophi dictis & gestis . — pag. 116. it seems it was not only the abstractedness of the matter , g. that rendred aristotle's physiology so difficult of comprehension , since our author confesseth that scarce any understand it , but who are assisted by the commentaries of the ancients . and certainly all the moderns had never receded so far from his sense , if his expressions had not been obscure and involved , as well as his matter difficult . and for that which the learned gentleman calls a more grievous and unhappy calumny : he confesseth it to be aristotle's instruction to perfect his scholars in the method of disputing , which is all i charge him with ; and i think ambiguity and obstinate garrulity in controversies , which the philosopher seems to advise them to , is a way of disputation that will not much commend the practisers , or instructor . a. 5. merebatur haec actio instantias ex opere . premit author tres ( ex fide credo gassendi — pag. 117. g. that i have done aristotle no wrong in the first instance alledged , will appear to any one that will take the pains to peruse the first chapter of his first de celo . for attempting there the proof of the perfection of bodies in order to the evincing that of the world , he doth it thus : the magnitude that is one way divisible , is a line ; two , is a superficies ; and what may three ways be divided , is a body . besides which there is no other magnitude , for this reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he proves by a saying of the pythagoreans , and this reason in nature ( if it be one ) viz. because the beginning , end , and middle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which also is confirmed by that i quoted from him : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and concludes , wherefore since all and perfect , differ not as to their form , body will be the only perfect magnitude , and that for the reason i assign'd from him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is the genuine tenour of aristotle's argument , and our authors sense and interpretation seems to me , ( as i suppose 't will to any one else , who considerately compares it with the text ) forraign , arbitrary , and unnatural . as to the second instance , the learned gentleman hath mistaken the words of my charge . for if he pleaseth to look again into my book , he will find , that i object no such consequence to aristotle , as , that if there were more worlds then one , the moon would fall to the earth . but on the contrary , that the earth would fall to that other world. so that our authors justification of aristotle's argument , viz. that he fixt the centre of the world in the earth , is a strange one , and concludes the quite contrary to what aristotle would inferre . and why the moon should fall , upon the suppositions , that the earth is the centre , and that there are other worlds , ( as our author suggests ) rather then as things are at present , i cannot conjecture . my third instance of aristotle's trifling , and inconsequent arguings , was ; that he inferrs the heavens to move towards the west , because they move towards the more honourable , and before is more honourable then after . which is clearly his consequence in the 5. chapter of his second de coelo : for thus he argues , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nature doth alwayes what is best . now saith he , as the motion which is upwards is more excellent then that which is downward , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so in like manner is that which is forward more excellent then that which is backward . thence he concludes this the reason why the heavens move antrorsum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that this seems the substance of the inference ; the heavens move by a motion that is natural , nature doth what is best , before is better then behind , and consequently that way the heavens move . the weakness of which argumentation consists in supposing , that those variable respects of before , and after , are realities in nature , which is a poor vulgar conceit , arising from the meere prejudice of misapplyed sensations , and very unbecomming a philosopher . and that this was the supposal of aristotle's argument , is confirmed by the margin of pacius's edition , in which he hath given this account of the contents of this period , coelum movetur ad anteriorem partem , quia hujusmodi motus est praestantior quam motus ad partem posteriorem . yea , when our author himself saith in the account he gives of the argument , motum naturalem esse ad honorabilius , unde clare sequitur occidentem esse nobiliorem oriente , he hath given me all i have contended for . actio undecima . a. indignatur sub finem capituli , quod doctorum opera ita in logicam , physicam , & metaphysicam — pag. 123. g. our author confesseth the schools neglect of the profitable doctrines of the heavens , meteors , minerals , and animals . but his scepticism , viz. the present peripateticism , is the cause . and this is that which i charge in the place animadverted on . so that i accuse not aristotle here ; but by name the modern retainers to the stagyrite : but whether the notionality and obscurity of the aristotelian method it self do not give occasion to the endless babble of those reprehended scepticks , i have already past my conjecture . a. 2. capite decimo octavo arguit doctrinam peripateticam , quasi ad phaenomena salvanda — pag. 124. g. i am not yet convinced , but that the aristotelian philosophy is insufficient for the solution of the phaenomena ; and yet question not aristotle's endeavours in that kind , but his success , upon what accounts my discourse declareth . i acknowledge the ingenuity of sir kenelm digbye's hypotheseis : but cannot yet understand that to have been aristotle's method . and i think our author is one of the first that asserts aristotle to have taught the corpuscularian and atomical philosophy ; for all the world hath hitherto taken his , to be the way of qualities and forms : yea aristotle mentions the atomical hypothesis of democritus in a way of dissent and profest opposition ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which last passage is the main substance of the corpuscularian philosophy . and elsewhere he recites the same hypothesis from leucippus and democritus , to the same purpose ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . urget adversarius systema coeli ab aristotele sequiùs a. esse constitutum . aperi accusationem . — pag. 125. i cannot see but that aristotle without optick instruments , g. the defect of which our author thinks excuseth his astronomy , might have discovered the motion of the earth , and fluidity of the heavens , as well as the more antient wisdom that believ'd them . he recites the former as the opinion of the pythagoreans , but could not overcome the prejudice of sense against it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in another place hath a profest redargution of this pythagorean opinion . as for the hypothesis of the fluidity of the heavens , 't is said in the jewish gemara , non orbes sed in coelo liquido moveri sidera , vetustissima haebreorum sententia est . and if aristotle had own'd a wit so much more excellent then others of the antients , as our author somewhere intimates , i see not why he might not have received these theories , as well as some of those , to whom optick tubes were as much strangers as to the contriver of the orbs. that the christian doctrine teacheth the motion of the heavens by intelligencies ▪ i cannot yet comprehend . and our author cannot think it so evident as to be believed without proof . our air according to the best computations can be made of the weight of the astmosphear , reacheth not much above 50 miles upwards ; and the thin element there , is nothing to the sphear of fire supposed under the concave of the moon . a. 3. caput decimum nonum exagitat aristotelis doctrinam quasi infaecundam & sterilem . — pag. 126. g. if it belong not to philosophers to make experiments ; the noble lord bacon , des cartes , our illustrious royal society , and all experimental philosophers , have been needlesly imployed , and out of the way in their inquiries . and if we must use no experiments but those that are made by ordinary mechanicks without design of science , we shall never make any great progress into the knowledg of the magnalia ; which are not known by the common methods of action . he that will erect a lasting and stately fabrick , must have stones digged from the quarries , and not expect that the high-wayes should furnish him . what these common aristotelian principles are , without which no account can be given of natural effects , our author would do well to tell us . some principles indeed are necessary , and without them nothing can be inquired or determin'd : but such are common to all philosophers , and not peculiarly aristotle's . those that admit vacuities , think there can be no action without them ; holding it impossible there should be motion in absolute pleno ; and we have but our author 's bare assertion against their arguments . the cartesian vortices will serve to account for the phaenomena , and teach a way of theory not unserviceable to experiment . and for the salvo of aristotle's credit in those contradictory passages we meet in his writings ; viz. that they are the sayings of others , it seems to me an arbitrary shift and evasion : since we find them in his discourses without mention of any such matter . and if it be confest his custom to insert forrein doctrines and sayings into his works , without any intimation to distinguish them from his own ; who then can know when aristotle speaks himself , or when he speaks the words and sense of others ? 4. caput vicesimum manifestam reddit eminentiam a. peripatetices supra reliquas methodos — pag. 127. in that chapter i impugn not aristotle's philosophy , but g. had concluded my reflections in the former . causalities are first found out by concomitancy , as i intimated . and our experience of the dependence of one , and independence of the other shews which is the effect , and which the cause . definitions cannot discover causalities , for they are formed after the causality is known . so that in our authors instance , a man cannot know heat to be the atoms of fire , till the concomitancy be known , and the efficiency first presumed . the question is then , how heat is known to be the effect of fire ? our author answers by it's definition . but how came it to be so defined ? the answer must be , by the concomitancy and dependence ; for there 's nothing else assignable . but who is our authors peripatetick that concludes heat to be the atomes of fire ? and who that adorer of des-cartes that professeth scepticism ? a. 5. nihilo validius est argumentum à varietate opinionum philosophantium ad impossibilitatem — pag. ●●9 . g. i urge no such argument as the variety of philosophers opinions against the possibility of science , but from the notion of the dogmatists ; that demonstration supposeth certainty , as aristotle himself affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and certainty , impossibility of being otherwise ; as aristotle proceeds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i say , from hence i inferre 't is scarce modest to conclude any thing so a demonstration , and consequently , science in their notion ; the reason of my inference is fully declared in my discourse , the least view of which will be evidence enough of the wideness of this answer . sub finem capitis assumit nihil sciri posse nisi in primas a. causas resolvatur . unde diluxisse — pag. 131. when i affirm nothing can be known but by a resolution of things into their first causes , i mean the mechanical , not metaphysical : for i am of opinion with the excellent lord verulam ; that natural theory hath been very much hindered , and corrupted by metaphysical admixtures ; and this is a considerable fault of aristotle and his sectators . some general notices indeed are necessary to direct us in particular researches , but then they must be such as are concluded from induction in particulars ; and perhaps the instances our philosopher alledges to shew the necessity of metaphysicks to physiology will be better determin'd and accounted for in the way of experiment , then notion ; and i think our author 's metaphysical argument against a vacuum , ( the exploding of which he thinks so necessary for the establishment of a grounded philosophy ) i think , i say , his argument is a sophism , whose greatest force lies in the scarcity of words and defect in language : for this is the sum of the presumed demonstration . a vacuum is imaginary space ; imaginary space is nothing real , and those bodies are together , that have nothing between them : if the middle of which propositions be denyed , the argument comes to nothing ; and it may without absurdity be affirmed , that though space have not the nature of any of the beings that are in our praedicaments , yet 't is something real and not meerly imaginary : for the notion of space strikes so close to our minds , that we cannot conceive , but that 't is infinite and eternal , viz. is every where , and has been alwayes ; and therefore has a kind of being , that is no arbitrary figment ; though such a one , for the expressing of which our words are defective : we see then , how this pretended metaphysical impossibility may be answered ; for though supposing a vacuum there be nihil corporis between the bodies distant , yet is there aliquid spatii , which is sufficient to avoid the contradiction ; so that there may be a vacuum , notwithstanding our author's metaphysicks : yea , that aristotle himself asserted it , though i know he has opposed it also , is affirmed by aetius in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and there seems a strong necessity that there should be one , since it looks like an impossibility that there should be motion in pleno , or at least that any thing should be moved , but that all the world must be moved with it ; which i alledge only to shew , that metaphysicks may both ways be urged almost for any thing , and that all matters of notion are double-handed . and if we must determine nothing in physiology till metaphysicks have concluded it ; for ought i know we shall be at an eternal loss , and never fix on any thing . and by this method of mingling metaphysicks with natural philosophy , we shall fill plain theories with infinite intricacy and dispute . indeed , the impatient mind of man , as my lord bacon observes , is too apt to fly to general conclusions ; and more averse to the way of experiment and induction , which he thought the only method for the establishing of a solid and grounded theory : in which there is none has more happily succeeded then the philosopher des-cartes , whose philosophy is not a prescribed form how things should be made , as our author injuriously suggests , but professes it self only an hypothesis how they may be , and how by such principles the phaenomena may be salved : and the mechanicks of des-cartes are much more likely methods for the expounding nature , then the metaphysicks of aristotle ; which his own sectators have confest a meer rhapsody and confused ramble of they knew not what : yea , and 't is doubtful whither they are not the spurious issue of some more modern author , since diogenes laertius , who uses to give a full and faithful catalogue of the writings of philosophers , hath omitted this out of the works of aristotle , and philoponus affirms that book written by pasicrates rhodius . and if so , aristotle will lose the credit of demonstration in metaphysicks , with which our author hath invested him . 7. sequens capitulum laborat illo errore quem aristoteles a. saepius & detexit & confutavit : — pag 132. imperfect knowledge , according to the notion of the dogmatists , g. is not science , but opinion . scire , our author knows , is per causas scire ; and the conditions of those causes are that they be true , immediate , and necessary ; this is perfect knowledge , this is the science the dogmatist pretends to ; and to this according to his own maxime , every thing that is must contribute , as my discourse declareth . nor do our philosophers instances weaken my conclusion ; for they relate to another kind of knowledge , viz. that of the existence , not of the nature of things ; which latter is that which i am treating of ; and the knowledge of the being of a thing , as is its object , is a simple act , and consequently , to this , a single evidence is sufficient : but the comprehension of the nature , like the thing it self , is complex , and requires the knowledge of the things of which 't is constituted . what is added within this paragraph about two persons , seeing the same object in the same circumstances of sentiment , is our author 's bare assertion , against my proof of the contrary : and the last period is built upon the fore ▪ mentioned mistake of my design and intentions . a. 8. attamen academicus noster non dubitat generatim dogmaticè procedentibus affingere quaevis — pag. 134. g. the learned gentleman is now discended to my moral considerations against confident opinion : his reflections on the two first of which are built upon the supposal of my being a sceptick , which charge i think i 've sufficiently disabled . the truth of my third accusation is confest , but the guilt , not acknowledged ; since that which excites men to endless bawlings , and altercations ; schisms , heresies , and rebellions , by the vehemencies of dispute , is it seems with our author no more noxious and criminal , then the sun that stirrs men up to their work in the morning , by the importunity of it's beams . to the fourth absurdity of dogmatizing , our philosopher also gives a kind reception ; and it seems can be content with a confidence that accuseth all the world of ignorance . but whether be the more modest , the dogmatist that chargeth all that are not of his mind as ignorants ; or the sceptick that involves himself also in the common reproach , let them dispute it out when they will , i have nothing to do with their quarrel . in the last i 'me agreed with our author in the truth of his assertion , that science inlargeth mens mindes ; but cannot acknowledge the pertinency . for he could scarce have named things more opposite then confidence and science . science indeed inlargeth : but there 's a knowledge that only puffeth up . and i 'me of solomon's opinion , that 't is the fool that rageth and is confident . our author concludes as he began , in the supposition that i am a sceptick , and in this i 'me certain he is mistaken ; and will be dogmatical in affirming , that i am none . thus have i concluded my reply with a brevity , that shews i am not fond of an occasion of disputing ; and a carelesness , that will witness the little delight i have in matters that are not of very material speculation . the truth is , i dropt these reflections with such a dulness and inactivity of humor : that when my pen had traced one period , it was indifferent whether it began another . and i remember not an heat in the whole performance . for i felt no concernment to defend a discourse , which perhaps i had less kindness for then one , who hath professedly opposed it . not to mention the other reasons of my coldness and indifference in this action . and though i have still a quick resentment of the vanity of confiding in opinions , and possibly could with an humor brisk enough have reassailed the spirit of proud and unreasonable presumption ; yet i hitherto see no necessity of adding more to what i have said on the subject : and the reflections that engaged my pen , have made me but few new occasions . so that looking on my impugned discourse as too inconsiderable for a subject of publick vindication , and meeting but little opportunity for general and discursive notion in that which opposed it ; i was , i profess , sometimes more inclined to have throwne away these sheets among the rubbish of my papers , then to permit them thus to shew themselves to the publique . but my civility to this learned man obliged me to some answer , and whatever i apprehend of it otherwise , my laziness or my judgement made me think this sufficient for that service . what others will judge of it i am ignorant and careless , and am sufficiently satisfied with this , that i think it pertinent , and that i have finish't it . finis . a letter to a friend concerning aristotle . sir , i am very sensible how bold and adventurous a thing it is , for men of private condition to oppose what custom and great names have render'd venerable . and though i am still of opinion ▪ that a lazie acquiescence in the discoveries of any single author , how great and august soever , be a disadvantage to the encrease of knowledge ; yet i think it not wise in every man that hath only a naked reason to assist him , to confront such celebrated authorities . upon which account i acknowledge some juvenile heat and praecipitancy in those reflections your friendship has animadverted on . which , besides the pardon young pens may expect from those who are not unreasonably severe , hath a claim to your candour upon other considerations , which i intend this paper shall acquaint you with . in order to which , i suppose i need not tell you , that 't was no enmity to the learning of the universities , which with all duty i acknowledge , that drew my pen upon the sage their constitutions have made textuary . you know me too well , to think i designed any thing against the appointments and purposes of our pious ancestors in those venerable nurseries of piety and learning . i too well apprehend the danger of such innovations in an age so prone to fancies and dissettlements . in which nothing howsoever worthy and sacred , has been able to defend it self against the rude hands of proud , because successeful violence guilded with the plunder'd titles of reformation and religion . i 'le assure you then , though i had been so fond and unwise to engage in a design so unlikely in the undertaker ; i should never have been so disingenious and undutiful as to form a project so inconvenient and hazardous in the event , as to discourage young students from a method of studies the constitutions of the place they live in have enjoyn'd them : which indeed , considering the circumstances wherein things stand , 't is in a manner necessary they should be vers'd in ; since that philosophy is wrought into the current theology of europe : which therefore would not be comprehended without an insight into those hypotheses . nor can a man make a reasonable choice of his principles , except he have some knowledge of all that offer themselves candidates for his favour : and a wise man's belief is not chance , but election ; besides which , it enlarges and ennobles the minds of men to furnish them with variety of conception , and takes them off from doating on the beloved conclusions of their private and narrow principles . i blame not therefore the use of aristotle in the universities among the junior students , though i cannot approve the streightness and sloath of elder dijudicants , from whom more generous temper might be expected , then to sit down in a contented despair of any further progress into science , than has been made by their idolized sophy ; and depriving themselves and all this world of their liberty in philosophy by a sacramental adherence to an heathen authority . and i confess , 't was this pedantry and boyishness of humor that drew from me those reflections i directed against aristotle . which perhaps you 'le think not so censurable an action when you consider , ( 1. ) that whatever fondness these latter ages have express'd towards him , the pious fathers of the first and purest times of christianity , own'd for him no such regard and veneration ; but frequently reprehended him with a keen and impartial severity . and if we may believe the learned and industrious patricius [ multos ê patribus habuit oppugnatores , celebratorem neminem . ] clemens alex. epiphanius , and nazianzen accuse him of impiety against god and religion ; lactantius of contradiction and inconsistency ; justin martyr professedly wrote a book against him ; s. basil reprehends his ethicks ; and origen set's epicurus before him . theodoret accuses him for denying providence below the moon . and 't is notoriously known that platonism was the philosophy of the first christian centuries when aristotle was not much regarded . yea as the excellent gassendus has observ'd , in the flourishing times of rome and athens , the academicks and stoicks ; and laertius sayes in his , the epicureans , were the only valued sects of philosophers , while the peripateticks were but little accounted of . yea cicero , pliny , quintilian that had otherwise the greatest esteem of aristotle , prefer'd plato before him . and i find ( 2. ) not that aristotle had such an excess of respect and worship , till after barbarism had overrun rome and athens . for when the empire began to emerge from that black night of ignorance which had with it's rude conquerours invaded it ; averroes and some others of the arabian interpreters chanced to light upon the remains of this philosopher , which they translated into the language of the moors , and as 't is usual for men to dignifie what they have bestowed pains upon , especially if it be rare and new ; these first interpreters would not fail to celebrate the author , that they might reconcile credit to their writings upon him , and recommend their own elucubrations . and therefore aristotle shall be the prime of philosophers , that they may be next him . insomuch that his redeemer averroes arriv'd to that vanity in commendation as to affirm , that aristotle invented logick , divinity and physiology ; never spoke any thing without strong reason , and that there was nothing defective or superfluous in his writings , but all things in the most full and perfect order ; and that no errour had been found in his composures : which commendations coming down to the latines , with the books they celebrated , and they having no other philosopher , but aristotle , nor interpreter , but his idolater averroes , greedily swallowed both the books and the character together , making sacred text of the writings of the author , and axioms of the commendations of the interpreter . for the mighty cry of the first admirers , assisted by the ignorance of those times , and the natural temper that is in men to revere the first author that pleases them , bore down others to an assent to those applauses ; and being at last by the schoolmen mingled with divinity , and by others adopted into other faculties , grew in a manner sacred and universal . aristotle became an oracle , his placits were enacted laws , and his dixit an unquestionable argument ; and thus was the reasoning world despoil'd of that freedom which is the priviledge of humane nature , and subjected to a forreign authority , that could lay no reasonable claim to their respect or observance . so that the esteem of the aristotelean philosophy having been so small in the best and wisest times , and having sprung up to this bulk by accidental occasions in the latter and less cultivated ages , i cannot yet think it so piacular to question the dueness of those superlative praises are bestowed upon him in these , wherein mankind seems awaken'd to enquire into the world of things , not of words , and is resolv'd no longer to court names , but nature . and you 'le see less reason for your displeasure against that engagement of mine , when i shall have told you thirdly , that 't is very doubtful whether those writings that go under his name , are aristotle's or not . for besides that the antient greek interpreters have alwayes made this quaery in the beginning of their expositions , whether the books they were about to expound were aristotle 's ; besides this suspicion i say , several very learned men have professedly undertook to prove the uncertainty of all his writings , among whom are picus , patricius , and gassendus , and from these author's i 'le give you a brief account of this matter . ( first ) then theophrastus , aristotle's scholar , wrote several things that had the same title with those we presume are his : and who then can tell whether they were wrote by aristotle , or theophrastus ? to say aristotle's works are discoverable by their style , is to presume the question , that some are known to be his : which being supposed , the enquirer may notwithstanding be deceived in his judgment , since learned men in the same age are often delighted with the same mode of writing , especially the scholars of any great author use to imitate the way and method of their masters ; yea and diversity of age and matter make's them sometimes differ more in their styles from themselves , than others do from them . at least ( secondly ) theophrastus had great advantages of adding , altering , and mingling aristotle's works as he pleased : he himself putting forth few books while he lived , but leaving them in the hands of this his great scholar and sectator . and 't is the observation of strabo and plutarch that the first peripateticks had few or none of aristotle's writings among them ; upon which account impostures and forgeries might be more securely practiced . besides which , ( thirdly ) theophrastus himself did not publish these writings , but left them in the hands of neleus , as is testified by plutarch and athenaeus . now this neleus of two copies which he kept of aristotle's writings , sold one to ptolomy for the famous library at alexandria ; the other he kept himself and left with his posterity ; who , as strabo testifies , diligent search being made by the attalick kings after books to furnish the library at pergamus , hid them in a pit underground about 160. years till they were almost spoil'd with moths and rotteness , and after sold them to apellicon tejus an athenian , who got them transcribed and supplyed in those places in which they had been impair'd by their concealment , but as strabo says arbitrarily , and at a venture ; insomuch that the transcripts were full of errour and incurable defects . at length sylla taking athens , this library of apellicon , in which were the writings of aristotle , was transported to rome , as is testified by plutarch , and there fell into the hands of tyrannio grammaticus under whom they contracted new and worse errors . from him they pass to andronicus rhodius who distributed them into the order we now find them in , adding and altering as he pleased . after him , picus says the contending peripateticks still mended what they understood not ; and every man as he fancyed . all which circumstances are more than suspicions of much forgery and corruption in aristotle's composures . yea , if that be true which marius nizolius asserts , and largely endeavours to prove , that most of the books of aristotle that are extant are but epitomes and compendiums drawn up by nicomachus of his father's writings , 't will be another evidence against their authority . to which i add ( 4. ) what has been observed by the forecited learned men , that diogenes laertius , who lived when most of the antient authors might be seen , who was very industrious in the search of antiquities , and who perused above two hundred authors in order to the compiling of his history , forty of which had professedly wrote the lives of philosophers ; yet this diogenes hath omitted all we have now extant of aristotle's works except nine , viz. duo de plantis , physiogn . categoriae , de interpret . mechan . contra xenophanem ; contra gorgiam & zenonem . yea and patricius gives sufficient reason why all these but the four last should be suspected also . now why so many forged pieces were ascribed to aristotle , three reasons are given by ammonius . viz. ( 1. ) because there were several others of his name ( diogenes laertius sayes eight ) by reason of which 't was an easie matter to shelter the mean and contemptible products of others under his name and authority . ( 2. ) because several of his disciples wrote books on the same subjects , and with the same titles with their master . ( 3. ) there being great rewards propos'd by ptolomy to those that brought in any considerable author 's to his library , several out of a covetous design to enrich themselves by the forgery , inscribed other writings by the name of this philosopher , to render them more currant and vendible . so that there were 40. books of analyticks ascribed to aristotle in ptolomy's library , when as he wrote but four ; and two de categoriis , when he wrote but one . it appears then that the books of aristotle are of very uncertain and suspicious authority . yea , and though his writings were never so unsuspect and certain in the main , yet no man can be assur'd in particular what is aristotle's in them and what not , they having met with such hard usage as we mention'd . yea , the books themselves give notorious evidence of those abuses in the confusions , inversions , contradictions , tautologies , defects , abruptness , and other gross imperfections they abound with . upon the account of which gassendus sayes , he thought aristotle a greater man than to be the author of such mean and obnoxious writings . but however , whether these are genuine or not , they contain the aristotelianism of the present peripatetick schools , and if those works are none of his , there 's less reason why we should fall down before the εφη of an uncertain authority . besides which , i must confess fourthly , that the reverence i have to the more antient sages , which aristotle frequently traduced , and unworthily abused , animated me to more severity against him , than upon another occasion had perhaps been so pardonable and becoming . and that aristotle dealt so invidiously with the philosophers were before him , will not need much proof to one , that is but indifferently acquainted with his writings . the great lord bacon hath particularly charged him with this unworthiness in his excellent advancement of learning , wherein he says , that [ aristotle as though he had been of the race of the ottomans , thought he could not reign , except the first thing he did , he kill'd all his brethren . ] and elsewhere in the same discourse [ i cannot a little marvel at the philosopher aristotle , that proceeded in such a spirit of difference and contradiction to all antiquity , undertaking not only to frame new words of science at pleasure , but to confound and extinguish all the antient wisdom , insomuch that he never names any antient author , but to confute or reprove him ] consonant whereunto are the observations of patricius that he carpes at the antients by name in more than 250 places , and without name in more than 1000. he reprehends 46 philosophers of worth , besides poets and rhetoricians , and most of all spent his spleen upon his excellent and venerable master plato , whom in above 60 places by name he hath contradicted . and as plato opposed all the sophisters , and but two philosophers , viz. anaxagoras and heraclitus ; so aristotle that he might be opposite to him in , this also , oppos'd all the philosophers , and but two sophisters viz. protagoras and gorgias . yea , and not only assaulted them with his arguments , but persecuted them by his reproaches , calling the philosophy of empedocles , and all the antients stuttering ; xenocrates , and melissus , rusticks ; anaxagoras , simple and inconsiderate ; yea , and all of them in an heap , as patricius testifies , gross ignorants , fools and madmen . how fit then think you is it that the world should now be obliged to so tender and awful a respect to the libeller of the most venerable sages , as that it should be a crime next heresie to endeavour , though never so modestly , to weaken his textuary and usurp'd authority ? and how just think you is your charge of my reflections as a piece of irreverence to antiquity ? when my veneration of the greater antiquity extorted from me those strictures against the proud antagonist of all the ancient and more valuable wisdom ? of whose unworthy and disingenuous usage of the elder philosophers , i 'le present you among many with some particular instances , that most easily offer themselves to my pen and memory . briefly then , he accuses zeno for making god a body , because he call'd him a sphear in a metaphor . he sayes of parmenides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he made hot and cold principles , and yet in two long chapters falls upon him as making all things one . these two principles of parmenides aristotle interprets of fire and earth , when 't is clear enough that the philosophers meant light and darkness . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he says of parmenides and melissus , that they denyed all generation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet in another place , having it seems forgot this charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he accused empedocles for constituting the soul of elements , for which he took occasion from that verse of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when as the elements he means are not corporeal , as aristotle would suggest to force an absurdity on that philosopher , but intellectual ones , as simplicius one of his own interpreters expounds empedocles . he blasphemes anaxagoras's mind in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet after gives excellent attributes to that mind of anaxagoras . he accuses the pythagoreans of making numbers the principles of things ; when as 't is evident that numbers were intended by pythagoras , but as symbolical representations of them , which serv'd him but for the same purposes the hieroglyphicks did the aegyptians , from whom that sage had his method of philosophy ; as philoponus himself confessingly affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but of all the philosophers he quarrel'd with , there was none he pursued with so much gall and animosity , as his incomparable master plato , whom he not only insolently opposed and ingratefully thrust out of his school while he lived , but with a severe pen persecuted his very ashes , and followed him with injuries beyond the grave . and all for no other reason , but because that venerable old man reproved his evil life , and preferr'd the better deserving speucippus , xenocrates , and amyclas before him . the particular instances of those ungrateful abuses are too numerous to be insisted on ; therefore i shall only pitch my observation on plato's doctrine of idea's which aristotle in all his books inveigh's against , and hath render'd ridiculous among his credulous sectators . concerning which you may please to take notice , that this opinion was not originally plato's , though aristotle charge him as the author , but was the doctrine of the pythagoreans , aegyptians and chaldaeans . we have it in timaeus locrus the pythagorean , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and before him trismegistus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but originally this doctrine of idea's was chaldaean , for which i offer you the ensuing testimonies which will also clear the antient sense and nature of those idea's . we have them then in the oracles of zoroaster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and these idea's , by which we may understand their natures , he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . briefly then , the chaldaeans by their idea's understood the forms of things as they were in their archetypa mente , which answers to the eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the christian trinity . they called them also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they were in this primaeval mind . in the soul of the world they call'd them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in nature , they were seeds ; and in matter , forms . thus therefore ; in the seeds of all things there is heat ; in that , spirit ; in this , nature which depends on the universal soul , and that on god , in whom 't is jynx or idea . this was the chaldaean notion of idea's , and this was the platonical ; which how unlike it is the chimaera of universal abstract notions , aristotle and his peripateticks falsly affix upon the divine philosopher , is of easie apprehension . so that aristotle in his impugnation of the platonical idea's , fights against notions of his own creating , and no assertions of his venerable master . and i must confess the reverence i have for that excellent sage and his philosophy , lessens my esteem of aristotle , and his . which i cannot without some regret behold so sacred in christendom , while the incomparable prince of philosophers with his divine theories seems to be neglected and forgotten ; especially since this latter is so consonant in his dogmata to the principles of christianity , and the other so opposite to most the articles of our belief in his . of which patricius has presented the world with a large catalogue of instances , and i 'le offer you a few of them . plato affirms god to be one ; aristotle make's one first mover , but 56 other gods movers of the orbs. plato own 's god under the notion of the father ; which aristotle no where acknowledges . plato , that god is the supreme wisdom ; aristotle , that he is ignorant of particulars . plato , that god is omnipotent ; aristotle , that he can do nothing , but move the heavens . plato , that god made the world ; aristotle , that the world is uncreated , and eternal . plato , that god made the world of nothing ; aristotle , that of nothing is made nothing . plato that god is free from all body ; aristotle , that he 's tyed to the first orb. plato , that providence is over all things ; aristotle , that 't is confin'd to the heavens . plato , that god governs the universe ; aristotle , not god , but nature , chance , and fortune . plato , that god created the soul ; aristotle , that 't is the act of the body . plato , that the happiness of a man is in his likeness to god ; aristotle , that a man is happy in the goods of fortune . plato , there will come one that shall teach us to pray , a prophecy of our saviour . aristotle , prayers are in vain , because god knows not particulars . plato , that after death good men shall enjoy god. aristotle , no pleasure after this life . plato , the souls of the wicked shall be punish't after death ; aristotle , they shall perish with the body , and suffer nothing . plato , the dead shall rise . aristotle , à privatione ad habitum . plato that the soul and body of the wicked shall be punish't in hell. aristotle knew no such matter . these are some instances among many , of the divine temper of the platonical philosophy , and the impiety of the aristotelian ; for a further account of which i referre you to the fore-mentioned learned author . so that i doubt not , but when you have duly consider'd the matter , you 'l judge those reflections the effects of a laudable zeal for antiquity , and what is more sacred , truth . to which i adde ( 5. ) that the aristotelian was not the antient philosophy , but the corpuscularian and atomical , which to the great hinderance of science lay long buryed in neglect and oblivion , but hath in these latter ages been again restored to the light and it 's deserv'd repute and value . and that the atomical hypothesis was the first and most antient , of which there is any memory in physiology , is notoriously known to all , that know the age of democritus ; who was one of those four sages that brought the learning of the aegyptians among the grecians ; orpheus bringing in theology ; thales the mathematicks ; our democritus , natural philosophy ; and pythagoras all three , with the moral . now the learning of the aegyptians came from the chaldaeans , and was convey'd to them , as some learned men affirm , by abraham , who was of kin to zoroaster the great chaldaean legislatour and philosopher ; which zoroaster lived 290 years after the flood , and as pliny saith , was the schollar of azonaces , whom antiquáries affirm to have been of the schoole of sem and heber . the atomical philosophy then coming from the aegyptians to the grecians , and from the chaldaeans to them ; is without doubt of the most venerable antiquity ; and the aristotelian a very novelty in compare with that grey hypothesis : at the best , a degeneracy and corruption of the most antient wisdom . yea , and 't is the complaint of several learned men , which whoever knows any thing of aristotles sectators will justifie , that the modern peripateticks have as farr receded from his sense , as from the truth of things . for it hath been the fashion of his interpreters both greeks , latins , and arabians , to form whole doctrines from catches and scraps of sentences , without attending to the analogy and main scope of his writings . from which method of interpretation hath proceeded a spurious medly of nice , spinose and useless notions , that is but little of kin to aristotle or nature . so that whatever of genuine aristotelian is in those works that bare his name ; there 's little of aristotle in his schools . and 't is no indignity to antiquity or the stagyrite , to oppose the corruption and abuse of both . and to endeavour to restore the antients to their just estimation , which hath been usurp't from them by a modern and spurious learning . and though i grudge not aristotles esteem while it is not prejudicial to the respect we owe his betters ; yet i regret that excessive and undue veneration which fondly sets him so much above all the more valuable antients . and i 'le propose it to your judgment ( 6. ) whether 't was likely that aristotle was so farr beyond other philosophers in his intellectuals , as these latter ages have presumed , when he came so farr short of most of them in his morals ? i believe there 's a near connection between truth and goodness , and there 's a taste in the soul whereby it relisheth truth , as the palate meats ; which sence and gusto vice depraves and vi●iates . so that though witt may make the vicious , cunning sophisters , and subtile atheists , yet i doubt seldom the best and most exercised philosophers . now what the ancients have related of aristotle's manners , i 'le present you in an instance or two , and dismiss this displeasing subject . suidas then accuseth him of sodomy with hermias , aeschriones , palephatus , and abydenus ; st. jerome of drunkenness : lycus and aristocles , two of his own disciples , charge him with avarice : aelian of cavelling , loquacity , scoffing , and ingratitude ; of which last , there are two notorious instances in his usage of alexander and plato . how he used his venerable master , i have already noted . and what return he made to the kindnesses of his glorious schollar , you may see in these few words from arrian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to sum up much in one , timaeus the historian in suidas gives this account of him , that he was forward , impudent , saucy , unwise , indocile , and hatefully glutinous , or in the words of suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but to conclude these ungrateful remarques , plutarch makes him a traytor to alexander ; and eusebius to his countrey . and being at last banisht for his impiety , he made himself away by poyson , according to the testimony of laertius . thus then you see an ill character of aristotle's manners from disinteressed authorities ; on consideration of which , 't is to me matter of some wonder , that the memory of the vitious should be so blessed , and his authority so irreproveable . unto all which may be added . ( lastly ) that there is less reason that aristotle should be valued beyond all others that have had a name for wisdom , if we consider , that he borrowed almost all he writ from the more antient philosophers , though he had not the ingenuity and gratitude to acknowledge it : particularly from architas and ocellus , transcribing them word for word in many places , especially the latter ; and yet never as much as mention'd him in all his writings . and i think you ascribe more to aristotle then is his due when you call him the inventour of sciences ; for we owe that honour to others of the antients ; particularly to zeno the invention of logick , and of rhetorick to empedocles , according to his own testimony in laertius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of zeno ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . perictione a pythagorean woman writ metaphysicks ▪ before aristotle . stobaeus in his morals hath a fragment of her book de sapientia , of which she declares the subject in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides whom plato , parmenides , xenophanes , pythagoras , the aegyptians , trismegistus , and before all , the chaldeans writ of this science , long before aristotle was extant . and , democritus brought natural philosophy , as did pythagoras the moral , from the aegyptians , before the stagyritè was an infant . and for the mathematicks , they were studied in aegypt , before he was born in greece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is his own confession . thus then you see sir , we are not so much beholden to aristotle , as most men have presumed . and perhaps by this time you may be convinc't that we have no reason so passionately to revere his authority . but whither you are , or not , i am not much concerned , being willing to leave all men to the liberty of their own sentiments . it sufficeth for my purpose , that i have given you some of the grounds of my dissatisfactions in aristotle and his hypotheseis . if you are convinced , at the bar of your judgment , i am justified ; if you are not , your dissent i presume is rational , and when i have seen your reasons , i shall either be more disposed to your apprehensions , or be more confirm'd in the justice and reasonableness of mine own . to which i 'le add no more , but my desires of your pardon of this voluminous trouble , and acceptance of the affectionate regards of sir , your humble servant j. g. finis . reflections upon the conduct of human life with reference to the study of learning and knowledge : in a letter to the excellent lady, the lady masham / by john norris ... ; to which is annex'd a visitation sermon, by the same author. norris, john, 1657-1711. 1690 approx. 198 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52433 wing n1267 wing n1270_partial estc r15880 12951607 ocm 12951607 95935 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52433) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95935) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 363:14) reflections upon the conduct of human life with reference to the study of learning and knowledge : in a letter to the excellent lady, the lady masham / by john norris ... ; to which is annex'd a visitation sermon, by the same author. norris, john, 1657-1711. masham, damaris, lady, 1658-1708. norris, john, 1657-1711. sermon preach'd in the abby church of bath ... july 30, 1689. [7], 196, [3] p. printed for s. manship ..., london : 1690. "a sermon preach'd in the abby church of bath" has special t.p., with imprint: london, 1690. advertisement: [3] p. at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -sermons. knowledge, theory of (religion) -early works to 1800. sermons, english -17th century. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licens'd , november 1. 1689. reflections upon the conduct of human life : with reference to the study of learning and knowledge . in a letter to the excellent lady , the lady masham . by iohn norris , m. a. rector of newton st. loe , in somersetshire , near bath ; and late fellow of all souls college in oxford . to which is annex'd , a visitation sermon , by the same author . london , printed for s. manship , at the black bull in cornhil . m dc xc . madam , the affliction your ladyship is under for the loss of your sight is so great , and your complaints upon that occasion so just , that i can neither blame you for the one , nor excuse my self from pittying you for the other . and indeed since you have been so unhappy as to be deprived of the use of your eyes , i think i owe your ladyship so much compassion , that i cannot better employ mine , than in writing you such a consolation , as the opportunity of my new retirement , with the serious reflections i have lately made in it , will suggest . and that i believe will be such , as is more peculiarly adapted to the circumstance of your trouble , which tho occasion'd by a common accident , yet , i find , proceeds upon an uncommon principle . for tho 't is to be presumed that , notwithstanding your great contempt of the world , it must be a considerable part of your affliction to lose the sight of some delectable objects in it , since the wisest of men ( from whom your ladyship cannot much dissent ) after a censure of vanity past upon all things under heaven , is yet forc'd to confess that truly the light is sweet , and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to behold the sun ; yet i perceive the chief reason why your ladyship is so concern'd for the loss of your sight , is because you are thereby deprived of conversation with your books , and consequently retarded in your earnest pursuit after learning and knowledge . 't is upon this hinge i know that the main weight of your sorrow turns , and therefore you will not want a specific proper for your malady , if you should chance to be convinced that our learning is generally misplaced , and that such an importunate pursuit after learning and knowledge is no way agreeable to the present station and condition of man. for certainly you will no longer lament the loss of your eyes , for disabling you from doing that , which perhaps would not be adviseable for you to do , if you had them again . if therefore you once come to be convinc'd of this , one main ground of your discontent is removed ; and that you may , is the design of the following reflections . the first reflection . wherein the general conduct of human life is tax'd , for placing learning and knowledge , in such things as are little or nothing perfective of the understanding . i. being naturally more than ordinarily disposed to thoughtfulness , and from the circumstances of my present solitude and retirement further invited to it ; i began one day to fall into a deep meditation upon the conduct of my own , and of humane life . what reflections i made upon my own , are too peculiarly calculated for my proper circumstances , to be of any general use , and therefore i shall not trouble you with them . but as for those past upon the conduct of humane life , i think they are of too general use , and withal of too weighty consequence , not to be communicated . these therefore i shall think worth while to draw up into a little more orderly form than wherein they were first conceived , and present to your ladyships consideration . ii. first then i consider that the conduct of human life must be to the end of human life , which is the same with the end of man , which is happiness . this conduct therefore must be and and necessarily is , in gross to happiness . but now whereas there are two faculties or powers of man , by the right ordering of which this happiness is to be attain'd , vnderstanding and will , therefore more immediately and distinctly , this conduct of human life is in order to the government and exercise of these two faculties , the due regulation of which is the immediate end , to which human life is to be conducted . there is therefore a double conduct of human life , intellectual and moral . iii. as to the moral conduct of human life , i do not intend at present to spend any reflections upon it . not because 't is unexceptionable , but because 't is too obnoxious , the general impertinence and irregularity of it being too open and exposed , to need any . and besides 't is a butt , that has been shot at so often , ever since preaching and writing has been in the world , that 't is now so thick-set with holes , that there is scarce room left to fasten a new arrow in it . 2. the undue and irregular method of prosecuting what is really perfective of it . 3. the too importunate and over-earnest pursuit after knowledge in general . these are the three cardinal irregularities , i have observ'd in the intellectual conduct of human life , and upon each of these i shall bestow a reflection . vii . the business of this first reflection shall be to tax the general conduct of human life , for placing learning and knowledge , in such things as are little or nothing perfective of the understanding . this i confess to be a charge of more than ordinary severity and boldness ; because it fastens an imputation of folly upon the learned order ( for with them only is my present concern ) and not only so , but also in that very thing wherein they think their wisdom and intellectual accomplishment consists , and upon which they value themselves above the rest of mankind . to question their conduct in any thing else , would be but a trivial charge , and such as they would not only readily pardon , but acknowledge ; it being a common thing with learned men not only to own , but studiously to affect ignorance in things besides their profession , as in secular business , the common affairs of life , the mysteries of trades and the like . but to censure them as defective in that one thing they pretend to , to make that their blind-side where they think they see clearest ; to maintain that they are not only not really wise and knowing , but that generally they don't so much as know what true knowledge is , and that they generally place it in such things as contribute little or nothing to the perfection of that , whereby they really excel the brutes , and would be thought to excel the common sort of men ; this is so high , and so disobliging a charge , that i fear those who from the force of what shall be here urg'd , may be convinc'd of the truth of it , will hardly forgive the boldness of it . viii . but as high a charge as it is , i question not but that it may be , and will be here made good . and that it may appear to be true , we will first of all by way of address or preparation , consider what antecedent grounds of probability there are , that men should generally place learning and knowledge in such things as are little or nothing perfective of the rational part ; and then in the second place we will proceed directly to prove that they do so . ix . as to the first , your ladyship cannot be so little acquainted either with hidden springs , or outward workings of humane nature , as not to have observ'd that however strong and uuiversal is the desire of knowledge , yet men are generally more in love with the fame and reputation of it , than with the thing it self . there are indeed here and there a few humble retired souls that are otherwise disposed , and like your ladyship are so far from loving the fame and credit of knowledge before knowledge it self , that they don't love it at all , but are content to court wisdom privately , and enjoy their own light in the dark . for it may be they consider that be their attainments what they will , fame is a thing of infinite uncertainty and contingency , that it depends more upon the humours of men , or some more secret unaccountable fate , than upon real excellency and merit , that some have the luck to be popular and cry'd up for nothing , when in the mean while others that are really and highly deserving can scarce keep their heads above contempt ; that the world is seldom just to true merit , and that nothing is weigh'd in a falser ballance than real excellency , whether moral or intellectual ; and that there is little reason to expect it should ever be otherwise as long as envy and ignorance hold the scales . then again it may be they consider with themselves , that suppose true worth were secure of reputation , yet what a poor slender good is it ! for what is it to be talk'd of , or pointed at ? should a man be never so popular the antipodes will never hear of him , or if they do , what is he the better for what is said of him there ? and should his fame , like the sun , travael round the whole globe , besides that he is but master of a point when he has all , he can enjoy no more of it but just what he hears , which is inconsiderable . and yet as inconsiderable as it is , 't is like to be his whole portion . for as for posthumous glory , it comes too late to be any thing valuable . he will either not be sensible of it , or despise it . for certainly it must needs be mightily beneath the improvements of a separate state to put any value upon the injudicious praises of poor mortals here below . or suppose that a deceas'd spirit could take any delight in reflecting upon the fame he has left behind him , yet 't is to be considered that the fashion of this world passes away , that those in whose praises he outlives himself , must also shortly dye , and that then his fame will have a funeral , as well as himself . these perhaps , or such like considerations , may prevail with your ladyship and a few more thinking persons , to have but a very cold and indifferent regard for the reputation of learning and knowledge : but as for the generality of mankind it must be own'd that they are fond of it to a strange degree , and are more concern'd to be accounted wise and learned , than really to be so . otherwise i question whether our libraries would be so full as they are . x. but now , tho the generality of men be so passionately and keenly set upon the fame of being learned and knowing , yet ( so little hath nature design'd to gratify this ambitious humour ) there are but a very few that have either a genius and inclination for learning it self , or a capacity of attaining to it . not an inclination , because there is a great variety in the speculative , as well as moral inclinations of men , one being naturally disposed to this sort of study , and another to that , whereas true knowledge whatever it be ( which shall be consider'd in its due place ) is of one determinate kind or nature in general , and consequently must require a certain peculiar frame and disposition of mind . not a capacity , because the generality of men are known to have but indifferent intellectuals , suited to the exigencies of common life , when as true knowledge ( what ever it be ) must be supposed to be a thing of uncommon difficulty , and the study of it a work fit only for sublimer wits , the more elevated and awaken'd part of mankind . xi . now put these two things together , that almost all men would fain be thought learned and knowing , and that there is but here and there one that is naturally made and fitted for true knowledge , and then consider what is like to be the result of this complication . why , the latter few may succeed well in the search of what they were naturally qualified for , and having attain'd to a competency of true knowledge , such as is perfective of the understanding , they find themselves under no temptation to place it in any thing else , or to bring into credit any other sort of knowledge . because having arrived so far , they are either wise enough to undervalue the fame of being learned , or else despair not of attaining it by their proficiency in true knowledge . here therefore they take up their rest . xii . but now what shall we do with the others ? are they to be perswaded that they are not of a make for the study and attainment of learning ? you 'll find it tough work to convince them of that . but suppose it possible that they could be made sensible that they are not like to commence very learned and knowing , yet all the world shall never be able to perswade them to lay aside that natural itch of being so accounted . but you 'll say , tho this inclination be too natural and inbred to be quite laid aside , yet there 's hopes it may be govern'd . no nor that neither . they must put in for the prize , and 't is in vain to disswade them from it . but they must despair of ever winning it in a fair way , being supposed not able to reach the tree of knowledge . true. they have therefore but one way left , and that is , to turn the tables , and cry up something or other for learning which they are capable of . no matter whether it deserve that name , that is , whether it be really perfective of the rational part or no , 't is enough if they can reach it . for those that can't compass true riches , and yet will have the name and credit of it , are put upon the necessity of coyning and counterfeiting . xiii . and truly this supposition seems to me so very reasonable , that were experience altogether silent in the case , and were i utterly unacquainted with the state of learning in the world , yet if i had a draught given me of human nature , and were told how much the ambition of being esteem'd as learned and knowing exceeds both the desire and the ability to be so , and were then ask'd what i thought would be the intellectual conduct of human life , i should without any further enquiry conclude that in all probability men would generally place learning and knowledge in such things as signifie little or nothing to the perfection of the understanding . xiv . but from grounds of probability that they should do so , let us proceed to prove directly that they do so . now in this charge there is something supposed , and something asserted . the supposition is that there are some things , the knowledge of which is little or nothing perfective of the understanding . the assertion is , that learning is generally placed in the knowledge of such things . the proof of the supposition will ingage my pen upon the discussion of a very gurious and weighty question , wherein the perfection of the understanding does consist , or what it is that is perfective of the understanding ? which when we have duly fix'd and stated , we shall then have a certain measure to go by in the proof of the assertion . xv. to the question then i answer , that the perfection of the understanding , as that of the will , is either formal or objective . the formal perfection of the understanding , as that of the will , is no other than its exercise or operation , which is thinking and perception , as that of the other is willing and chusing . according to the vulgar maxim , that the perfection of every thing is its operation , which must be understood only of the formal perfection . the objective perfection of the understanding is truth , as that of the will is good. the result of these two perfections joyn'd together , is what in the understanding we call knowledge , and what in the will we call vertue . xvi . our concern is not at present with the formal , but with the objective perfection of the understanding . this we have said in general to be truth , as that of the will is good. and thus far there is neither difficulty , nor controversie . all therefore that further remains to be here considerd , is , what truth that is which is the objective perfection of the understanding , or , what truth that is , in the knowledge of which the perfection of the understanding does consist , xvii . now since there is so great a proportion and correspondence between the understanding and the will , and the perfection of each , the first entrance we shall make upon the resolution of this question shall be to consider , what good that is which is the objective perfection of the will , or , what good that is in the desiring and embracing of which the perfection of the will does consist . which being determin'd , will afford at least a fair ground and occasion , tho not an infallible measure for the determination of the other . xviii . here then 't will be necessary to premise a consideration of the kinds of good . the most general distribution of which i conceive to be into these two , necessary and contingent good . by necessary good i understand that which cannot but be good , that which is always and immutably good . and this comprizes under it the good of the end which is desireable for it self , commonly called pleasant good . and the good of the means , which has an immutable connexion with it , and is desirable for the other , commonly call'd profitable good. by contingent good i understand that which may , or may not be good , and is good , whenever it is so , only upon a positive account , because enjoyn'd by the will of a competent authority . this can never be the good of the end , or a self-desirable good ; nor can it be such a good of the means as has a natural and immutable connexion with it ; but is always an arbitrary and mutable means . xix . this being briefly premised , i shall venture to assert that that good which is the objective perfection of the will is necessary good. either that which is self-desirable , as god the universal , or any other particular pleasant good . or else that which has an immutable connexion with it , as moral good . as for contingent good , that is no otherwise perfective of the will , than in the force and vertue of the necessary good . for obedience to a positive law is no otherwise a vertue , than as 't is included in some general natural law , whereof 't is a contingent instance . which is also the ground commonly assign'd by casuists , why human laws oblige in conscience . according to that of aquinas , lex humana obligat in conscientia , quatenus participat legem aeternam & naturalem . an human law obliges in conscience as much as it partakes of the eternal and natural law. that is , as far as it is founded , or relies upon the immutable will of god and the dictate of natural reason . xx. this is too plain to need much proof , though not so plain but that it may be demonstrated . if then a reason be demanded why the objective perfection of the will is only necessary , not contingent good , 't will be sufficient to say , that that only is perfective of the will , which naturally , and of it self , makes it happy , and wherein she can acquiesce with satisfaction and delight . but this is only necessary good , that which is essentially , intrinsically , and immutably good , either as the end , or as having a natural connexion with it , either of which involves happiness . as for contingent good , that is supposed to be of it self indifferent as to happiness , and tho by positive ordination it may be made a condition of it , yet still it contributes to it only as an arbitrary means , which has no inward goodness in it self , and whose whole moral excellency is deriv'd from some general law of reason , whereof 't is an instance by accident , and in vertue whereof it obliges . thus moses's striking the rock , had nothing morally good or perfective of the will in it , but only as 't was an instance of that general law of obeying the divine will in all things . nor did the vertue of moses consist , properly and strictly speaking , in striking the rock , but in obeying god by striking the rock . xxi . by this it appears what good that is , in the desiring and embracing of which the moral perfection of the will does properly and ultimately consist . that it is necessary , not contingent good . whence we may take instruction how to state the perfection of the understanding , which we shall do by following the same common measure . first then be it here also premised , that as in relation to the will , all good is either necessary or contingent , so in relation to the understanding , all truth is either necessary or contingent . for besides the immediateness of the opposition , which is contradictory , i further consider , that that must be the adaequate division of truth which is of being , truth being a property of being , and such a one , as tho formally and abstractly different ( for the subject must never be included in the precise reason of the property ) is yet materially , and concretely the same with it . but now necessary and contingent is the adequate division of being , therefore also of truth . xxii . by necessary truth i understand that which cannot but be true , that which is always and immutably true. such is god among simple truths , who is immutably what he is , and all the divine ideas which ( as i have elsewhere abundantly explain'd it ) are the very essence of god , as variously imitable or participable , thus or thus . such also among complex truths are all propositions of eternal truth , whether absolute or hypothetical , with all their regular inferences and conclusions , which ( as i have also elsewhere shewn ) are nothing else but the divine ideas themselves as they respect each other according to their several immutable habitudes and combinations . xxiii . by contingent truth i understand that which may or may not be true , that whose truth depends not upon the essence of god. ( that ground and pillar of all necessary truth ) but only upon his meer will and free pleasure , either decreeing or permitting . such among simple truths are all created beings , the whole ectypal world , and all things in it , which tho made according to the eternal and immutable patterns of the divine ideas or archetypal world , yet in themselves are temporary and mutable . such also among complex truths are all those propositions the terms of which have no essential or immutable connexion with each other , but are so and so combined and related , meerly by the decree or permission of him , who is the author of whatever is besides himself . xxiv . under the first order of truths are comprehended all those things which are the matter of those arts and sciences which are built upon stable and immoveable foundations , which depend not upon the system of the present world , but were antecedent to it , and might have been study'd before 't was made , and according to which the world it self was made , such as theology , metaphysics , morality , geometry , &c. together with all those unchangeable rules and measures of reason and consequence which are to be used about them all , which is the subject of that art or science we call logic. under the second order are comprehended all matters of fact , all temporary events , all natural or artificial effects , &c. which are the matter of all arbitrary and mutable sciences ; as history , chronology , knowledge of tongues , &c. which began with this mundan system , and stand or fall with it . xxv . now as that good which is primely and properly perfective of the will is necessary good , so following the same proportion i shall not doubt to assert , that that truth which is primely and properly perfective of the understanding is also necessary truth . and as contingent good is no otherwise perfective of the will , than in the force and vertue of the necessary good ( as was above explain'd ) so likewise contingent truth , is no otherwise perfective of the understanding than in the force and vertue of necessary truth , that is , of the divine ideas wherein 't is contain'd . as for example , when i speculate some particular artificial triangle which is a contingent simple truth , it is no otherwise perfective of my understanding than as it is beheld in its necessary and immutable nature , or ( which is all one ) in the divine idea . and thus again when i form a proposition concerning this triangle , by ascribing to it some property or other , which is a contingent complex truth , this again is no otherwise perfective of my understanding than as it belongs to , and is beheld in the nature of a triangle in common , which is necessary and immutable , being no other than an idea , or a determinate mode of the divine omniformity . so that at length the perfection of the understanding is resolv'd into the knowledge of necessary truth , which is its only objective perfection ; that which is contingent being no way perfective of it , but only in vertue of the other . xxvi . i am ( madam ) very sensible how strange and paradoxical this way of philosophizing will seem to those who are either unaddicted to meditation in general , or not conversant in theories of this kind , and therefore for their sakes , rather than for any inevidence of the argument , i will give some proof and confirmation of it , which i will so order , that it shall be an explanation at the same time . i will therefore first shew that 't is so , and secondly , how and why 't is so . that it is so i prove thus : first , i suppose that god was once when there was nothing besides god. again , i suppose that as the being of god did go before all other being in order of time , so in order of nature it was antecedent even to the will of creating , putting , or permitting any thing . again , i suppose that there was therefore then no other truth but necessary truth , that is , the divine ideas with their several habitudes and complications . i suppose again , that therefore god must be consider'd as knowing then only these necessary truths . and yet i suppose again , that god was as perfect then as he is now ; and consequently , that the divine vnderstanding was as perfect then as now , the nature of god requiring not only that he should be absolutely perfect , but that he should be so in himself . whence i infer , that therefore the whole perfection of the divine understanding is to be resolv'd into the sole knowledge of necessary truths , and that the knowledge of contingent truth gives no perfection to it , any otherwise than as 't is beheld in that which is necessary , as was said before . xxvii . from this process of reasoning , i presume 't is sufficiently evident , that the objective perfection of the divine vnderstanding is only necessary truth , which i take in the first place to be a strong ground of presumption , that the perfection of human vnderstanding does also consist in the same . but to make it further plain that it does so , i suppose again , that nothing were to exist but only god , and one intelligent being ; and that this intelligent being had the full and perfect fruition of god. upon this supposition i enquire , whether this intelligent being would be perfectly happy or no ? without all question he would , as enjoying an all-sufficient good. well , if so , then he must be perfectly happy in his vnderstanding . and yet 't is most certain , that he could then have the knowledge of very little more than necessary truth ; for all that he could possibly know besides , would be only that he himself did exist , and that he knew these necessary truths , and that he was happy in the knowledge of them , and the like . and lest the knowledge of such contingencies should be thought any accumulation to his happiness , we will carry our hypothesis a little further , by supposing that this intelligent being were not to attend to any of his own perfections , or to any of those few contingent truths resulting from them , but were only to contemplate god and the divine ideas ; and then i demand whether his understanding would be sufficiently perfected or no ? 't is necessary to answer in the affirmative , whence 't is also as necessary to conclude , that the only objective perfection of our understanding is necessary truth . xxviii . this i think sufficient to prove that 't is so . i shall now briefly explain the mode of it , by shewing how and why 't is so ; and i account for it after this manner . necessary truth is the same with the divine ideas ; and accordingly plato , i remember , calls science a participation of ideas , and the divine ideas are the very essence of god , as 't is variously imitable according to its omniformity : necessary truth therefore is no other than the essence of god , the very substance of the divinity . more particularly , it is the same with the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second person in the holy triad , who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as philo speaks , the archetypal seal , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the intellectual world , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the archetypal paradigme , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the idea of ideas . whom also the scripture represents as the wisdom of his father , and as the light of the world , and who inlightens every man that comes into it , not only efficiently ( as 't is vulgarly understood ) but also formally , he himself being the truth , and the light , in which we see all things . xxix . these things ( madam ) i only hint to you , referring you for further satisfaction to your deservedly admired monsieur malebranche in his de la recherche de la verité , and to a treatise of mine call'd reason and religion ; where i have purposely treated of the divine ideas , and of our seeing all things in them : in which however whatever is deficient shall be supplied in another latin treatise of a larger compass , now under my hands , and which i shall communicate to the world e're long ( if god please to continue my life and health ) under the title of theoria mundi idealis , sive metaphysica platonica . xxx . however , lest i should be thought to proceed upon a precarious ground , i will here give you one short and evident demonstration that necessary truth is the very essence of god , and then advance . that god is the cause of whatever is besides himself , or that whatever is , is either god or the effect of god , is a clear and acknowledg'd principle . upon which i thus argue : necessary truth is either god , or the effect of god. but it is not the effect of god , therefore it is no other than god himself . xxxi . that it is not the effect of god , is evident from the many absurdities that would follow upon that supposition . for first , god would be then a necessary agent ; for if necessary truth be an effect , 't is a necessary effect , and a necessary effect must have a necessary cause . again , god would not only be a necessary agent , but also ( which is worse ) an vnintelligent agent . the consequence is unavoidable , for if truth be the effect of god , then antecedently to the effecting of it , there was no truth , and consequently no knowledge . again , if necessary truth be the effect of god , then the perfection of the divine understanding must be supposed to depend upon something that is not god ; nay , upon something created by god. 't will follow again , that god has made something which he cannot destroy . and lastly , to add no more , if necessary truth be the effect of god , then there will be something necessary , immutable , and eternal , &c. besides god. the consequences are all plain , and so are the absurdities . the last of which appeared so great to the excellent monsieur poiret , a stiff opposer of your beloved malebranche , and of the ideal philosophy , that he urges this as one argument against the very being of necessary truth , because then there would be something necessary besides god , not considering that this necessary truth is really one and the same with god himself . and this alone puts by the force of his argument against the being of necessary truth , which however is sufficiently conclusive to the purpose we now aim at , that necessary truth is not the effect of god. for if it were , then his absurdity would come in , and there would be something necessary besides god. since then necessary truth is not the effect of god , it remains by vertue of the premised disjunction , that it must be no other than the very substance and essence of the deity . xxxii . i further consider , that the essence of god is intimately and immediately united to the mind of man ; this is plain from scripture , which tells us that in god is our life , our motion , and our being . and from philosophy , which assures us , that what pervades all things , must needs be immediately united with every thing . and for this , you have the authority of your excellent malebranche , who therefore calls god the place of spirits , as space is the place of bodies . xxxiii . now upon these two suppositions , that necessary truth is the same with god himself , and that the essence of god is immediately united to the mind of man , 't is easie to conceive how and why necessary truth should be the objective perfection of our understanding ; since to make an object perfective of the faculty , nothing else is requisite , than that it be its proper good , and that it be intimately present to it . and this will also sufficiently give us to understand that contingent truth cannot be the objective perfection of the mind ; first , because that is a created being , whereas god alone is our proper good. and secondly , because 't is without us , and cannot be immediately united to our minds , without which condition , were it never so perfective otherwise , it could contribute nothing to the perfection of our understandings . xxxiv . and thus have i given a full resolution to that curious and important question which the proof of my supposition ingaged me upon , and which is to be the measure of what follows in this reflection . it is plain from hence , that there are some things the knowledge whereof is little or nothing perfective of the understanding . for as i have shewn , 't is not contingent but necessary truth , wherein the perfection of the understanding does consist . whence it follows that true learning ought to be placed in the knowledge of necessary truth , in the comprehension of those arts and sciences whose foundations are not arbitrary , but stable and immutable , and in understanding the eternal and unchangeable laws and measures of reason and consequence . he therefore is the truly learned and knowing man , who has furnish'd his mind with bright and clear ideas , lodg'd them orderly and regularly in his head , and settled the relations and consequences of one to another . he that is able to think clearly and distinctly ( for so much a man knows , as he distinctly understands , and no more ) to judge truly and solidly , and to reason dependently and consequentially . in short , he that sees most of the divine ideas , is most familiarly conversant in the intelligible world , and has the largest and the clearest view of the field of truth . this i hold to be learning , and intellectual perfection , and besides what arguments i have alledged in behalf of this hypothesis ; it is further confirmed by the authority of plato , when he makes the happiness or perfection of man ( for 't is all one ) to consist in the contemplation of ideas . xxxv . but notwithstanding the unquestionable certainty of the premises , this is not that measure which the generality of the world has thought fit to proceed by . learning is generally placed in the knowledge of contingent , not of necessary truth . for your ladyship very well knows that the world does not esteem him a learned man whose learning has clear'd his understanding , who is arrived to clearness and distinctness of conception , and is a thorough master of notion and discourse . no , 't will cost great pains , great labour of mind , and anxiety of thinking to arrive to this pitch . nor will all the pains in the world do , unless a man be naturally made for it , unless he be of a notional complexion , and has had his head cast in a metaphysical mould . whereupon this attainment is like to be the lot of a very few . this therefore must not be learning , but something else must , that lies more within common reach , tho of no real moment to the perfection of the understanding . such ( as i have shewn ) are contingent truths , and yet learning is generally placed in the knowledge of these . xxxvi . for first , 't is reckon'd a notable point of learning to understand variety of languages . this alone gives a man a title to learning without one grain of sense ; and on the other side , let a man be an angel for notion and discourse , yet unless he can express the same thoughts in variety of words , he may go for a rational , but will by no means be esteem'd a learned man. and this brings to my mind a passage which i met with not long since in london , where being in company with an ingenious french man , i ask't him of what repute m. malebranche was with the learned in france ? he told me , that he was look'd upon as a great master of notion and speculation , but as a man of no great learning . i ask'd him , why ? because , said he , he understands but few languages . how much that excellent authors talent may lie that way i am not concern'd . but whatever it be , the most learned of them all must give me leave to say , that i would rather be master of a quarter of his sense , than of all the languages that may be form'd out of the alphabet . but is it not a strange thing that so much stress should be laid upon such a triflle ? for what am i the better for being able to tell what 't is a clock in several languages ? what does this signifie to the perfection of my understanding ? words are purely in order to thought and sense , and therefore are of no further value than as they serve as helps either to learn , or to communicate the other . to affect them therefore for themselves , is to turn the means into the end , than which nothing is more absurd . and yet this vain peice of pedantry has prevail'd all the world over , and with some to that degree , that they have confounded ideas with words , and have made all science to terminate in the latter . thus the philosophers of the nominal way , and particularly mr. hobbs who makes reason to be nothing else but sequela nominum , a well order'd train of words . never certainly was there a grosser peice of idolatry , nor a plainer argument of the great degeneracy of mankind . and tho all the multipliers of tongues are not comprehended under this latter charge , yet it may concern them to consider , how great a folly it must needs be , to place learning in that , which is one of the greatest curses upon earth , and which shall utterly cease in heaven . xxxvii . again , it passes for an extraordinary part of learning to understand history , that is , in other words , to know what a company of silly creatures , call'd men , have been doing for almost this 6000 years . now what is my understanding the perfecter for knowing this ? i deny not but that there are some matters of fact , as the more remarkable turns of ecclesiastical history , together with the greater revolutions of the civil world , that may be of moment to be known , not that the knowledge of them as such is learning , or perfective of the understanding , but because by discovering to us the conduct of divine providence they supply us with occasions of adoring and glorifying the wisdom and goodness of god. i am not therefore against the knowing these things , but only i would not have men think themselves the wiser or more learned for such knowledge . for 't is one thing to say that a thing deserves to be known , and another to say that 't is learning or wisdom to know it . for a thing may deserve to be known , not as perfecting the understanding , but meerly as touching upon our interest . i grant therefore that it may be of consequence to know some historical passages , if we are any way concerned in them , and so it may to know the clock has struck one , if i have appointed an assignation at that time ; but sure the bare naked theory of the clock's having struck one , can add but little to the stock of my intellectual perfection . the most trivial matter of fact in the world is worth knowing , if i have any concern depending upon it ; and the greatest without that is utterly insignificant . so that 't is not from the perfecting of our vnderstanding , but from the relation they have to our interest , that these things deserve to be known . xxxviii . this is sufficiently plain from the measure we have premised , by which no truth is perfective of the understanding but only necessary truth . but to address my self more convincingly to the great magnifiers of history , i shall only desire their answer to this one question . suppose such and such matters of fact , on the knowledge of which they found their title to learning , and perhaps , glory more in the knowing them , than the actors themselves did in the doing them . suppose , i say , such matters of fact had never been done ; suppose fabius had never weather'd out hannibal by delays ; nor cyrus took babylon by draining the river into the ditches , what loss or diminution would this have been to the perfection of their understandings ? they cannot say it would have been any . and why then should the knowing them now they are done , be reckon'd as an intellectual improvement ? and yet we find that 't is so , and that men study these things not only for their use ( for that i allow ) but for their meer theory , placing learning in such history , which has nothing to commend it but only that it tells you such and such things were done . of this impertinent sort is the greatest part of the roman and grecian history , which ( had not the world voted it for learning ) would no more concern a man to know , than that a bird has dropt a feather upon the pyrenoean mountains . xxxix . again , it goes for a notable piece of learning to understand chronology , to be able to adjust the intervals and distances of time , to know when such an action was done , when such a famous man flourish'd , and who and who were contemporary , and the like . now i deny not , but that while men live in this world , they may be concern'd to have some acquaintance with these things , by reason of some interest or other that depends upon it . it may therefore , i say , for some purposes , be convenient to know that . for instance , there is a twofold aera ( or date ) of the victory at actium , the one reckon'd from the fight at the promontory of actium , according to the account of dio and xiphilinus ; the other from the taking of alexandria , and the death of cleopatra , according to ptolemy , iosephus , eusebius , and censorinus . but however , concerning this may be , with respect to its usefulness , yet certainly as to any intellectual perfection that accrues by it , it must needs be a very unedifying stuffage of mind ; and yet 't is counted a great accomplishment and enrichment of it . xl. another thing there is which passes for wonderful learning , which i cannot well reduce either to necessary or contingent truth , for indeed it does not belong to truth at all , and that is our sophistical way of disputation . and indeed it may well be call'd so , for as 't is generally manag'd , 't is nothing but meer quibbling and jesting , not arguing but punning . for suppose the question be , whether he that has faith shall be saved ? no says the opponent , if the damn'd have faith , then not every one that has faith shall be saved ; but the damn'd have faith. therefore , &c here 't is plain that the word faith , tho it has something in common in both propositions , yet according to the intire idea signifies one thing in one proposition , and another in another . and why then is not the whole proceedure to be rejected as idle and impertinent ? as for downright fallacy and equivocation where there is a manifest ambiguity ( as between dog and dog , one signifying a celestial sign , and the other a terrestial animal ) this is every where despised and laught at as unbecoming both the acumen and the gravity of a disputant . and we think we have sufficiently discharged our hands of such an argument , by crying out that these are four terms in the syllogism . but now i would fain know whether it be not the same to all real purposes in the foremention'd instance , which is after the common way of our scholastic disputation ? is not faith and faith there , as much an ambiguity as dog and dog here ? for my part i can perceive but this only difference , that dog and dog have nothing in common but the name , whereas faith and faith have some generical part wherein they agree . but what does this mend the matter ? for tho there be some generical agreement , yet take 'em according to their whole ideas , that is , take the generical part with its contracting difference , and 't is plain that they signifie two different things , and consequently that there is really as great an ambiguity here as there . and this we plainly confess when we come to distinguish . for what is a distinction but a pointing out of an ambiguity ? what is it else but to say , that such a thing is true in this sense , but not in that , true in that sense wherein the point of the question is not concern'd , but not in that wherein it is . no ? why then , notwithstanding the generical agreement the procedure is as fallacious and impertinent as when the question being about star-dog , the opposition is about land-dog . and yet ( such is the inconsistency of human judgment ) the one is counted trifling , and the other serious arguing . whereas indeed no arguing can be so , but where the terms of the question are first defined ( as is done in geometry ) and then always used according to the first stated sense . all disputing any otherwise than so , must necessarily be nothing else but meer punning , only much worse than what is in common use , because 't is punning when a man pretends to be serious . and yet this is made a considerable part of our academical education and learning . and to this i add this further remark , that 't is reckon'd a notable excellence to be able to spin out an argument to a great length , and he is counted the best arguer that can thus pun longest . whereas indeed did a man speak to the purpose , brevity would be his greatest excellence . xli . there are many other things which the unaccountable humour of the world has turn'd up for learning , which ignorance will never be the better for , and which wisdom does not need . thus 't is counted learning to have tumbled over a multitude of books , especially if great ones , and old ones , and obscure ones , but most of all , if manuscripts ; the recovery of one of which is reckon'd so much added to the commonwealth of learning , as they call it . a well-read man signifies the very same as a learned man in most mens dictionaries , and by well-read they dont mean one that has read well , that has clear'd and improv'd his understanding by his reading , but only one that has read a great deal , tho perhaps he has puzzled and confounded his notions by doing so . thus again it goes for learning , to be acquainted with mens opinions , especially of the ancients , to know what this or that philosopher held , what this or that author says , tho perhaps he says nothing but what is either absurd , or obviously true. thus for instance , what can be more absurd than that fancy of empedocles , that there are two semi-circles compassing betwixt them the earth , one whereof was composed of fire , the other of air , and that the former made the day , and the latter night ? and yet to know this is learning . and what again is more obviously true , than that grave doctrine of aristotle , that privation must go before the introduction of the form in all generation ? and yet 't is learning to know that he taught thus , tho it be a thing so plain , and so near the surface , that a child can't miss of it . to know the thing is nothing , because so plain and easie , but to know that aristotle held it , that 's the learning . nay , to instance in a matter of greater difficulty , tho i know very well , and am able to demonstrate the grounds of the atomical philosophy , or the motion of the earth , or the circulation of the blood , yet i shall not be admitted into the order of the learned , unless i am able to tell that moscus the phoenician invented the first , and that democritus and leucippus afterwards improved it , and that the two latter owe their discovery to copernicus and harvey . so much more learned an atchievement is it to know opinions than things ; and accordingly , those are reckon'd the most learned authors , who have given the greatest specimens of this kind of knowledge . thus is picus mirandula more admired for the examination he has made of the doctrine of the pagans , than any of them were for what they deliver'd ; and plutarch has got more credit from the history he gives of their opinions , in the 2d tome of his works , than from any of his rational and moral discourses . and were he not accounted learned for the former , i question whether the latter ( tho far more excellent than they are ) would ever have given him that title . xlii . now ( madam ) what an hard and unreasonable imposition is this , that tho i am able to think and write never so much like an angel my self , yet i must not be accounted a man of learning , unless i can tell what every whimsical writer has said before me ! and how hard will this fall upon those , whose lot is to breathe in the last ages of the world , who must be accountable for all the whims and extravagancies of so many centuries ? and yet this is made so great a part of learning , that the learning of most men lies in books rather than in things ; and among authors , where one writes upon things , there are twenty that writes upon books . nay , some have carried this odd humour on so far , that 't is thought learning to know the very titles of books , and their several editions , with the time and place , when and where they were printed . and i have met with several my self , that have valued themselves not a little upon this mechanical faculty , tho they knew no more of what was in them , than they do of what is written in the rolls of destiny . xliii . from this placing of learning in the knowledge of books , proceeds that ridiculous vanity of multiplying quotations , which is also reckon'd another piece of learning , tho they are used so unseasonably and impertinently , that there can be no other end in them , but only to shew that the author has read such a book . and yet 't is no such convincing evidence of that neither , it being neither new nor difficult , for a man that 's resolv'd upon it , to quote such authors as he never read nor saw. and were it not too odious , as well as obvious a truth , i could name to your ladiship , some of those author-mongers , who yet pass for men of shrewd learning , and vast reading . xliv . these , and many other such things ( for 't were endless to reckon up all ) are by the majority of the world voted for learning , and in these we spend our education , our study , and our time , tho they are all of them contingent truths , that are not perfective of the understanding ( nothing being so but only necessary truths , or the divine ideas , the eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word and wisdom of the father ) and also most of them impertinent and unconcerning ones . so that in short , the charge of this reflection amounts to thus much , that learning is generally placed in the knowledge of such things , which neither the intellectual perfection , nor any other interest of man is concern'd to know . the end of the first reflection . the second reflection . wherein the general conduct of human life is tax'd , for using undue and irregular methods , in prosecuting what is really perfective of the vnderstanding . i. in the preceding reflection , the intellectual conduct of human life was censured for the general misplacing of learning , for placing it in such things as are not perfective of the understanding . in the present reflection supposing it to be free from that fault , we shall consider it as chargeable with another , namely , with an undue and irregular method of prosecuting what is really perfective of it . the first was an errour about the end ; this second is an errour about the means , which are the two hinges upon which all prudence , and all imprudence turns . ii. that the truth of this charge may appear , we must here also propose a measure , whereby we may proceed , as we did in the former reflection . and as there we took upon us to determine what that is which is objectively perfective of the vnderstanding , so we must here consider what is the right method of prosecuting what is so . which being stated will be a measure to us in this , as the other was in the former reflection . iii. i design not here a just and particular treatise concerning the method of study or inquiry after truth , this province being already professedly undertaken , and excellently adorn'd by two as great masters of thinking as ever were , or are like to be in the world , cartesius and malebranche , of both which your ladyship is so much a mistress , that a further undertaking of this kind would be as needless to your better information , as to the argument it self , after the management of it under such excellent hands . however something i must say , it being impossible to shew that wrong methods are used in this grand inquest , but by predefining which is the right . this therefore i shall do , but briefly only , and in general . iv. since therefore that truth which is perfective of the understanding is necessary truth , and since this necessary truth is the same with the divine ideas ( both which being already proved , are here supposed ) following the thred of the same hypothesis , i find it necessary to affirm , that the right and indeed only method of enquiry after that truth which is perfective of the understanding is by consulting the ideal world , where only it is , or the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who says of himself that he is not only the truth , but also the way . v. here i suppose two things , first that this divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ideal world is intimately united with , and presential to the mind . secondly that we see and understand all things in him , that he is our light and our wisdom , the light by which we see , and the light which we see , that he is the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the inward word and substantial conception of our minds , as he is of the father , and that in this sense he inlightens every man that comes into the world. this i need not prove now , because i have done it professedly elsewhere , only i shall pass one necessary remark upon the manner of our being inlighten'd by the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who may be said to inlighten us in a double respect , either fundamentally and potentially by putting us into a capacity of illumination , by his intimate union and presence with us , or else effectually and actually , when we attend to his divine light , which is always present to us , tho we are not so to it . in the former sense he inlightens every man , in the latter only those who duly consult him and attend to him . vi. for i consider , that the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is an inlighteness in the same proportion as he is a redeemer . now he redeems us either by putting us in a salvable and reconcilable state , which is a redemption vniversal incondionate and antecedent , or by actually reconciling and saving us , which depends upon , and is consequent to certain conditions , and is conferr'd only upon those who are qualify'd accordingly . and as his redemption is double , so is his illumination . he inlightens either by putting us in a state or possibility of illumination by being intimately present with us , and surrounding us with his divine ideal light , which is a benefit common to all , or by actually informing our understandings when we apply our selves with due attention to his all-diffused light , which is ever present to us , and to the whole creation , and shineth even in the darkness , tho the darkness comprehend it not . vii . and i was not a little glad to find the grounds of this distinction in the writings of that elevated heathen , hierocles , which i shall give you in the words of my own translation . this bright heathen commenting upon that mystical prayer of pythagoras , o father jupiter , either free all from their manifold evils , or else discover to all what daemon they use , moves this question , since they that know god and themselves are free from mortal passions ; why then are not all freed , since all are sufficiently assisted with the opportunities of this knowledge ? to which he first gives this general answer , because the greatest part of men embrace evil of their own accord , since they neither see nor hear neighbouring good . then a little after he is more particular in his account . since therefore ( says he ) that any thing may be shewn to any one , 't is necessary that the actions of two persons concur ( for how can you shew what you have a mind should be shewn , to a blind man , although you offer it to him a thousand times , or how can you shew to one that sees , if you offer nothing to his sight ) both these must be present , some good proposed by him that shews , and an eye capable of seeing in him to whom it is to be shewn ; so that from a visible object , and a faculty of seeing , may result a manifestation . this being so , let us suppose that all would be freed from evil , if their maker did shew to all the knowledge of his own nature , and what daemon they themselves use . but we find that all are not deliver'd from evil , it follows therefore that he does not make this discovery to all , but to those only who of their own accord endeavour to free themselves from evil , and voluntarily fix their eye upon what is shewn by the intention of contemplation . and again a little after , thus every illumination of god by the concurrence of our vision , becomes a discovery . viii . in all which process , this refined heathen supposes that god is ready on his part to inlighten all men ; nay , that he does inlighten them all so far as to put them in the way , and within the possibility of illumination , which then becomes actual and effectual when they yield due attention to the divine light. he does not indeed descend to so much nicety and particularity as to ascribe this illumination to the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ideal world , but only to god in general , nor does he determine whether god does inlighten us only efficiently , by infusing acts or habits of knowledge ( as is more vulgarly held , than understood , and indeed is no way intelligible ) or formally by being himself the very formal light of our minds , and the immediate object of our knowledge . this i say he does not determine , nor do i cite him to this purpose , having sufficiently explain'd and establisht this theory elsewhere , but only to shew his concurrence with me in this distinction of the double illumination of god. ix . these supposals being premised , first , that that truth which is perfective of the understanding is necessary truth ; then secondly , that this necessary truth is the same with the divine ideas ; then thirdly , that the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ideal world , is intimately united with , and praesential to the mind ; then fourthly , that we see and understand all things in him , and that 't is he that is our inlightner ; and that lastly , tho he inlightens all fundamentally and potentially , yet this illumination is not reduced to act , and made effectual , but by the intervening of some condition on our parts , which is duly to consult and apply our selves to him . from these premises the same conclusion which we touch't on before , necessarily and evidently follows , that the right and only method of enquiry after that truth which is perfective of the understanding , is to consult the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ideal world. for this is the region of truth , and here are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge . this is that great and universal oracle lodged in every man's breast , whereof the antient vrim and thummim was an expressive type or emblem . this is reason , this is conscience , this is truth , this is that light within so darkly talk'd of , by some who have by their aukward , untoward , and vnprincipled way of representing it , discredited one of the noblest theorys in the world. but the thing in it self rightly understood is true , and if any shall yet call it quakerism , or euthusiasm , i shall only make this reply at present , that 't is such quakerism as makes a good part of st. iohn's gospel , and of st. austin's works . but to return , this i say is that divine oracle which we all may , and must consult , if we would inrich our minds with truth , that truth which is perfective of the understanding . and this is the true method of being truly wise . and this is no other method , than what is advised us by this divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the substantial wisdom of god. blessed is the man that heareth me , watching daily at my gates , waiting at the posts of my doors . and again says the same substantial wisdom , who so is simple , let him turn in hither . and again , i am the light of the world , he that follows me , or ( as the word more properly signifies ) he that consorts or keeps company with me , walketh not in darkness . this therefore is via intelligentiae , the way and method of true knowledge , to apply our selves to the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to consult the ideal world. x. thus in general . if now it be further demanded how this is to be done , i answer that there are three ways of doing it , and i can think of no more . the first is by attention . the second is by purity of heart and life . and the third is by prayer . upon each of which i shall bestow some few remarks , such as may rather give hints than full entertainment to your thoughts , because i know your ladyship loves to have something left to work out by your self in your own private meditations . which consideration has made me all along use less prolixity than the quaintness and weightiness of my argument would otherwise justify . xi . the first method assign'd is attention , or application of mind to the intelligible world , the world of truth . this is the same with thinking or speculating , which if intelligibly accounted for , will be found to be nothing else but the conversion of the mind to the ideal world , or omniformity of the divine essence ; which as it is the first , so is it also the directest and most compendicus method of science . for this is to go directly to the spring-head , to the lucid fountain of good , 't is to take hold of essential truth nakedly as it is in it self ( as a very contemplative person expresses it ) 't is to fix the eye of the mind upon the intellectual sun , upon him who is substantial truth , and the light of the world. which must needs be the most ready way to be inlightned . for the more heedfully we attend to the ideal world , the more we shall see and discover of it ; and not only so , but also more clearly distinguish what we do discover . for so a man that casts a short careless glance upon the galaxy , sees only a confused whiteness arising from the numerous mixture of little splendors , but when the same person fixes his eye with steadiness and delay of application , he begins to discern something more distinctly , a new star ever and anon arises under his inspection , not discover'd before , and still the longer and harder he looks , the more he discerns , till at length he has discover'd as much as he can well atttend to at once , and has satiated his faculty with the brightness and multitude of light. the application is as obvious , as the figure is pertinent , and therefore i shall only remark this one thing more upon this part , that this was the method of the first inventors of arts and sciences , who made their way into the coasts of learning by meer dint of thinking ; and further , that this is the very method that has been used by the greatest improvers of them ever since , such as bacon , boyle , descartes , galileus , harvey , mersennus , digby , malebranche , poiret , and ( whom i name with particular honour and reverence ) our excellent friend dr. more . all these must be allow'd , and i think are to be great improvers of learning , and that 't was by this method they did it . and i dare prophesie , that if ever any extraordinary advancement be for the future made in the world , 't will be done by thinking . xii . this as to thinking in general . but now as to the order of thinking , if your ladiship can be supposed to need any instruction about it , i cannot recommend you to a better tutor than your friend m. malebranche , in his second part of his sixth book of inquiry after truth , where he purposely describes the method of thinking , which you may remember he reduces to these few following laws . xiii . the first law is , that evidence be maintain'd in our reasonings . from this principle depends this general law concerning the matter of our studies , that we ought not to reason but only of those things whereof we have clear ideas , and by necessary consequence , that we ought always to begin with the most simple and easie things , and also to dwell long upon them , before we advance to the inquisition of things more complex and difficult . xiv . upon the same general principle , depend the laws concerning the manner whereby we are to proceed in the solution of questions . the first of which laws is this , that the state of the question to be solved is to be most distinctly conceived . besides , the ideas of the terms ought to be distinct that they may be compared with one another , and that the relations which are sought for may be known . xv. but when the relations of things to one another cannot be known by immediately comparing them , then the second law is , that we should employ our thoughts to find out one or more middle ideas , which we may use as a common measure to know by their help the relations that are between those things . and withal he advises that we should study to have those ideas clear and distinct , proportionably to the accuracy and numerousness of those relations which we endeavour to deprehend . xvi . but when the questions are difficult and require a long examination , then the third law is , that from the matter in hand all those things should be removed whose examination is not necessary to the discovery of the sought for truth . because the capacity of the mind is not to be without reason divided , but all its force is to be imploy'd about those things from which it may perceive light. and all those things which can be removed , and which being remov'd , the question remains intire ; they are the things that do not belong to the question . xvii . when the question is included within a few terms , then the fourth rule is , that the matter of our meditation is to be divided by parts , and those parts to be handled singly according to their natural order , by beginning with the more simple , that is , with those which include fewest relations . and that we should not pass on to the more complex , till the more simple be distinctly known , and render'd familiar . xviii . when by meditation these things become familiar to us , then the fifth rule is , that the ideas of all these are to be contracted , and disposed in the imagination , or to be written down in paper , that they may no longer fill the capacity of the mind . this rule , tho always useful , yet he makes it necessary only in the most difficult questions , which require a great capacity of mind . and he says withal , that the use of this and the following rules , is not to be accurately known but only in algebra . xix . when the ideas of all things necessary to be consider'd , are clear , familiar , contract , and orderly digested in the imagination , or exprest in paper ; then the sixth law is , that all things are to be compared or collated according to the laws of combination , alternately among one another , either by the sole intuition of the mind , or by the motion of the imagination , joyn'd with the intuition of the mind , or by the calculation of the pen joyn'd with the attention of the mind and of the imagination . xx. if none of all those relations which result from all those collations , be that which is sought after , then again from all those relations those are to be removed which are of no use to the solution of the question : and the others are to be made familiar , to be contracted , and to be orderly disposed in the imagination , or express'd in paper , and to be compared with each other , according to the laws of combination . and then we are to see whether the compound relation which is sought for be any one of all those compound relations which result from those new comparisons . xxi . if none of those found relatitions include the solution of the question , then again from all those relations , the unserviceable are to be cast away , the other are to be made familiar , &c. and by proceeding in this manner , the truth or relation sought for , be it never so complex , will at last be found , provided we are able sufficiently to extend the capacity of our mind , by contracting ideas , and that in all our operations we always attend to the end and scope which is to be arriv'd at . for in every step of this intellectual progress , we ought to have our eye perpetually fix'd upon the state of the question . to all which he adds one caution more , that we should beware lest we should sit down contented with a false light or appearance , and so be deceived . and that therefore our collations in order to the finding out the truth we look after , be so often repeated , till we can no longer with hold our assent without being secretly chid and reprehended by a certain master answering from within to our questions , that is to our labour , application of mind , and desire of heart . by which master within this admirable theorist can mean nothing else but the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ideal world , that universal oracle of mankind , and of all the intelligent creation . this is a short view of those laws which the excellent m. malebranche has given concerning the method of thinking . and i believe if an angel had been ingaged in the undertaking , he could not have given better . they are all natural , clear , distinct , easie , and depending ; few enough not to burthen or distract the mind , and yet many enough to inform it . and therefore i shall not be guilty of so much presumption and impertinence as to prescribe any other , thinking it sufficient to consider and practice these . and so much for the first way of consulting the ideal world , which is by thinking . xxiii . the second way is by purity of heart and life . this i confess has a more immediate and special influence upon the knowledge of spiritual and moral truths , according to that of our saviour , if any man will do his will , he shall know of the doctrine , &c. and that of his prime apostle , the animal man perceiveth not the things of god , &c. but its efficacy is not confined here , but has a larger sphere of activity , and serves to the discovery even of all ideal or necessary truth . for as viciousness not only proceeds from ignorance , but also causes it , by besotting and clouding the understanding , so purity of heart and life not only proceeds from light and knowledge , but also produces it , and helps the soul to see more clearly and distinctly . hence the pythagoric and platonic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the method of purification and purgation so much talk'd of by perphyry , iamblichus , plotinus , and particularly by hierocles in his introduction to his noble comment , where he has these words , as a blear eye cannot behold a very bright object till it be purged , so a soul not yet clarify'd and refined by vertue is not qualify'd to gaze upon the beauty of truth . and the same method is no less recommended in scripture . wisdom will not enter into a polluted spirit , says the wise man. and says the angel to daniel , many shall be purify'd and made white , and none of the wicked shall understand , but the wise shall understand . and says the psalmist , i am wiser than the aged because i keep thy commandments . and to this purpose also is that of our lord to be understood , he that follows me , that is , that lives after my example , walketh not in darkness . the purity of his heart will be a light to his understanding . xxiv . but to represent his more distinctly , there are two ways whereby purity of heart serves to the acquirement of knowledge . by natural efficacy , and by the divine grace and benediction . and first it does it by natural efficacy , either by clarifying the medium , or by assisting the faculty . the former i conceive and represent after this manner . i suppose in the first place that the soul sees through a medium ; secondly , that this medium is our terrestrical vehicle ; thirdly , that the grosness of this medium hinders the vision of the soul. all which i ground upon those words of the apostle , now we see through a glass , darkly . xxv . this supposed , it follows that whatsoever clarifys this medium does also help the vision of the soul. and this purity does , especially that more eminent part of it which consists in chastity and temperance . for first it composes the passions , especially that of lust , by that the animal spirits , and by that the blood. for the motion of the passions ferments the spirits , and the fermentation of the spirits agitates the blood , and by agitation raises all the feculent and drossy parts of it ; and makes it like a troubled fountain , thick and muddy . and this i take to be one true reason why men in any passion can't reason so clearly as when they are in more quiet and silence of spirit . but now by purity of heart all this disturbance is allay'd and composed , the passions are becalm'd , the spirits fix'd , the fountain of the blood clears up , and so all the inner part of that glass the apostle speaks of , becomes more bright and pellucid , more apt to transmit the rays of the ideal light , and consequently we see more clearly through it . tho it be still but darkly in comparison of what we shall do hereafter . xxvi . but this is not all ; this purity does also clarifie the outward part of the glass too . first by consequence , because the finer the spirits and blood are , the finer will be the threds of the outward veil also . then more directly , because temperance does refine and subtilize the texture of the body , diminishes from its bulk and grossness , and unloads the soul of a good part of that burthen which not only presses down her aspirations , but also hinders her sight : and besides , it refines the the inner part too , by bringing in fresh supplies of fine spirits . this was that temperance which made the faces of daniel , hananiah , mishael and azariah look clear and fair , and which made them wise too , gave a quick and delicate air to their countenances , and let in the light of the ideal world upon their souls . this was that philosophical temperance of the pythagoreans , which ( to use the words of dr. more commenting upon that place ) is the mother of that wisdom which makes the face to shine , and nourishes the luciform vehicle of the soul. xxvii . and as this purity does clarify the medium , so does it also assist the faculty . and this it does by the same general way whereby it clarifies the medium , that is , by composing the passions . for the passions not only trouble and thicken the medium ( as was noted and explain'd before ) but al●o divide and disperse the faculty . for the more things a man desires , the more things he will be engaged to think upon , and the more things he thinks upon at once , the more languid and confuse will his conception be . but now this purity by composing the passions , contracts the desires , and by contracting the desires , it contracts also by consequence the thoughts , and by this the man is reduced to a greater vnity , simplicity , and recollection of mind , and having but few thoughts to divide him , he is the better inabled to think clearly and distinctly . xxviii . and thus have i given a clear and distinct account how purity of heart serves to the acquirement of knowledge by a natural efficacy . this it does also secondly by the divine grace and benediction . purity of heart is that heavenly lure which invites not only the holy spirit , but also the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to come and dwell in the soul , and to inrich it with his ideal communications . this we may be assured of from his own mouth , he that loveth me , shall be lov'd of my father , and i will love him , and manifest my self to him . and again , if a man love me , my father will love him , and we will come unto him , and make our abode with him . the pure , chaste and good soul shall not only be loved by the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but be also of his council and privacy . for this is the spouse of the word eternal , who first assumed innocent nature , and then assumes innocent persons , the first by a natural , the second by a mystic union . this is the beloved disciple who has the priviledge to lean upon the bosom of his lord , and to be admitted to his more secret communications . and therefore says the psalmist , the secret of the lord is with them that fear him , and he will shew them his covenant . and says our lord himself , blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see god. and concerning the four children that refused to defile themselves with the portion of the kings meat , it is said , that god gave them knowledge , and skill in all learning and wisdom ; and that daniel had understanding in all visions and dreams . for they were not only pure and temperate but religiously so , in obedience to the law of their god , the god of israel . which the said god rewarded with knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom in them all , but in daniel peculiarly , with a faculty of interpreting aenigmatical dreams and visions ; as the learned dr. more observes in his excellent comment upon that place . xxix . the third and last way of consulting the ideal world is by prayer . this is a method which the scripture also advises us to : if any of you lack wisdom , let him ask of god , that giveth to all men liberally , and upbraideth not , and it shall be given him . and this we know was the method whereby the wisest of men attain'd his unparallel'd wisdom . for as wisdom was his choice , so the method of his seeking and gaining , it was by prayer . and 't is further observable that he address'd himself to the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ideal world in particular , as you may see in that solemn prayer of his recorded in the book of wisdom , give me wisdom that sitteth by thy throne , &c. which i commend to your ladyships perusal at leisure . xxx . and thus ( madam ) have i defined and by scripture and reason proved , what is the right method of prosecuting that truth which is perfective of the understanding . this in general i have shewn to consist in consulting the ideal world ; the manner of doing which i have also shewn to be , first , by thinking , the order of which is also defined , secondly , by purity of heart and life , and lastly by prayer . this i take to be via intelligentiae , the way and method of wisdom , whose house i think is now built , tho not upon seven , yet upon three substantial pillars , and i should be glad if any one would be so kind as to shew me the weakness of the ground upon which they stand . xxxi . and now ( madam ) i think i i need not use many words to shew that as learning is generally placed in such things as are not perfective of the understanding , so that what is so is generally prosecuted by undue methods . for 't is but to compare the methods in common use with that which we have premised and demonstrated , and you will immediately perceive the falseness and irregularity of them . for first , whereas the first and general method of wisdom and knowledge is by consulting the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ideal world , the world of light , that light which inlightens every man that comes into this world , the generality of students don 't so much as dream of this , nor make any such application , but apply themselves altogether to the ectypal world , to the world of darkness and obscurity . so verifying that complaint of god by the prophet , my people have forsaken me the fountain of living waters , and have digg'd to themselves broken cisterns , that will hold no water . xxxii . then again , whereas another more particular method is by attention and thinking , this is generally so little regarded , that no sort of men think so little for the most part as they that are ingaged in the profess study of learning and knowledge . this they don't reckon as any part of study , nor as any progress in the stage of learning , but only as a graver way of being idle . 't is then only they study when they are hanging their heads over an old musty folio , and are making huge common-places , and stuffing their memories with grey sentences , and venerable sayings : and thus they spend their time and their ink , and having scambl'd through a company of books ( most of which perhaps were written to as little purpose , as they are read ) they think themselves learned men , and the world is too often of their opinion , tho they have not made themselves masters of any sense or notion , nor are able to demonstrate one single truth upon solid principles , and in a consequential process . xxxiii . and this is the method not only of those who misplace learning , but also of the most of those that place it aright . for even those that place it in ideal truths do not generally think for it , but read for it , seek it not in their souls , but in books . and this methinks i can never sufficiently wonder at . indeed as for those that place learning not in being able to frame clear and distinct conceptions of ones own , but in knowing the opinions of others , 't is no wonder that they take this method , for tho it be not a means to the end they should propose , yet , t is a means to the end which they do propose . but the wonder is how those that place learning as they should , in the clear conception of ideal truths , should think to find this meerly by tumbling over books . xxxiv . i deny not but that reading is one way of knowing ( otherwise i should not be at the pains to write this to your ladyship ) but then , t is only by accident that it is so , as it gives hints and occasions for thinking . and therefore thinking is the only thing to be regarded even in reading ( for reading as such is nothing ) and then we read to most purpose , when we are thereby most enabled to think . so that thinking is the end of reading , as understanding is the end of thinking . we ought therefore to read only in order to thinking . and yet this method is generally so much inverted , that the main stress is laid upon reading . nothing but read , read , as long as eyes and spectacles will hold , not regarding whether the head be clear , so that it be full . xxxv . as to the particular order in thinking proposed by m. malebranche , i refer your ladyship to the same excellent author to shew you how much it is transgress'd . which he does at large , and to wonderful satisfaction , shewing first that the school-philosophers do not observe that general law concerning the matter of study , which is the cause of a great many errors in their physiology . then shewing that the second part of the general law is not observed by the common philosophers , and what extraordinary advances cartesius made in learning by the exact observation of it . then he proceeds to explain the principles of aristotle's philosophy , where he shews that he never observed the second branch of the general law , and reflects upon those errors of his philosophy occasioned by his not doing so . but for a fuller account in these things i refer you to the author himself . xxxvi . then again , whereas purity of heart and life is another method of arriving to the light and knowledge of ideal truth , your ladyship cannot but know , and 't is a sad as well as a true observation , that this is not only neglected among that part of mankind that sit down contentedly in ignorance , and aspire to no greater stock of knowledge than what they brought with them into the world , but also among the generality of those few that addict themselves to the cultivation and improvement of their minds . nay these in proportion to their number seem more guilty of this neglect than the other , and nothing so common as to see men of curious and inquisitive tempers and of famed learning , who yet are very corrupt in the moral state of their minds , and live very ill lives . whence some have taken occasion to represent learning , as an enemy to religion , and have cry'd up ignorance as the mother of devotion . and tho the conclusion of these men be notoriously weak and absurd , yet it must be confest that the ground upon which they build it , is too true . men famed for learning , are oftentimes as infamous for living , and many that study hard to furnish their heads , are yet very negligent in purifying their hearts , not considering that there is a moral , as well as a natural communication between one and the other , and that they are concern'd to be pure in heart and life not only upon the common account , in order to a happy state hereafter , but also in pursuance of their own particular way and end here . xxxvii . then again lastly , whereas another method of wisdom is prayer , i do not find that the generality of students do at all apply themselves to this method . pray indeed ( 't is to be hoped ) they do for other things , which they think lye more out of their reach , but as for learning and knowledge , they think they can compass this well enough by their own proper industry , and the help of good books , without being beholden to the assistance of heaven . and this , tho they do place learning in the knowledge of necessary truth . which procedure of theirs i cannot resolve into any other principle , ( i mean as to those that act by any ) but the meer want of knowing or considering that this necessary truth is really the same with god himself . for did they attentively consider that god is truth , and that so much as they possess of truth , so much they have of god , 't is not to be imagined they should be so indifferent in using prayer , or any of the other preceding methods of consulting god for his own light. the end of the second reflection . the third reflection . wherein the general conduct of human life is tax'd with a too importunate , and over-earnest pursuit after knowledge in general . i. having pass'd over the two first stages of the intellectual conduct of human life , that of the end , and that of the means ; and reflected upon the irregularities of each , by shewing how both are generally mistaken and misplaced ; i am now arrived to the third and last , which consists not in the choice of the object , or of the method to it ( that belonging to the two former ) but in the degree of affection wherewith they are prosecuted . which part of our intellectual conduct , as it is equally capable of being faulty , so i shall here make it my business to shew that it is actually as faulty and irregular , if not more than either of the two former . and the fault that i tax it with , is , a too importunate and over-earnest pursuit after knowledge in general . ii. the charge of this reflection is of a larger compass and extent than either of the two preceding , those being directed against such as either misplace the object , or else mistake the method of learning and knowledge ; but this takes in both together , and others also not concerned in either of the former . for not only those that err in the placing of learning , or in the method to it , but also those who are right in both , come under the censure of the present reflection , they all agree in this , in being too importunate and vehement in the pursuit of knowledge . iii. now in the making out the truth of this charge , we must here also according to the method observ'd in the two former reflections , first lay down a common measure of proceeding , by stating the due bounds of our present affection to , and search after knowledge , or , how far it becomes man to imploy himself in the prosecution of learning and knowledge ? the due stating of which question will be a certain direction to us in the determination of this , whether our general inquest after knowledge be immoderate or no. now for the determination of the first it will be necessary to draw up the true state or hypothesis of man according to the posture wherein he now stands . which i shall do distinctly in these following considerations . iv. first i consider , that the utmost pitch of knowledge man by his utmost endeavours can arrive to in this world is very inconsiderable . god indeed has given us reason enough to distinguish us from the brute part of the creation , and we may improve it so far as to distinguish our selves from one another , and so one man may deserve to be call'd learned and knowing in comparison of another that is either naturally more ignorant , or more unimproved ; but absolutely speaking , the most that any or all of us either know or can know here is of little or no consideration . what we know of god is but little , for as the apostle says , we see through a glass , darkly ; what we know of our selves perhaps is less , and what we know of the world about us is not much . we have seen but a few of gods works , as the wise man observes , and we understand yet fewer . there are almost an infinite number of things which we never so much as thought of , and of most things we conceive very darkly and uncertainly , and there is not one thing from the greatest to the least , which we do or can understand thoroughly . those that apply their whole study to any one thing , can never come to the end of that one thing , for not only every science but every particular of it has its unmeasurable depths and recesses ; and 't is confess'd by a great inquirer into the nature of antimony ( as 't is related by the honourable mr. boyle ) that 't is impossible for one man to understand throughly that one single mineral only . and if a man i cannot understand all of so little , how little must he understand of all ! suppose further , that all the knowledge of the learned were put together , 't would weigh but light , for what one art or science is there that is brought to any tolerable perfection ? and if the common stock be so little , how small a pittance is it that must fall to every particular man's share ! and where is that man who after all his poring and studying , is able to answer all the questions , i will not say which god put to iob , but which may be askt him by the next idiot he meets ? v. 't were an endless undertaking to represent at large the little that we know , or are capable of knowing . nor do i design to turn a second agrippa , and entertain your ladyship with a long harangue about the vanity of humane sciences , only give me leave to touch upon two notorious instances of our ignorance , and in that very science which is pretended to be at the very vertical point of improvement . 't is concerning the the maximum and the minimum naturale , the greatest and the least thing in nature . as to the first , the question is whether the extension of the universe be finite or infinite ? if you say 't is positively infinite , besides the difficulty of conceiving how any thing can be so extended , 't will follow that god himself cannot add the least further dimension to it . if you say 't is finite , suppose your self in the utmost extremities of it , and try whether it be possible for you to dis-imagin further extension . then as to the second , the question is whether every , even the least assignable part of matter be infinitely divisible or no ? if you say yes , then 't will unavoidably follow that the least atom will have as many parts as the whole world. if you say no , then you must say that matter may be divided so long till at last you come to a part that does not contain more other parts , if so , then i enquire has this uncontaining part figure , or has it not ? if not , then 't is infinite , figure being only the termination of quantity . but if it has , then it has more other parts above , below and of each side , and consequently may again be divided , contrary to what you suppos'd . so that you see here are desperate difficulties on both sides , say what you will you are equally baffled , and yet 't is most certain that one only can be true , they being two opposite parts of a contradiction , but which is so , is beyond the capacity of humane understanding to determine . vi. the like difficulties we meet with when we inquire concerning time , whether it be infinitely divisible , or only into moments ? and so again in the business of motion , whether there be any such thing as the extream degree of swiftness and slowness , or no ? neither of which can be defined without manifest absurdity . but 't is superfluous , as well as endless , to display the particulars of our ignorance , tho indeed when all accompts are cast up , that will be found to be our best knowledge . this only in general , our life is so short , our progress in learning so slow , and learning in it self so long and tedious , and what we do or can know so very little , that the patrons of scepticism had much more reason to conclude from the disability of our facculties and the slightness of our attainments , than from the uncertainty and instability of truth , that there is no knowledge . vii . secondly , i consider , that as we can here know but little , so even that very little which we do , serves more to our trouble and disquiet , than to our pleasure and satisfaction . and here comes in that experimental reflection of the wise man , in much wisdom is much grief , and he that increases knowledge , increases sorrow . this proposition is not true , absolutely consider'd , knowledge being the perfection of human nature , the image of god , and the principal ingredient of our future happiness ; but only with relation to the present state and posture of man. and in this respect it is abundantly true . first , because the more we know , the more we shall discover of our ignorance , ( that being the chiefest thing we learn by our study ) which we shall find to be of an infinitely larger sphere than our knowledge , and consequently shall be more troubled for what we do not know , than pleas'd with what we do . secondly , because the prospect of what yet further remains to be known will inflame our thirst after it . for wisdom says of her self , they that eat of me shall yet be hungry , and they that drink of me shall yet be thirsty . which tho it be a great commendation of wisdom , and an argument of her inexhaustible excellence , yet 't is withal a great instrument of punishment to those who can attain to so little of it , as cannot satisfie that thirst which it has inflamed . thirdly , because the more a man improves his thinking faculty , the more apt he will be to be disgusted and offended with the follies of society ; as the most delicate touch is the soonest put to pain . there being a thousand impertinencies that will strike very disagreeably upon a discerning mind which won't so much as affect a grosser understanding . viii . but the principal ground of this assertion , and which , did not the quickness of your ladyship's apprenhension oblige me to brevity , i could be voluminous upon , is this . 't is most certain that man is now placed in the midst of vanities and unsatisfying objects , and and that his true good is not within his reach , and consequently whatever pleasure he takes in those things that are , is purely owing to his ignorance of their vanity . well , if so , then vae sapienti , woe be to the wise man. this is not a place to be wise in . there is nothing here solid enough to endure the test of wisdom . the wise man cannot find a paradice here , tho the fool can . the more he knows the more he discovers the vanity of all pretended enjoyments , and the more he does this , the more he streightens and retrenches his delights , and the more he does this , the more he retires and withdraws himself from all worldly diversions , and this sets him the more a thinking and musing , and this again presents to his mind a fresh and more lively conviction of the worlds vanity , and this makes him again retrench his delights , and so on in this returning circle , till at length he finds nothing but his bare wisdom to delight in . and a little more thinking makes him see the vanity of that too . and now all 's gone . to dispatch this part in one word , this is the fruit of being wise , to be able to taste nothing that 's present , nor to flatter ones self with the prospect of what is to come , which is a state of horrible privation and sterility . this is the thorough wise mans lot , and every advance in wisdom is a step towards this condition so true is it , that he who increases wisdom , increases sorrow , while in the mean time the fool laughs , and is merry . ix . thirdly , i consider , that if our knowledge could yield us more satisfaction than it occasions trouble , yet our life is so short , and so incumber'd , that we can make but little of the enjoyment , so little , that 't is not answerable to the meer labour we undergo in acquiring it . all the morning of our days is spent in the preliminaries of learning , in learning words and terms of art , wherein there is nothing but toil and drudgery , and before we can taste any of the fruits of the tree of knowledge , before we can relish what is intellectual and rational in it , our sun is got into the meridian , and then it presently begins to decline and our learning with it ; our light , our strength , and our time make haste to consume , nothing increases now but the shadows , that is our ignorance and darkness of mind , and while we consider and look about us , the sun sets , and all is concluded in the darkness and shadow of death . but oftentimes the sun is intercepted by a cloud long before it setts , and we live backward again , grow weak and childish , silly and forgetful , and unlearn faster than we learnt ; or if it chance to shine bright to the last , then we improve too much , and grow too wise for our selves , and reject the greatest part of what we learnt before , as idle and insignificant . so that we are under a necessity of unlearning in a short time most of what we have so dearly learnt , either through forgetfulness , or improvement of iudgment . fourthly , i consider , that there is no necessity of our being so wonderfully learned and knowing here . 't is neither necessary as injoin'd by god , nor as a means to any considerable end. we can be good , and we can be happy without it . and as to the interest of communities and public societies , 't is civil prudence and honesty , and not learning which makes them happy . and lest any advantage in our after state should be alledged for its necessity , this makes it more unnecessary than any consideration besides . for tho we are never so unlearned now , provided we know enough to do our duty , and live well , we shall in a short time arrive to such a degree of knowledge as is requisite to our supream perfection , to which our present learning cannot add , and from which our present ignorance will not diminish . i do not say this will be immediately upon our discharge from the body , there being some reasonable controversie about that , ( which would be too great a digression at present to pursue ) tho 't is most certain that even then there must needs be great inlargements of understanding ; however 't is most unquestionable that this our intellectual accomplishment can be no further off than our enjoyment of the beatific vision . we shall then commence instantaneously wise and learned , and be fully possess'd of the tree of knowledge , as well as of the tree of life . for then that glass through which we now see darkly shall be laid aside , and there shall be no other but the speculum deitatis , the glass of the divinty , which is no other than the ideal world , which shall be now more intimately united to us , and more clearly display'd before us . and tho even now there shall be degrees of knowledge according to the various participiation of the ideal light , yet the variety of this dispensation shall not proceed by the degree of our knowledge in this life , but by some other measure . for , xi . fifthly , i consider , that tho there is no necessity of our being so very learned and knowing , yet there is an absolute necessity of our being good and vertuous . this is necessary both ways , as commanded by god , and as a means to our final perfection . and besides 't is necessary now , there being no other opportunity for it . if we don't know here , we may know hereafter , and shall infalliably do so if we are but good here ; but if we be not good here , we shall neither be good , happy , nor knowing hereafter . the main opportunity for knowledge is after this life , but the only opportunity for being good is now. and if we take care to improve this , we are sufficiently secure of the other , and of whatever else appertains to the perfection of our natures . but if this be neglected all is lost . this therefore is indispensably necessary , and 't is the only thing that is so , and 't is necessary now , necessary not only to our happiness in general , but also to that of our intellectual part in particular . for , xii . sixthly , and lastly i consider , that thus stands the case between god and man. first , man is supposed to be made in a state of innocence and perfection , in perfect favour and communion with god , his true good , and in a capacity so to continue . from this excellent state he is supposed to fall , and by his fall so to disable himself that he cannot by his own strength repent and live well , and so to provoke god , that tho he could and did repent , yet he would not be pardon'd and accepted , without satisfaction made to divine justice . this satisfaction man is supposed not able to make , nor any other creature for him . whereupon god in great mercy and pitty is supposed to ordain a mediator , his own son , god and man , between himself and his laps'd creature , who by the sacrifice of himself should effect two things , answerable to the double necessity of man , first make repentance available , which otherwise would not have been so ; and secondly merit grace for him that he might be able to repent . and this is what we are to understand by the restoration or redemption of man , which thus far is vniversal and inconditionate . xiii . but still notwithstanding all that this mediator has done for him , man is supposed only so far restored , as to be put in a pardonable and reconcilable state ( for as for our being actually and immediately reconciled by the death of christ , that 's a silly , fond , antinomian conceit , and no way consistent with the great mystery of godliness ) i say man is yet only in a capacity or possibility of pardon and reconciliation , which is then , and then only reduced to act , when he actually performs the conditions of reconciliation , when he believes , repents and leads a good life , with which he may , and without which he shall not be pardon'd and saved , notwithstanding that christ has dy'd for him . the design of whose death was not to make a good life unnecessary , but only to render it efficacious and available , not to procure a priviledge of being saved without it ( as some fancy ) but that we might be saved with it . if this qualification be wanting , we shall be so far from being any thing advantaged from the redemption purchas'd by our mediator , that we shall be accountable for it , to the great aggravation both of our guilt and misery . it therefore highly concerns man to improve with all diligence this short and only opportunity of making his great fortune , to adorn his mind with all moral and religious perfections , and his life with all good actions , since with this he may be happy in all his capacities , and without it he shall not only fall into a state of unutterable misery , but be also accountable for the possibility he had of escaping it , for neglecting so great salvation , so great an opportunity of being saved . xiv . these things being premised concerning the present hypothesis or state of man , first , that he can there know but very little , secondly , that even that little knowledge which he can attain to serves more to his trouble than satisfaction , and so is not only vanity , but also vexation of spirit . thirdly , that supposing it as pleasant as may be , yet such is the shortness and incumbrance of his life , that the enjoyment of it is not answerable to the labour of acquiring it . fourthly , that there is no necessity of such a deal of learning and knowledge , either as to this world , or to the next , and that e're long he shall have his fill of knowledge in the beatifick vision of the ideal world , one glance whereof shall instruct him more , than an eternal poring upon all the books in this , and undistinguish the greatest doctor from the most ignorant peasant . fifthly , that there is an absolute necessity of his being good and vertuous , this being the condition not only of his happiness in general , but also of the accomplishment of his vnderstanding in particular . and that now is the only opportunity for it . sixthly , and lastly , that the attainment of happiness and intellectual perfection upon this condition was the purchase of his saviours death , who has also merited grace for his assistance in the performance of it . which if he neglect , he shall not only miss of happiness , but be also answerable for so great and so dear an opportunity of gaining it ; from these premises 't will i think follow with no less than mathematical evidence . xv. first , that learning and knowledge is not the thing for which god design'd man in this station , nor consequently the end or reason of his bestowing upon him those intellectual and rational powers which he has . for had this been the end and design of god he would have made it more possible for him , and withal more his interest and concern , to attain it . secondly , 't will follow that the end for which god intended man here , and the reason why he made him a rational creature , was that he might live vertuously and well , so serve him here , that he might be rewarded with happiness and perfect knowledge hereafter ; having furnish'd him with intellectual abilities sufficient for this , tho not for the other . thirdly and lastly , 't will follow that the principal care and concern of man both because of his own interest , and out of compliance with the designs of god , ought to be to live a good and regular life , to accomplish the moral part of his nature , to subdue his passions , to rectifie his love , to study purity of heart and life , in one word , to perfect holiness in the fear of god , and ( which is what we have been hitherto inquiring after ) that he ought to busy himself in the study of learning and knowledge no further , than as 't is conducive to the interest of religion and vertue . xvi . this therefore is the measure to be observ'd in our prosecution of learning and knowledge . we are to study only that we may be good , and consequently ought to prosecute such knowledge only as has an aptness to make us so , that which the apostle calls the truth , which is after godliness . for that 's the only business we have to do in this world. whatever knowledge we prosecute besides this , or further than 't is conducive to this end , tho it be absolutely consider'd , never so excellent and perfective of our rational part , yet with respect to the present posture and station of man , 't is a culpable curiosity , and an unaccountable vanity , and only a more solemn and laborious way of being idle and impertinent . xvii . and this will be found ( if well examin'd ) to be nothing different from the censure of the wise preacher . and i gave my heart to to know wisdom , says he , and i perceiv'd that this also is vanity and vexation of sptrit . not that he now first applied himself to the study of wisdom . no , he had been inspired with that before , and and by the help of it had discover'd the vanity of all other things . but that wisdom which saw through all other things , did not as yet perceive the vanity of it self . he therefore now gave his heart to know wisdom , that is , to reflect upon it , and consider whether this might be excepted from his general censure , and struck out of the scroll of vanities . and upon deep reflection he found that it could not , and that even this also was as much a vanity as any of the rest . now this proposition of solomon's cannot be understood absolutely ( knowledge being an undoubted perfection of human nature ) but only with respect to the present posture of man in this world. neither can it be understood of all kind of knowledge even in this life , some kind of knowledge being necessary to qualifie him for happiness in the next . it must therefore necessarily be understood of all that knowledge which contributes not to that great end. so that from these two necessary limitations the sense of solomon's proposition ( if it have any ) must be this ; that to man in this present juncture all knowledge that does not contribute to the interest of his after-state , is downright vanity and vexation of spirit . xviii . for , to what purpose should we study so much , considering that after all we are able to know so little , considering that even that little is enough to trouble and disquiet us , considering that our life is as much too short for the enjoying what knowledge we have , as for compassing what we would have , and withal considering that there lies no manner of obligation or necessity upon us to do thus . but ( which is what i would most of all inculcate ) to what purpose imaginable should we be so busy , and vehement in the pursuit of learning , of any learning , but what is of use to the moral conduct of our life , considering these two things , first , that 't is but to stay a little while and we shall have all that knowledge gratis , from the communications of the ideal world , which we so unsuccessfully drudge for here , to the neglect of more important and concerning exercises . and secondly , considering that there is such an absolute necessity of being good , and of living well , and that this short uncertain life is the only time for it , which if neglected , this great work must lie undone for ever ? upon the former consideration this studious , bookish humour is like laying out a great sum of money to purchase an estate which after one weak , dropping life will of course fall into hand . and i am sure he would be reckon'd fool or mad that should do so . and upon the latter , 't is as if a man that was riding post upon business of life and death , should as he passes through a wood , stand still to listen to the singing of a nightingale , and so forget the main and only business of his journey . xix . 't is most certain that the two cases here supposed , are as great instances of folly and impertinence as can well be conceiv'd , and yet ( however it comes to pass that we are not sensible of it ) 't is certain that they are very applicable to the intellectual conduct of human life as 't is generally managed . and tho we are all ready enough to call such men fools as shall do as in the two mention'd instances is supposed , yet 't is most certain that we do the very same or worse , that we are too much concern'd in the application of the parable , and that of most of us it may be truly said , thou art the man. xx. for i demand , what difference is there between him that now labours and toils for learning and knowledge , which in a little time he shall be easily and fully possest of , and him that dearly buys an estate which would otherwise come to him after a short interval ? what difference is there , but only this , that he that buys the estate , tho he might have spared his money , yet however he gets what he laid out his money for ; his expence indeed was needless , but not in vain . whereas he that drudges in the pursuit of knowledge , not only toils for that which in a short time he shall have with ease , and in abundance , but which after all he can't compass in any considerable measure , and so undergoes a vain as well as unnecessary labour . and is therefore the greater fool. xxi . again i demand , what difference is there between him who when he is imploy'd upon business of life and death shall alight from his horse , and stand idling to hear a nightingale singing in the wood , and him who having an eternity of happiness to secure by the right ordering of his life and manners , and having only this point of time to do it in , shall yet turn vertuoso , and set up for learning and curiosity . 't is true indeed the nightingale sings well , and 't were worth while to stand still and hear him , were i disingaged from more concerning affairs , but not certainly when i am upon life and death . and so learning and knowledge are excellent things , and such as would deserve my study , and my time , had i any to spare , and were more at leisure , but not certainly when i have so great an interest as that of my final state dependi●g upon the good use of it . my business now , is not to be learned , but to be good . xxii . for is my life so long , am i so over-stock'd with time , or is my depending interest so little , or is it so easily secured , that i can find leisure for unnecessary curiosities ? is this conduct agreeable to the present station and posture of man , whose entrance into this world , and whose whole stay in it , is purely in order to another state ? or would any one imagin this to be the condition of man by such a conduct ! shall a prisoner who has but a few days allow'd him to make a preparation for his trial , spend that little opportunity in cutting and carving , and such like mechanical contrivances ? or would any one imagin such a man to be in such a condition , near a doubtful trial of life and death , whom coming into a prison he finds so imploy'd ? and yet is there any thing more absurd and impertinent in this , than in the present supposition , than to have a man who has so great a concern upon his hands as the preparing for eternity , all busy and taken up with quadrants , and telescopes , furnaces , syphons and air-pumps ? xxiii . when we would expose any signal impertinence , we commonly illustrate it by the example of archimedes , who was busy in making mathematical figures on the sands of syracuse while the city was taking by marcellus , and so though there were particular orders given for his safety , lost his life by his unseasonable study . now i confess there was impertinence and absurdity enough in this instance to consign it over to posterity . but had archimedes been a christian , or otherwise assured of the great concerns of another world , i should have said , that the main of his impertinence did not lie here , in being mathematically imploy'd when the enemy was taking the city , but in laying out his thoughts and time upon such an insignificant unconcerning study , while he had no less a concern upon him than the securing his eternal interest . which must be done now or never . nothing certainly is an impertinence , if this be not , to hunt after learning and knowledge in such a juncture as this . xxiv . sure i am , and your ladyship too very well knows , that many other proceedings in the conduct of life are condemn'd of vanity and impertinence upon the very same grounds , tho not half so inconsistent with the character of man , nor so disagreeable to his present posture in this world , for is not the world full of invectives , and have not the pens of moral writers been all along imploy'd against those that apply themselves to secular acquirements , spend their short and uncertain lives , which ought to be imploy'd in the pursuit of an infinitely higher interest , in gaping up and down after honours and preferments , in long and frequent attendances at court , in raising families , getting estates and the like ? these things i say and such like are condemn'd and censured not only upon the stock of their particular viciousness , as crimes of ambition or covetousness respectively , but for what they have in common , as they are mispendings of time , and unconcerning excentrical imployments . xxv . but now i would fain know , whether any of these misconducts of life be more expensive of our time , more remote and alien from the main business of it , more unrelating to our grand concern , and consequently more impertinent , than to be busily imploy'd in the niceties and curiosities of learning : and whether a man that loiters away six weeks in court-attendances for a place of honour , be not every whit as accountably imploy'd with respect to the end of man in the other world , and his business in this , as he that shall spend so much time in the solution of a mathematical question , as m. descrates i remember confesses of himself in one of his epistles . and why then the prosecution of learning should be the only thing excepted from the vanities and impertinencies of life i have not head enough to understand . xxvi . and yet so it is . all other excentrical unconcerning occupations are cried down meerly for being so , as not according with the present character and state of man. this alone is not contented with the reputation of innocence , but stands for positive merit and excellence , for praise and commendation . to say a man is a lover of knowledge , and a diligent inquirer after truth , is almost as great an encomium as you can give him , and the time spent in the study , tho in the search of unedifying truth , is reckon'd almost as laudably bestow'd as that in the chapel , and ( so inconsistent with its self is human judgment ) 't is learning only that is allow'd not only to divide , but to devour the greatest part of our short life , and is the only thing that with credit and public allowance stands in competition with religion and the study of vertue . nay , by the most is preferr'd before it , who would rather be counted learned , than pious . xxvii . but is not this a strenge and unreasonable competition ? it must indeed be confess'd that the perfection of man is double , of the intellectual as well as of the moral part , and that knowledge is a very divine excellence . but certainly rectitude of will is a greater ornament and perfection than brightness of vnderstanding , and to be good is more divine than to be wise and knowing , that being the principal , perhaps only difference between an angel and a devil . and tho solomon's choice be universally applauded , yet i think that of mary is to be preferr'd before it , and ( to use the expression of the excellent monsieur poiret ) that 't is better like an infant without much reasoning to love much , than like the devil to reason much without love. xxviii . but suppose knowledge were a much diviner excellence than 't is , suppose it were more perfective of , and ornamental to human nature than the habit and practice of vertue , yet still this competition would be utterly against reason . for 't is to be consider'd ( as i have already suggested ) that the former we can't have now in any measure , and shall have it hereafter without measure , but the latter we may have now ( for we may love much tho we can't know much ) and cannot have it hereafter . now the question is , whether we ought to be more solicitious for that intellectual perfection which we can't have here , and shall have hereafter , or for that moral perfection which we may have here , and cannot hereafter ? and i think we need not consult an oracle , or conjure up a spirit to be resolv'd of this question . xxix . and this one solitary consideration ( much more in conjunction with the other parts of the human character ) i take to be sufficient to justifie the truth of what measure we have prescribed to our intellectual conduct , that we ought to prosecute learning and knowledge no further than as 't is conducive to the great ends of piety and vertue . and consequently that when ever we study to any other purpose , or in any other degree than this , we are unaccountably impertinently , i may add sinfully imploy'd . for this is the whole of man , to fear god and keep his commandments , the whole of man in this station , and consequently this ought to be the only scope of all his studys and endeavours . xxx . and accordingly 't is observable that the scripture whenever it makes mention of wisdom with any mark of commendation , it always means by it either the very practice of religion and vertue , or such knowledge at least , that has a near and strong influence upon it ; thereby implying that that is the only wisdom which becomes the study of man. remarkable above the rest to this purpose is the 28th chapter of iob , where having run through several instances of natural knowledge , at length says he , but where shall wisdom be found ? and where is the place of understanding ? as much as to say that in none of the other things mention'd did consist the wisdom of man. then it follows , man knoweth not the price thereof , neither is it found in the land of the living , the depth saith , it is not in me , and the sea saith it is not in me . not in the depths of learning , nor in the recesses of speculation , seeing it is hid from the eyes of all living , and kept close from the fowls of the air , from men of high and towring notions , and sublime theories . destruction and death say , we have heard the fame thereof with our ears . as much as to say , that after this life , and then only , unless perhaps about the hour of death , men begin to have a true sense and lively savoury relish of this wisdom . but in the mean time , god understandeth the way thereof , and he knoweth the place thereof . and unto man he said , behold the fear of the lord that is wisdom , and to depart from evil , that is understanding . to man he said . had it been to another creature , suppose an angel , in a state of security and confirmation , he would perhaps have recommended for wisdom the study of nature , and the curiosities of philosophy , but having to do with man , a probationary and unfixt creature , that shall be either happy or miserable according as he demeans himself in this short time of trial , the only wisdom he advises to such a creature in such a station , is to look well to his moral conduct , to study religion and good life . xxxi . and now ( madam ) since we are upon scripture-authority ( for indeed so little has this matter been consider'd , that i have scarce any other to follow ) will your ladyship give me leave in further confirmation of the measure propos'd , to commend to your consideration two great scripture-examples , both of men eminently wise , and of a learned education . the men i instance in are moses and st. paul. the latter of which professedly declares that he determin'd to know nothing , but iesus christ and him crucify'd , that is , nothing but what concerns either the faith or the practice of christianity . and the former complaining of the gross ignorance of the people committed to his charge , and desiring they would become wiser , breaks out into this passionate wish , o that they were wise , that they understood this , that they would consider their latter end. xxxii . moses had been bred a scholar , as well as a courtier , and was well instructed in all the secrets of the aegyptian philosophy , which was then the best in the world. besides , he was himself a wise man , a man that besides the advantages of pharaoh's court , had the divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 himself for his tutor , and convers'd personally with his maker , and therefore must needs be supposed to know what was true wisdom . but now this he does not make to consist either in the accomplishments of courtly education , or in the deep mysteries of philosophy , but in the consideration of our latter end. he wishes that his people were wise , and to this end he does not wish that they were as well-bred as he , or as learned as he , but only that they understood this , this one thing , that they would consider their latter end. which he makes the summary and abstract of all wisdom . much like that of plato , when he defines philosophy to be , the theory of death . xxxiii . and here , if your ladyship will dispence with a short digression , a digression from the immediate thred of my discourse , tho not from the general design of it , i would upon this occasion briefly represent to you what an excellent part of wisdom it is for man seriously to consider his latter end . to make this distinctly appear , i shall proceed upon these two grounds : first , that the consideration of death is the most proper exercise that a wise man can be employ'd about . and secondly , that this is the most compendious way of making him wise that is not so . xxxiv . and first , it is the most proper exercise that a wise man can employ himself about . for wisdom consists in a due estimation of things ; and then things are duly estimated , when they are measured and rated , first as they are absolutely in themselves ; and secondly , as they stand in relation to us . if they are great and extraordinary then they deserve to be consider'd for their own sakes ; and if they nearly relate to us , then they deserve to be consider'd for ours . and upon both these accounts , death and its consequences are highly deserving a wise mans thoughts and reflections . xxxv . for first , they are great and extraordinary transactions , barely as in themselves consider'd , and as such would deservedly ingage the most attentive consideration , even of a stander by , of any other indifferent being , suppose an angel , that can be no otherwise concerned in it , than as t is a great event , a noble scene of providence , a matter of wonder and curiosity . i say upon this single account death with its consequences is as fit a subject for the contemplation of a wise man as auy in nature . xxxvi . or if there be within the sphere of nature things of a greater and more bulky appearance , yet certainly there is nothing wherein man is so nearly concern'd , so highly interessed as in death . since upon the manner of this depends his eternal happiness or ruin. there is therefore nothing that so much deserves to be consider'd by him . whether therefore we regard the absolute greatness of the thing , or its relative greatness with respect to us , as we are interessed and concerned in it , but especially if we weigh both , the consideration of death is as proper an exercise as a wise man can be imploy'd about . xxxvii . and as 't is so fit an imployment for him that is wise already , so secondly is it the most compendious way of making him wise , truly wise , that is not so . for all wisdom is in order to happiness , and to be truly wise , is to be wise unto salvation . whatever knowledge contributes not to this , is quite beside the mark , and is as the apostle calls it , science falsly so called . the knowledge itself is vain , and the study of it is impertinent . xxxviii . now the only way to happiness is a good life , and consequently all wisdom being in order to happiness , that 's the only wisdom that serves to the promoting of good life , according to that of iob before cited , and to man he said , behold the fear of the lord that is wisdom , and to depart from evil is understanding . that therefore is the most compendious way of making a man wise , that soonest makes him good , and reduces his mind to a moral regularity . and nothing does this so soon and so well as the serious and habitual consideration of death . and therefore says the wise man , remember death and corruption , and keep the commandments . the shortest compendium of holy living that ever was given . as if he had said , many are the precepts and admonitions left us by wise and good men , for the moral conduct of life , but would you have a short and infallible directory of living well ? why , remember death and corruption ; do but remember this , and forget all other rules if you will , and your duty if you can . xxxix . and what is here remarked by one wise man is consented to by all . hence those common practises among the antients of placing sepulchres in their gardens , and of using that celebrated motto , memento mori . hence also that modern as well as antient custom of putting emblems of mortality in churches , and other public places , by all which t is implied that the consideration of death , is the greatest security of a good life . as indeed it must be upon this general ground , because it does that at a blow , which other considerations do by parts , and gives an entire defeat to the three great enemies of our salvation at once . it sets us above the temptations of the world the flesh , and the devib . for how can the world captivate him , who considers he is but a stranger in it , and that he must shortly leave it ! how can the flesh insnare him who has his sepulchre always in his eye , and reflects upon the cold lodging he shall have there ! and how can the devil prevail upon him , who remembers always he must dye , and then enter upon an unchangeable state of happiness or misery , according as he has either resisted or yeilded to his temptations ! of so vast consequence is the constant thinking upon death above all other things that fall within the compass even of useful and practical meditation , and so great reason had moses for placing the wisdom of man in the consideration of his latter end. xl. but to return ( if being still in pursuit of my general design , i may well be said to be out of the way ) i now perswade my self that from the character i have drawn of man and his present circumstances , together with those reflections built upon it , and interwoven with it , and lastly from divine authority , the measure we have given is so well establish'd , that if your ladyship be not yet , you ought to be convinc'd that however naturally desirous we may be of knowledge , yet that this appetite is to be govern'd as well as those that are sensual ; that we ought to indulge it only so far as may tend to the moralizing our souls , and the conducting our lives , and the fitting us for that happiness which god has promised not to the learned , but to the good. and that if it be gratify'd to any other purpose , or in any other measure than this , our curiosity is impertinent , our study immoderate , and the tree of knowledge still a forbidden plant. xli . and now ( madam ) having fix'd and stated the measure of our present affection to , and inquiry after learning and knowledge , which i think is establish'd upon irrefutable principles , i may leave it to your ladyship to consider how much 't is observ'd in the general conduct of our studies . t is plain that 't is not observ'd at all . for these two things are too notorious to need any more for their proof than only to look abroad into the world. first , that very little of that which is generally made the subject of study has any manner of tendency to living well here , or happily hereafter . and secondly , that these very studies which have no religious or moral influence upon life , do yet devour the greatest part of it . the best and most of our time is devoted to dry-learning , this we make the course of our study , the rest is only by the by , and 't is well if what is devotional , practical or divinely-relishing , can find us at leisure upon a broken piece of a sunday or holiday . but the main current of our life runs in studies of another nature , that don't so much as glance one kind aspect upon good living , 't is well if some of them dont hinder it . i am sure st. austin thought so , and makes it part of his penitentials . and yet to these our youth is dedicated , in these we imploy our riper years ; nor do we see the vanity and impertinence of it in old age. and then when we dye , this very thing makes one great part of our funeral elegy , that we were so diligent and indefatigable in our studies , and so inquisitive in the search of knowledge , perhaps that we procured an early interment by it , when according to the principles before laid down , we were as impertinently imploy'd all the while , as if we had been so long picking straws in bedlam . i say as impertinently , tho perhaps not so innocently . the sum of all comes to this : the measure of prosecuting learning and knowledge is their usefullness to good life . consequently all prosecution of it beyond or beside this end is impertinent and immoderate . this has been fully proved by evident principles . but now of this sort is the general prosecution of learning and knowledge , as is plain by appealing to the general conduct of study . the conclusion therefore unovoidably follows . that the intellectual conduct of human life is justly chargeable with an immoderate and impertinent pursuit of knowledge . which was the proposition to be made out , and i am sorry to see it so well proved . the end of the third reflection . the conclusion . and now ( madam ) having finish'd my threefold reflection upon the intellectual conduct of human life , i have a double application to make , one to your ladyship , and another to my self . that to your ladyship is this , that you would consider to what a narrow compass , by vertue of the preceding discourses , these three things are reduced , which before use to take up so large a room , viz. learning it self , the method of learning , and the desire and prosecution of learning . the first of which is comprized within the limits of necessary truth , the second within those of thinking , purity and prayer ; the third within its usefulness to the furtherance of good life . these indeed are great retrenchments , but i think such as are just and necessary to the regulation of our intellectual conduct , which i am glad to find so compendious and disincumber'd , that being a mark of no small probability to confirm me in the truth of it , as the rightest line is also always the shortest . and since both learning it self , its method , and limits of prosecution are all so reduced , i would further commend to your ladyships consideration , whether from this great abridgment you can forbear deducing these two corollaries , first , that this bookish humour which every where so prevails , is one of the spiritual dyscrasys , or moral diseases of mankind , one of the most malignant reliques of original depravation . it carrying in it the very stamp and signature of adam's transgression , which owed its birth to curiosity , and inordinate desire of knowledge . secondly , that those who have eyes , may in a great measure spare them , and that those who have not , should not , upon the account of learning , much lament the want of them which is what particularly concerns your ladyship's case , and is now address'd to your private considerarion . now as to my own particular concern , the result of what i have written is this . i am so inwardly and throughly convinc'd of the certainty of those principles , i have here lay'd down , that i think i am not only under a particular obligation , but almost under a necessity of conducting my studies according to the measures proposed . the last of which has left such a strong influence , such a deep impression upon me , that i think i shall now follow the advice of the heathen ( m. antonius as i remember ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rid my self of the thirst after books , and study nothing but what serves to the advancement of piety and good life . i have now spent about thirteen years in the most celebrated university in the world , and , according to the ordinary measures , perhaps not amiss , having accomplish'd my self in a competent degree both with such learning as the academical standard requires , and with whatever else my own private genius inclined me to . but truly i cannot say that i have order'd my studies in that theatre of learning , so much to my own satisfaction , as to my reputation with others . to be free with you , i must declare , that when i reflect upon my past intellectual conduct , i am as little satisfy'd with it as i am with that of my morals , and that i think i have nigh as much to answer for the former , as i have for the latter , being very conscious that the greatest part of it has been imploy'd in vnconcerning curiosities , , such as derive no moral influence upon the soul that contemplates them . but i have now ( if i sufficiently understand my self ) a very different taste and apprehension of things , and intend to spend my uncertain remainder of time in studying only such things as make for the moral improvement of my mind , and the regulation of my life , not being able to give an account upon any rational and consistent principles , why i should study any thing else . more particularly i think i shall cheifly apply my self to the reading of such books as are rather perswasive , than instructive , such as are sapid , pathetic and divinely-relishing , such as warm , kindle and inlarge the interiour , and awaken the divine sense of the soul , as considering with my self that i have now , after so much reading and speculation , more need of heat than of light. tho if i were for more light still , i think this would prove the best method of illumination , and that when all 's done , the love of god is the best light of the soul. for i consider with the excellent cardinal bona , that a man may have knowledge without love. but he that loves , altho he wants sciences humanely acquired , yet he will know more than human wisdom can teach him , because he has that master within who teaches man knowledge . purity of heart and life being one of the methods of consulting the ideal world , as was shewn in the second part. and now ( madam ) i cannot well presage how your ladyship will relish this renunciation of all studies meerly curious , from one whom you apprehended ( perhaps upon too just grounds ) to have been so naturally disposed to them , and so deeply ingaged in them . perhaps you 'll say i am already countrify'd since i left the vniversity . how far that metamorphosis may seize upon me , i can't yet tell , if solitude and retirement be enough to bring it , i am i confess in great danger , being now got into a little corner of the world , where i must be more company to my self than i have been ever yet . but the best on 't is , i have not been so great a stranger to my own company all along , as to fear any great alteration by it now . nor do i think the management of the present undertaking a sign of any such change . whether i should have had the same thoughts in the vniversity or no , i can't say , i rather believe they are owing to my country-retirement ( as i hinted in the beginning ) but however that be , sure i am they were entertain'd upon the deepest and severest consideration , and i believe are so well grounded , that the more your ladyship considers , the more you will be convinc'd both of the truth of what i have discours'd , and of the reasonableness of what i design ; which is to devote my self wholly to the accomplishment of my moral part , and of my intellectual , only so far as is subservient to the other . and now ( madam ) having bid farewel to all unconcerning studies , all the dry and unsavoury parts of learning , 't is high time to take my leave of your ladyship too ; which i do with this hope , that one great ground of your trouble for the misfortune of your eyes is by the foregoing considerations removed : and with this assurance , that if these discourses be too weak to bring you over to my present opinion , they will however prove strong enough to work you into a better , which is to believe , that i still continue in all reality , your ladyships most faithful friend and servant , iohn norris . newton st. loe , sept. 2. 1689. a sermon preach'd in the abby church of bath , before the right reverend father in god , thomas , lord bishop of bath and wells : at his visitation held there iuly 30. 1689. by iohn norris , m. a. rector of newton st. loe , near bath , and late fellow of all-souls college in oxford . london , printed in the year 1690. john 21. v. 15. so when they had dined , iesus saith to simon peter , simon son of ionas , lovest thou me more than these ? he saith unto him , yea lord ; thou knowest that i love thee . he saith unto him , feed my lambs . the words consist of three considerable parts . first , of a question put by our lord to st. peter . secondly , of st. peter's answer . thirdly , of a command by way of inference from it . the question was whether st. peter loved him beyond the rest of his disciples then present . this demand of our lord was not so high as were st. peter's former professions and pretensions . this warm and zealous apostle had always profess'd a more than ordinary adhesion to his lord and master , and pretended to as great a supremacy of love , as his successours do of knowledge and iurisdiction . he seem'd to be among the apostles what the seraphim are among the angels , to out-shine and out-burn not this or that vulgar disciple only , but the whole apostolical order in zeal , courage , and flames of divine love. for no less can that eminent profession of his import , tho all men should be offended because of thee , yet will i never be offended . but not having made good his high pretensions , our lord now puts the question to him in terms more moderate than those wherein he had before voluntarily boasted of his own fidelity ; and whereas he had before made shew of a superlative love beyond all the disciples , our lord only asks him this modest question , lovest thou me more than these ? the good apostle having now partly from the late experiment of his own frailty , and partly from the manner of our lords question , learnt more humility and modesty , returns such an answer as was short not only of his former professions , but even of the question too . he does not reply , lord thou knowest that i love thee more than these . no , he dares not venture any more so much as to determine any thing concerning the measure of his love , but is contented barely to aver the truth , and sincerity of it . and for this he fears not to appeal at last to the divine omniscience , lord thou knowest all things , thou knowest that i love thee . our lord takes the answer , and does not at all question the truth and sincerity of it , only he gives him a test whereby it might be tried and justified , both before god , himself and the world , by subjoining this illative command , feed my lambs , as it is in the text , or as in the two following verses , feed my sheep . this whole intercourse between our lord and st. peter , may i conceive , as to the full stress and scope of it , fitly be reduced to this short hypothetical sceme of speech , if thou lovest me , feed my sheep . like that of our saviour , upon another occasion to his disciples in common , if ye love me keep my commandments . this under a shorter view takes in the full force of the words , and i shall accordingly discourse upon them , as if they had stood in this posture . hence then i shall take occasion to consider these three things , as naturally arising from the words , and as no less pertinent to our present concern . first the great love of our lord christ to his church , which he here calls his lambs , and his sheep , which he here commands st. peter as he loved him to feed , and which lastly he would not absolutely and finally commit to his charge , till after three distinct inquiries whether he truly loved him . secondly , i shall consider the command here given , and shew the great obligation that lies upon all spiritual pastors and guides of souls to feed this flock of christ which is so dearly beloved by him . thirdly , i shall consider the connexion and dependence that is between the practice of this command and the love of christ. if thou lovst me feed my sheep . lastly , i shall close all with an earnest exhortation to the conscientious practice of the duty enjoyned . the first thing i shall consider is the great love of christ to his church . and certainly if there be any secret in religion fit for angels to contemplate , and too high for them to comprehend ; if there be any love that has breadth and length , and depth , and heighth , if there be any love that passes knowledge , if there be any love that is stronger than death , and dearer than life , if there be any , lastly , that is truly wonderful , and that passes love not only of women , but of the whole creation , 't is this love of our lord to his church . we have no line long enough to fathom so vast a depth , nor can mortality furnish us with ideas to conceive , or with words to utter so deep a mystery . if there be any words that can reach it , they must be such as st. paul heard in his rapture , strange words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 words that cannot be pronounced by an human tongue , and that would be meer barbarism to a mortal capacity . but however , that we may take some measure of that which really has none , and be able to frame some notion of this love of christ , which as the apostle tells us passes knowledge , we will exhibit a prospect of it in a double light ; first , in those verbal representations which the scripture gives of it , and secondly , in those real and actual proofs whereby christ himself has exprest this his most excellent , and otherwise incredible love. as to the first , the scripture we know is full of great things , and those set forth with as great and magnificent expressions . the rhetoric and stile of scripture runs incomparably high , beyond that of any other writings in whatever it treats of . but there are three things more especially , in the description of which the holy spirit seems to labour , and be at a stand for expression . and these are the glories of heaven , the miseries of hell , and the love of christ to his church . these the scripture represents under all the variety of symbols , figures and images that can be supplied either from the intellectual or material world ; that so what is wanting in each single representation , might be made up from the multitude and combination of them , that if one should miss , another might strike us , to make if possible some impression of so strange and so concerning truths upon the minds of men. but the last of these , as 't is most wonderful and mysterious ( it being a greater wonder that god should love man , than that either there should be so much happiness in the enjoyment of god , or so much misery in the loss of him ) so is it more frequently inculcated , and more strongly represented . so frequently inculcated is it , that were it not for the mystery of the thing , and that there is no tautology in love , the scripture would seem chargeable with vain repetitions . every page almost in holy writ breathes forth this mystery of divine love , and besides that , there is one whole book particularly imploy'd in the representation of it , by all the flowers and delicacies of the most exalted poetry ; it may be said of the whole sacred volumn that 't is but one continued expression of love from christ to his church , one larger canticles . and as 't is thus frequently inculcated , so is it no less strongly represented . 't is represented by that which is the most proper effect , and the last end and accomplishment of all love , by vnion . for there are three most admirable unions proposed to our faith in the christian religion . the unity of essence in the trinity , the unity of person in jesus christ , and the union that is between christ and his church . the first of these is an example and prefiguration as it were to the second , and the second to the third . for we cannot better represent the union of christ with his church , than by the hypostatic vnion , or the union of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with human nature . for first , as in this mystery the plurality of nature is consistent with the unity of person , so does love effect the same miracle in the union between christ and his church . for here also we meet with a new theanthropy , a strange composition of god and man , two vastly different substances , which without confusion of either natures or properties , make up one and the same body . for if christ be head of the church , he is also one body with it . and so st. austin , totus christus secundam ecclesiam & caput & corpus est . again , as in the mystery of the hypostatic union there is a communication of idioms or properties whereby what primarily and abstractly belongs to one , may secondarily and concretely be attributed to the other , as that god is man , and man is god , so has love introduced the like communication between christ and his church , which may be said to be happy and glorified in christ , as he is said to suffer in his church . again , as in the mystery of the hypostatic union the word uniting it self to human nature adorn'd and exalted it , not only by the priviledge of so sacred a confederacy , but also with many distinct graces and excellencies , whereby it was necessarily tho not forcibly determin'd to love the divinity , and highly fitted to be loved by it , so is it also in this union between christ and his church . he has not only innobled her by so sacred an alliance , but is ever conferring upon her his gifts and graces , and will never cease to do so , till at length he present her to himself a glorious church , without spot or blemish , and make her in some measure worthy of so great a love , and so intimate an vnion . for 't is observable , that in scripture jesus christ is set out as the author and dispencer of all grace , to him is ascribed the work of the second as well as of the first creation , from his fulness we all receive , and the apostle says expresly , that to every one of us is given grace according to the measure of the gift of christ. but not to pursue this metaphysical parallel any further , let us return to consider this union , as 't is represented in holy scripture . now there are but two sorts of union in the world , natural and moral . and the holy spirit has made choice of the closest of each , whereby to figure out to us the union between christ and his church . the closest of natural unions is that between the head and the body ; and the closest of all moral unions is that between the husband and the wife . and both these are by the holy spirit applied to this mystery . thus is christ oftentimes call'd the head of the church , and the church the body of christ. thus again is he stiled the bridegroom , and the church honour'd with the name of his spouse . and because this latter figure carries in it more of sensible endearment , therefore is it of more frequent use , and withal of more antient date . for besides that adam first open'd this mystery , and by his miraculous marriage typified to us that of christ with his church , which came out of the wounded side of our lord , as eve was taken out of adam's , the prophets have also given our lord the title of bridegroom in the old testament . the 45th psalm is a plain spiritual epithalamium , and so is the whole book of canticles , and the holy baptist , in whom both types and prophesie expire , calls him expresly by the name of bridegroom . strange miracle of humility and love ! that ever god should come down to seek a spouse upon earth ! was it not enough , o blessed jesu , that thou wast one with the father and holy spirit , in the eternal trinity ? was it not enough that thou hadst made thy self one with our mortal flesh by assuming our nature , but that thou must yet heap mystery upon mystery , and as if thou wert not yet near enough allied to us , must also make thy self one with thy church ? but such is thy love to man as not to be contented with one single union with him ? and so great thy condescention as if thou need'st a partner , to compleat thy happiness , and as if it were no more good for the second , than 't was for the first adam to be alone . these are the two principal figures under which the scripture pictures out to us the love of christ to his church , and his union with it . not that they rise up to the heighth of the mystery , but because they come the nearest of any to it . for indeed they fall vastly short , and give but a faint shadowy resemblance of what they are intended to represent . and therefore as we have hitherto represented the dearness between christ and his church , by that between the head and the members , and the husband and wife , so we may , and with better reason invert the order , and propose the former as an example and measure for both the latter . and 't is observable that st. paul does so ; for says he , husbands love your wives , even as christ loved the church . and again , no man ever yet hated his own flesh , but nourishes and cherishes it even as the lord the church . where you see the love of christ to his church is not , as before , set out by that of married persons , and that of a man to his own flesh , but these are set out and illustrated by the other . so great and transcending all love , yea even all knowledge , is this love of christ to his church . but 't will appear yet greater , if we take a prospect of it in the second light , namely in those real and actual proofs whereby christ himself has exprest this his most excellent and otherwise incredible love. and certainly they are such as never were , will , or can be given by any other lover . for ( to make the prospect as short as maybe ) was it not an amazing instance of love for the great and ever blessed god , who could neither be advantaged by our happiness , nor damaged by our misery , to come down and assume our nature in its meanest circumstances , to live a needy and contemptible life , and dye a painful aud execrable death , and all this to reconcile a rebel , to restore an apostate ? indeed the work of man's redemption , if we deeply consider the whole method and contrivance of it , is such an heroic instance of love , and so much exceeding that of his creation , that 't is well man was created and redeem'd by the same good being , since otherwise his obligations to his redeemer being so much greater than those to his creator , he would be very much divided and distracted in his returns of love and gratitude . but let us reflect a little upon the life , before we further consider the death of our redeemer . it was one constant argument , one continued miracle of love. he lived as one purely devoted to the good of mankind . all his thoughts , all his words , all his actions were love , his whole business was to glorify his father , and ( which was his greatest glory ) to express his love to man , which tho at all times exceeding wonderful , yet toward the evening of his life it thicken'd and grew stronger , like motion within the neighbourhood of the center , and as then he prayed , so he loved yet more earnestly . for 't was then that he wept over condemn'd ierusalem , and bedew'd with tears the grave of lazarus . 't was then that with desire he desired to eat the passover with his disciples , instituted a perpetual monument of love , his holy supper , and left another of humility by condescending to wash their feet . 't was then that he comforted his disciples with the variety of the heavenly mansions , with a declaration that he himself was the way , the truth and the life , with an assurance that their prayers in his name should be effectual , with a promise of the holy spirit , and with a legacy of his own peace , to compensate for the tribulation they should meet with in the world. 't was then , lastly , that he recommended the state of his apostles , together with his own glorification , in one and the same solemn prayer to his father , that he would preserve them in unity and truth , and at length glorify them with the whole body of true believers with himself in heaven . and all this at a time when one would have thought his own concern should have been his only meditation , and fear his only passion , for now was he within view of his amazing sufferings , and the shade was just ready to point at the dreadful hour , and yet even now his love was truly stronger than death , and the care of his disciples prevailed over the horrors of his approaching agony . which he further shewed by giving up himself to a cruel and shameful death , for the life and salvation of the world. a death ( to say no more of it ) of such strange sorrow and anguish , that the very prospect of it put him into a sweat of blood , and the induring it made him complain of being deserted of his father . and then that his redemption might prove effectual , after his resurrection he gives commission to his disciples to go and publish it with its conditions throughout the world , and orders them all , as he does here st. peter , to feed his sheep . and lest the the benefit of his death should be again frustrated for want of power to perform the conditions , presently after his ascension he sent down the spirit of consolation upon his apostles , and does continually confer grace upon , and make intercession for his church . so tenderly affected was he toward this his spouse , that even the felicities of heaven could not make him forget her , as he further shew'd by complaining in behalf of his church , when from the midst of his glory he said , saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? which words shew him as much concern'd for the wounds given to his mystical , as for those he felt in his natural body . and now since the love of our lord to his church is so exceeding great , it certainly concerns all christians , especially those whom he has intrusted with the care of his church to be alike minded . which leads me in the second place to consider the command here given , and to shew the great obligation that lies upon all spiritual pastors , to feed this flock of christ which is so nearly beloved by him . feed my sheep , says our lord to st. peter , and in him to all the pastors of the christian church , who are equally concerned both in the command and in the duty . and that they are so is , already sufficiently concluded from what has been discoursed concerning the great love of christ to his church . to make you therefore more sensible of this duty i need only propose to your meditation , how affectionately our lord loves his church , and how dear her interests are to him , that out of this his abundant love , he has set apart a distinct order of men on this very purpose , to promote and further her in the way of salvation , that he has intrusted the care of her in their hands , and has made them his vicegerents and trustees ; that 't is a charge worthy their greatest care , for which there needs no other argument than that 't is committed to them , by him who knows the worth . of souls ; that he strictly commands them , as they have any love or regard for him , to feed his sheep ; that 't was the very last command that he gave them , when he was just leaving the world , and upon the very confines of glorification , and that lastly as this is the greatest trust that was ever by god reposed in men , so there will be the severest account taken of it at the last day , at the great visitation of the bishop of souls . this is enough , if duely weighed , to shew the obligation of this command , and to conclude this part , were it not necessary to add something concerning the manner of discharging it . feed my sheep is the command given by christ to the pastors of his church , and we have seen the obligation of it : but how are they to feed them ? i answer , first by prayer for their respective charges both in public and in private . this is the first thing belonging to the pastoral office , and accordingly with this st. paul begins his admonition to his son timothy . i exhort therefore that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions and giving thanks be made for all men. secondly by preaching , with private instruction and admonition as occasion shall serve and require . and here their first care should be to preach nothing but what is true. secondly , to confine their discourses to vseful truths , such as tend to the promotion of good life , that which the apostle calls the truth which is after godliness . thirdly , to deliver only plain truths . for there are many truths which are highly useful and have a very practical aspect when they are once understood , which are not so easie and obvious to be so . these therefore ought as much to be waved as those which are not useful , because tho useful , simply speaking , yet respectively they are not . and upon these two latter accounts we should not trouble our unlearned auditories , either with thorny questions and knotty controversies which in themselves have no practical use , or with more refined theories and school niceties , which to them are as useless and unpractical as the other . to feed them with the former would be to give them stones instead of bread ; and to feed them with the latter would be like placing a man in the region of pure ether ; why , he can't breath in it , and will starve by reason of the over-fineness of his diet. nor is it enough that the truths we preach be vseful and plain , unless in the fourth place they be deliver'd in a plain and intelligible manner . for what signifies it that the things are in themselves plain , if we make them obscure in our expressing them ; we are all ready enough to laugh at the poor frier for going about to preach the gospel to beasts and trees , and are not they alike ridiculous that order discourses so as not to be understood by those that hear them ? don't these also preach to beasts and trees ? we ought therefore to consult the capacity of our hearers , and consider to whom , as well as what we speak . and to this plainness of expression we would do well to join some degrees of warmth and concernedness . and this i rather recommend because there are some that affect a cold , dead , careless and heartless way of delivery . but certainly this has as little decorum in it as it has of devotion . for since the things we speak are supposed not only to be truths , but concerning and important truths , what can be more absurd than to see a man deliver a sermon as drily and indifferently , as one would read a mathematical lecture ? 't is said of iohn the baptist , that he was a burning , as well as a shining light. and truly we have need of such in this cold frozen age. plain sermons , preach'd with warmth and affection do more than the best , coldly deliver'd . you know the story in eusebius of the heathen philosopher coming into the council of nice , who was baffled into christianity by the meer warmth and heartiness wherewith the good old man address'd him . he could have resisted his arguments , but not the spirit and zeal wherewith he spake . and this is all i shall think proper to remark to you upon the preaching part . the next way whereby the pastors of the church are to feed the sheep of christ , is by duely administring to them the holy sacrament , which is their true spiritual food , the manna that must sustain them in this wilderness . this is the most proper way of feeding them , for the body of christ is meat indeed , and his blood is drink indeed . there remains yet one way more of feeding the flock of christ , without which the rest will signifie but little , and that is by a good example . among the other properties of a good shepherd , our saviour reckons this as one , that he goes before his sheep , and leads them by his steps , as well as with his voice . there ought to be a connexion between hear and do , but much more between preach and do. and he that is not careful of this , as he cannot expect to do much good to others , so he will certainly condemn himself . to be short ( for i hope i need not inlarge , speaking to wise men ) a good preacher who is an ill liver is such a monster as cannot be match'd in all affrica . and for his state hereafter , i may leave it to be consider'd how great a condemnation awaits him , whom not only the book of god , and of conscience , but even his own sermons shall judge at the last day . these are the several ways of discharging this precept , feed my sheep ; to which however i think it necessary to add one thing more , and that is that we feed them our selves , and not by proxy , or deputation . for out lord does not say to st. peter , do thou get some body to feed my sheep , but do thou feed them thy self . for however st. peter's shadow might do cures upon the body , it must be his person that must do good upon the souls of his charge . to speak out plainly what i intend , non-residency is one of the greatest scandals of the reform'd , yea of the christian religion , contrary to all reason and justice , as well as primitive practice . and whoever are guilty of it , plainly shew that they are lovers of ease , honour or profit more than lovers of christ. for certainly he that loves christ as he ought will not think himself too good to feed his sheep . which leads me in the third and last place to consider the connexion and dependance that is between the practice of this command and the love of christ. now this i briefly make out upon a double ground . the first ground is , because the love of christ will naturally ingage us to love whatever he loves , and consequently since his church is so exceeding dear to him , 't will ingage us to love his church , and if to love it , then consequently to be diligent in feeding it , that being the most proper instance of shewing our love to it . the second ground is , because the person of jesus christ consisting of a double nature , god and man , the love of him must include the love of his humanity ; as well as of his divinity . if therefore we love christ , we love the human nature as well as the divine , and if so , then we love man as man , consequently all men , and if we love all men , we shall desire and endeavour their salvation , and accordingly take care to feed them with the bread of life . upon these two grounds it plainly appears that there is a strong connexion between the loving of christ , and the feeding of his sheep , and that such pastors as do not well discharge the latter , have no right of pretending to the former . this is the test whereby both st. peter's and every spiritual pastor's affection to our lord must be tried , if you love me , feed my sheep . let me therefore exhort you all , as you love our lord jesus christ , and as you desire to be loved and approv'd of by him , to a sincere and conscientious discharge of your pastoral duty , to take heed unto your selves and to all the flock over which the holy ghost has made you overseers , to feed the church of god , which he has purchased with his own blood. let me beseech you to consider what you are , and what you should be . what you are by your character and profession , and what you should be in the exercise of it , and therefore to take heed to your selves , to your doctrine , and above all to your publick life and conversation . for certainly it cannot be an ordinary measure of religion that will serve our turn , who are concern'd not only to be good , but exemplary , and must live well for others as well as for our selves , what therefore is perfection in others , will be but strict duty in us . the devotion of our ordinary days , ought to exceed that of their festivals , and we should live in as much warmth of religion as they dye . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all things shewing thy self a pattern of good works , that 's our rule , we ought to be patterns and examples of a holy and refined conversation . let your lamps therefore be always trimm'd , and your lights always burning , and that with such brightness , as to shame those that will not be allured by the glory of the flame . and that you may the better do all this , let me desire you all frequently and seriously to meditate upon the excellent example of the great and good shepherd christ jesus , whose life was wholly imploy'd , and at last laid down for the good of his sheep . i pray you ( my reverend brethren ) consider this and all that has been said , that so when this great shepherd shall return to visit his flock , you may all give up the same account to him , that he did to his father , those that thou gavest me i have kept , and none of them is lost . amen . finis . books printed for sam. manship , at the black-bull , in cornhil . odes . satyrs , and epistles of horace , done into english ; the second edition . lives of the most famous english poets , or the honour of parnassus , in a brief essay of the works and writings of above two hundred of them , from the time of k. william the conqueror , to the reign of the late k. iames the second , in octav. reason and religion , or the grounds and measures of devotion , considered from the nature of god and the nature of man , in several contemplations , with exercises of devotion , applied to every contemplation ; by iohn norris , m. a. and fellow of all-souls-college in oxford . octavo , price 2 s. the theory and regulation of love , a moral essay in two parts , to which is added letters philosophical and moral , between the author and doctor more , by i. noris , m. a. and fellow of all-souls-college in oxford . 2 s. a cap of gray-hairs , for a green head , or the fathers counsel to his son an apprentice in london : containing wholesome instructions for the managements of a man's whole life : the fourth edition in twelves . 1 s. the injured lovers , or the ambitious father a tragedy ; acted by their majesties servants , at the theatre royal : by w. mountfort . a comedy . the comical revenge , or love in a tub ; as it is now acted at their majesties theatre : by sir geo. ethenege . the gallant hermaphrodite , an amorous novel , translated from the french , of the sieur de chouigny . price 1 s. the marrow of divinity , or the chief grounds of protestant religion , briefly explained in a form of catechising ; by way of question and answer , by william ames , d. d. price 3. d. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52433-e280 eccles. 11.7 . notes for div a52433-e530 exod. 17.6 . vid. reason and religion . pag. 82. vid. the same treatise . pag. 203. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 3. cogitationes rationales de deo p. 296. de la recherche de la verite p. 208. 1 cor. 13.8 . notes for div a52433-e7740 vide , reason and religion . joh. 1.5 . p. 144. p. 146. p. 148 , reason and religion . colos. 2.3 . prov. 8.34 . c. 9.4 . joh. 8.12 . tauler sermon , 3. pasch. p. 412. joh. 7.17 . 1 cor. ● . 14 . 1 wisd. 4. dan. 12.10 . psal. 119. joh. 8.12 . 1 cor. 13.12 . dan. 1.15 joh. 14.2 . v. 23. psal. 25.13 . dan. 1.17 . pag. 5. jam. 1.5 . 1 king. 3.9 . notes for div a52433-e12910 eccl. 43. nat. hist. p. 13. job . 38. eccles. 1.18 . colos. 3.10 . cogitat . ration . de deo. p. 62● . eccles. 12.13 . v. 12. v. 13. v. 14. v. 21. v. 22. v. 23. v. 28. 1 cor. 2. deut. 32.29 . confess . lib. c. 1.16 . notes for div a52433-e19770 via compendii ad deum . p. 172. notes for div a52433-e21120 mat. 26.33 . ephes. 3.19 . ephes. 5.27 . ephes. 4.7 . ephes. 5.25 . ver. 29. luke . 22.44 . jo. 17. 1 tim. 2.1 . 1 titus . john 5.35 . john 10.4 act. 20.28 . tit. 2.7 . john 17.12 . the bishop of worcester's answer to mr. locke's second letter wherein his notion of ideas is prov'd to be inconsistent with itself, and with the articles of the christian faith. stillingfleet, edward, 1635-1699. 1698 approx. 237 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61523 wing s5558 estc r3400 12185882 ocm 12185882 55785 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61523) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55785) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 879:8) the bishop of worcester's answer to mr. locke's second letter wherein his notion of ideas is prov'd to be inconsistent with itself, and with the articles of the christian faith. stillingfleet, edward, 1635-1699. 178, [7] p. printed by j.h. for henry mortlock ..., london : 1698. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng locke, john, 1632-1704. -essay concerning human understanding. knowledge, theory of. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of worcester's answer to mr. locke's second letter ; wherein his notion of ideas is prov'd to be inconsistent with it self , and with the articles of the christian faith . london , printed by i. h. for henry mortlock at the phoenix in st. paul's church-yard , mdcxcviii . the bishop of worcester's answer to mr. locke's second letter , &c. sir , i was not a little surpriz'd at the length of your second letter , considering the shortness of the answer contained in it : but it put me in mind of the springs of modená mention'd by ramazzini , which rise up with such a plenty of water upon opening a passage , that the undertaker is afraid of being overwhelm'd by it . i see how dangerous it is to give occasion to a person of such a fruitfull invention to write ; for letters become books , and small books will soon rise to great volumes , if no way be found to give a check to such an ebullition of thoughts , as some men find within themselves . i was apt to think the best way were , to let nature spend it self ; and although those who write out of their own thoughts do it with as much ease and pleasure as a spider spins his web ; yet the world soon grows weary of controversies , especially when they are about personal matters : which made me wonder that one who understands the world so well , should spend above fifty pages of a letter in renewing and enlarging a complaint wholly concerning himself . suppose i had born a little too hard upon you in joyning your words and anothers intentions together ; had it not been an easie and effectual way of clearing your self , to have declared to the world , that you owned the doctrine of the trinity , as it hath been received in the christian church , and is by ours in the creeds and articles of religion ? this had stopt the mouths of the clamorous , and had removed the suspicions of the doubtfull , and would have given full satisfaction to all reasonable men. but when you so carefully avoid doing this , all other arts and evasions do but leave the matter more suspicious among the most intelligent and impartial readers . this i mention , not that you need be afraid of the inquisition , or that i intend to charge you with heresie in denying the trinity ; but my present design is to shew , that your mind is so intangled and set fast by your notion of ideas , that you know not what to make of the doctrines of the trinity and incarnation ; because you can have no idea of one nature and three persons , nor of two natures and one person ; as will fully appear afterwards . and therefore , out of regard to publick service , in order to the preventing a growing mischief , i shall endeavour to lay open the ill consequences of your way of ideas with respect to the articles of the christian faith. but i shall wave all unnecessary repetitions , and come immediately to the matter of your complaint as it is renewed in this second letter , which i shall briefly answer , before i proceed to that which i chiefly design . your complaint , you say , was , that you were brought into a controversie wherein you had never meddled , nor knew how you came to be concerned in . i told you , it was because the person who opposed the mysteries of christianity went upon your grounds , and made use of your words ; although i declared withall , that they were used to other purposes than you intended them ; and i confess'd , that the reason why i quoted your words so much , was , because i found your notion as to certainty by ideas , was the main foundation on which the author of christianity not mysterious went ; and that he had nothing that look'd like reason , if that principle were removed ; which made me so much endeavour to shew , that it would not hold , and so i supposed the reason why i so often mention'd your words , was no longer a riddle to you . these passages you set down in your second letter ; but you say , all this seems to you to do nothing towards the clearing of this matter . whether it doth or not , i am content to leave it to any indifferent reader ; and there it must rest at last , although you should write volumes about it . but for what cause do you continue so unsatisfied ? you tell us , it is , that the author mentioned , went upon this ground , that clear and distinct ideas are necessary to certainty , but that is not your notion as to certainty by ideas ; which is , that certainty consists in the perception of the agreement or disagreement of ideas , such as we have , whether they be in all their parts perfectly clear and distinct or no : and you say , that you have no notions of certainty more than this one . this is no more than what you had said before in your former letter , and i took particular notice of it , and gave three several answers to it , which i shall here lay together and defend , because you seem to think i had not answered it . ( 1. ) that those who offer at clear and distinct ideas bid much fairer for certainty than you do ( according to this answer ) and speak more agreeably to your original grounds of certainty . for it is a very wonderfull thing in point of reason , for you to pretend to certainty by ideas , and not allow those ideas to be clear and distinct ? you say , the certainty lies in the perception of the agreement or disagreement of ideas : how can i clearly perceive the agreement or disagreement of ideas , if i have not clear and distinct ideas ? for how is it possible for a man's mind to know whether they agree or disagree , if there be some parts of those ideas , we have only general and confused ideas of ? and therefore i had great reason to say , that if certainty be placed in ideas we must have clear and distinct ideas . you may as well say , a man may be certain of the agreement and disagreement of colours in a confused or uncertain light. for so much as the idea fails of clearness and distinctness , so much it fails of that evidence which it is necessary to judge by . where-ever there is obscurity , confusion or imperfection in the ideas , there must be so much uncertainty in the perception of the agreement or disagreement of them . and to pretend to certainty by ideas without pretending to clear and distinct ideas , is to judge without evidence , and to determine a thing to be certainly true , when we cannot know whether it be so or not ; for how can you be sure that your ideas agree with the reality of things ( wherein you place the certainty of knowledge ) if there be no such ideas of those things , that you can perceive their true nature , and their difference from all others ? for therein you will not deny that the notion of clear and distinct ideas consists . but you say more than once or twice , or ten times , that i blame those who place certainty in clear and distinct ideas , but you do it not , and yet i bring you in among them ; which is the thing you so much complain of . i will give you a full answer to this complaint . i do not deny , but the first occasion of my charge was the supposition that clear and distinct ideas were necessary in order to any certainty in our minds , and that the only way to attain this certainty was by comparing these ideas together : but to prove this , your words were produced , and your principles of certainty laid down , and none else ; and i could not imagine that you could place certainty in the agreement or disagreement of ideas , and yet not suppose those ideas to be clear and distinct . but finding your self joyned in such company which you did not desire to be seen in , you rather chose to distinguish your self from them , by denying clear and distinct ideas to be necessary to certainty . but it must be here observed , that our debate about certainty by ideas is not about any other certainty , but about certainty of knowledge with regard to some proposition , whose ideas are to be compared as to their agreement and disagreement . for your words are , certainty of knowledge is to perceive the agreement or disagreement of ideas as expressed in any proposition . this we usually call knowing or being certain of the truth of any proposition . so that a proposition whose ideas are to be compared as to their agreement or disagreement , is the proper object of this certainty . and therefore this certainty is to be distinguished , 1. from a certainty by sense ; or that by which we come to know the existence of external objects . for you say , that the knowledge of the existence of any other thing we can have only by sensation . for there being no necessary connexion of real existence with any idea a man hath in his memory ; no particular man can know the existence of any other being , but only when by actual operating upon him it makes it self perceived by him . but that this is quite another certainty from that of ideas , appears from these following words of yours ; for the having the idea of any thing in our mind , no more proves the existence of that thing than the picture of a man evidences his being in the world , or the visions of a dream make thereby a true history . therefore this is a very different certainty from that of ideas . 2. from a certainty by reason ; when from the existence of some things evident to sense , we inferr the existence of another thing not evident to sense : as to take your own words in your former letter . as to the existence of bodily substances , i know by my senses , that something extended , solid and figur'd does exist ; for my senses are the utmost evidence and certainty i have of the existence of extended , solid , figured things . these modes being then known to exist by our senses , the existence of them ( which i cannot conceive can subsist without something to support them ) makes me see the connection of those ideas with a support , or as it is called , subject of inhesion , and so consequently the connection of that support , which cannot be nothing , with existence . granting all this , yet it by no means proves that we can have a certainty in the way of ideas , where the ideas themselves by which we have the certainty are obscure and confused ; but that supposing the ideas we have by our senses to be true , we may from them inferr the existence of something of which we have only an obscure and confused idea ; which is the case of bodily substances . of which i grant you may come to a certain knowledge , but not a certainty by ideas , but by a consequence of reason deduced from the ideas we have by our senses . and this can never prove that we may have a certainty by ideas , where the ideas themselves are not clear and distinct : for there is a great difference between having a certainty by reason , of a thing whose idea is confused and obscure , and having that certainty by obscure and confused ideas . for in this case the idea of substance is obscure : but the way of certainty is by a clear deduction of reason from the ideas we have by our senses . 3. from a certainty by remembrance ; by which i mean the remaining impression on the mind of an original certainty by demonstration . as to use your own instance ; a man hath found by mathematical evidence , that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right angles ; the perception of this at the time of the demonstration was clear and distinct ; but afterwards , the method of demonstration may have slipt out of his mind , yet he retains a certainty of the thing by virtue of that demonstration ; but this is not a clear perception , as you would have it , where the ideas are confused ; but it is an obscure remembrance of the grounds of that certainty which he once had ; and hath never seen any reason since , why he should call it in question . these things then being put out of the question , which belong not to it ; the question truly stated is , whether we can attain to any certainty of knowledge as to the truth of a proposition in the way of ideas , where the ideas themselves by which we come to that certainty be not clear and distinct ? another thing to be observed is , that des cartes who first started this way of certainty by ideas , thought it a ridiculous thing in any to pretend to it , unless their ideas were clear and distinct . he saith , that when we assent without clear perception , we are either deceived , or fall into truth by chance , but we do often err when we think we have clear perception , and have not . but to a certain iudgment , it is necessary that our perception be not only clear but distinct : that is , when the thing not only lies open to our view , but we see it on all sides , and so can distinguish it from all other things . you agree with him in placing certainty in ideas , but you differ from him in that which alone made his opinion reasonable , viz. that these ideas be clear and distinct . if it were possible for us to come to clear and distinct ideas of the things we pretend to be certain of , it were a just pretence to certainty in that way ; but since we cannot come at them , we must be content with such measures of knowledge as we are capable of . but for you to talk so much of certainty by ideas , and yet to allow obscurity and imperfection in those ideas , is like a purblind man who would pretend to judge exactly of the differences of colours in the twilight , because another pretended to do it at noon-day : or like one , who would undertake to shew certainly the agreement or disagreement of two men at a distance from him , in their habit , features , and stature , and yet at the same time confess that he could not clearly distinguish one from the other . so that if i did think you spake more consistently to your hypothesis , than you say now that you did , i hope you will forgive me that wrong , if at least it be a wrong to you ; for after all , there are several passages in your essay , which suppose clear ideas necessary to certainty . for in one place you say , that the mind not being certain of the truth of that it doth not evidently know . what is this but to make clear ideas necessary to certainty ? in another , yet more plainly , that which is requisite to make our knowledge certain is the clearness of our ideas . in a third place you say ; for it being evident that our knowledge cannot exceed our ideas ; where they are either imperfect , confused or obscure , we cannot expect to have certain , perfect or clear knowledge . in a fourth ; but obscure and confused ideas can never produce any clear and certain knowledge , because as far as any ideas are confused or obscure , the mind can never perceive clearly whether they agree or disagree . what can be more express ? and yet you have complained of me in near twenty places of your second letter for charging this upon you . by this the world will judge of the justice of your complaints , and the consistency of your notion of ideas . ( 2. ) i answer'd , that it is very possible the authour of christianity not mysterious , might mistake or misapply your notions , but there is too much reason to believe he thought them the same , and we have no reason to be sorry that he hath given you this occasion for the explaining your meaning , and for the vindication of your self in the matters you apprehend he had charged you with . here you enter upon a fresh complaint , and say ▪ this can be no reason why you should be joyned with a man that had misapplied your notions ; and that no man hath so much mistaken and misapplied your notions as my self , and therefore you ought rather to be joyned with me . but is this fair and ingenuous dealing , to represent this matter so , as if i had joined you together , because he had misunderstood and misapplied your notions ? can you think me a man of so little sense to make that the reason of it ? no , sir , it was because he assigned no other grounds but yours , and that in your own words , however now you would divert the meaning of them another way . and although i was willing to allow you all reasonable occasions for your own vindication , as appears by my words ; yet i was sensible enough , that you had given too just an occasion to apply them in that manner , as appears by the next page . but because these words follow some i had quoted out of your postscript , you fall into a nice piece of criticism about them , which , you say , in grammatical construction , must refer to the words of the postscript ; but any one that reads without a design to cavil , would easily interpret them of your words and notions about which the debate was ; and not of the postscript which comes in but as a parenthesis . this looks like chicaning in controversie ; which no man , who knows his cause is good , ever falls into . but if , you say , by an unintelligible new way of construction the word them be applied to any passages in your book : what then ? why then , whoever they are , you intend to complain of them too . but the words just before tell you who they are , viz. the enemies of the christian faith. and is this all that you intend , only to complain of them for making you a party in the controversie against the trinity ? but whether you have not made your self too much a party in it , will appear , before we have done . i had with great kindness , as i thought , taken notice of a passage in your postscript : in which i was glad to find that in general , you owned the mysteries of the christian faith , and the scripture to be the foundation and rule of it : from whence i inferr'd , that i could not believe you intended to give any advantage to the enemies of the christian faith. this passage , you say , you were surprized to find in a paragraph design'd to give you satisfaction . there are some persons i find very hard to be satisfied . for i speak of my satisfaction in this passage , and that i was glad you agreed so far with me , although you could not come up in all things to what i could wish . but what reason have you to express so much dissatisfaction at these words ? you call it an extraordinary sort of complement ; and that they seem to intimate as though i took you for a heathen before . how like a cavilling exception is this ? do not we know that in the debate about the mysteries of faith our adversaries are no heathens ; but they deny any mysteries : i was glad to find that you owned them ; and resolved your faith into the scripture as the foundation of it . did not this look more like a good opinion of you as to these matters , than any inclination to suspect you for a heathen ? but you say , it must not be taken for granted , that those who do not write or appear in print in controversies of religion do not own the christian faith , and the scriptures as the rule of it . i was far enough from any such apprehension ; but the case is quite otherwise , with those who are not sparing of writing about articles of faith , and among them take great care to avoid some which have been always esteem'd fundamental articles by the christian church . and i think it was no want of humanity or christian charity in me , that i was so glad to find you own the mysteries of the christian faith in general : which shews at least , that you cannot object against any articles of faith , because they contain something mysterious in them . but i said , that in all things your answer doth not come fully up to what i could wish . and i think i gave sufficient proof of it , as to your idea of substance , the nature of ideas , the materiality of the soul , the disparaging some arguments to prove the existence of god , the tendency of your principles ; and the ground of certainty , &c. which are put off to another letter , except the last , which is therefore now to be examin'd . ( 3. ) the third answer i gave was , that your own grounds of certainty , tend to scepticism ; and that in an age wherein the mysteries of faith are too much exposed by the promoters of scepticism and infidelity , it is a thing of dangerous consequence to start such new methods of certainty , as are apt to leave men's minds more doubtfull than before . these words , you say , contain a farther accusation of your book , which shall be consider'd in its due place . but this is the proper place of considering it . for i said , that hereby you have given too just occasion to the enemies of the christian faith , to make use of your words and notions , as was evidently proved from your own concessions . and if this be so , however i was willing to have had you explained your self to the general satisfaction ; yet since you decline it , i do insist upon it , that you cannot clear your self from laying that foundation , which the author of christianity not mysterious built upon . for your ground of certainty is the agreement or disagreement of the ideas , as expressed in any proposition . which are your own words . from hence i urged , that let the proposition come to us any way , either by humane or divine authority , if our certainty depend upon this , we can be no more certain , than we have clear perception of the agreement or disagreement of ideas contained in it . and from hence the author of christianity not mysterious thought he had reason to reject all mysteries of faith which are contained in propositions , upon your grounds of certainty . by this it evidently appears , that although i was willing to allow you all fair ways of interpreting your own sense ; yet i by no means thought that your words were wholly misunderstood or misapplied by that author : but rather that he saw into the true consequence of them , as they lie in you book . and what answer do you give to this ? not a word in the proper place for it . but afterwards ( for i would omit nothing that may seem to help your cause ) you offer something towards an answer . for there you distinguish the certainty of faith , and the certainty of knowledge , and you humbly conceive the certainty of faith , if i think fit to call it so , hath nothing to do with the certainty of knowledge ; and to talk of the certainty of faith seems all one to you as to talk of the knowledge of believing , a way of speaking not easie for you to understand . so that if i shake never so much the certainty of knowledge , it doth not at all concern the assurance of faith , that is quite distinct from it , neither stands nor falls with knowledge . faith stands by it self and upon grounds of its own , nor can be removed from them and placed on those of knowledge . their grounds are so far from being the same , or having any thing , that when it is brought to certainty , faith is destroyed , 't is knowledge then and faith no longer . so that , whether you are , or are not mistaken in the placing certainty in the perception of the agreement or disagreement of ideas , faith still stands upon its own basis , which is not at all alter'd by it ; and every article of that hath just the same unmoved foundation , and the very same credibility that it had before . this is the substance of what you say about this matter , and is the most considerable passage in your book towards clearing this matter . but i was aware of this , as appears by these words ; is faith an unreasonable act ? is it not an assent to a proposition ? then , if all certainty in acts of reason be derived from the perceiving the agreement or disagreement of the ideas contained in it ; either there can be no certainty in the reasonable act of faith , or the grounds of certainty must be laid some other way . but this is a matter of too great weight and consequence to be easily past over , because the main strength of your defence lies in it , and therefore i shall more strictly examine what you say ; and set this point of the certainty of faith in as good a light as i can , and shew the inconsistency of your notion of ideas , with the articles of the christian faith. to talk of the certainty of faith , say you , seems all one to you as to talk of the knowledge of believing ; a way of speaking not easie for you to understand . but how comes the certainty of faith to become so hard a point with you ? have not all mankind , who have talked of matters of faith , allow'd a certainty of faith as well as a certainty of knowledge , although upon different grounds ? in your former letter you told us , that if we knew the original of words , we should be much helped to the ideas they were first applied to and made to stand for . now what is there in the original of the word certainty which makes it uncapable of being applied to faith ? i had thought that our word was taken from the latin ; and that among the romans it was opposed to doubting , nil tam certum quam quod de dubio certum . and therefore where the mind upon examination of the grounds of assent saw no reason for doubting , it might properly be said to be certain : if it sees no cause to doubt from the evidence of the thing it self , or the clear deduction of consequences , that is certainty of knowledge ; but where it sees no reason to doubt from the authority of him that speaks , that is certainty of believing ; and the greater the authority of him that speaks , the less reason there is to doubt , and therefore the greater certainty of faith. and this i think is very easie to be understood , and so have the generality of mankind thought to this day . but it seems our old words must not now pass in the current sense ; but then it is fit they be called in , and new stampt , that we may have none but new milled words to talk with ; but in common justice , a competent time ought to be allow'd for it , that none be surprized ; and in the mean time they ought to pass in their current sense ; and that is all the favour i desire in this matter . but i am utterly against any private mints of words ; and think those persons assume too much authority to themselves , who will not suffer common words to pass in their general acceptation ; but will set such bounds and limits to the sense of them , as suit best with their own speculations . but is not this all one as to talk of the knowledge of believing ? for what reason ? knowledge and faith are too distinct things , the one relates to evidence , and the other to testimony ; but certainty is common to them both , unless you think it impossible to be certain upon any testimony whatsoever . you tell us in your postscript ( which i hope may be brought hither without offence ) that it is a shame among christians to raise such a doubt of this , whether an infinitely powerfull and wise being be veracious or no. then i suppose the veracity of god is a certain and undoubted principle ; and if there be sufficient means to assure us of divine revelation ( as i doubt not but you yield there are ) what should hinder one , that believes upon such grounds as are sufficient to convince him , from attaining to a certainty of faith ? but you take certainty as belonging only to knowledge . so do the papists , as belonging only to infallibility , and say there can be no certainty of faith , where there is not an infallible proponent ; but neither you nor they are to impose upon the understandings of mankind , who know how to distinguish the grounds of certainty both from knowledge and infallibility . you allow such a thing as assurance of faith ; and why not certainty as well as assurance ? i know no reason , but that you have appropriated certainty to the perception of the agreement or disagreement of ideas in any proposition ; and now you find this will not hold as to articles of faith ; and therefore you will allow no certainty of faith ; which i think is not for the advantage of your cause . but you go on and tell us , that if this way of certainty by ideas doth not hold , yet it cannot affect matters of faith which stand immoveable upon other grounds ; faith in your own words stands still upon its own basis ; and every article of it has just the same unmoved foundation , and the very same credibility that it had before . this will appear to be an extraordinary answer , when we have throughly examin'd it . here we see faith is taken not with respect to the general grounds of certainty , but to the particular articles of faith , i. e. the propositions contained in that revelation which we embrace on the account of its divine authority ; now these propositions are of several kinds . 1. some that are more clearly expressed therein , but such as might be attained to by the light of reason without revelation . and such are the fundamental principles of natural religion , viz. the being of god and providence , and the rewards and punishments of a future state. these mankind may attain to a certainty in , without revelation , or else there can be no such thing as natural religion in the world ; but these things are more fully and plainly revealed in the scriptures . let us now suppose a person by natural reason to attain to a certainty , as to the being of god and immortality of the soul ; and he proceeds upon your general grounds of certainty , from the agreement or disagreement of ideas ; and so from the ideas of god and the soul , he is made certain of those two points before mention'd . but let us again suppose that such a person upon a farther examination of your method of proceeding finds , that the way of ideas in these cases will not do ; for no idea proves the existence of the thing without it self , no more than the picture of a man proves his being , or the visions of a dream make a true history , ( which are your own expressions . ) and for the soul he cannot be certain , but that matter may think , ( as you affirm ) and then what becomes of the soul's immateriality ( and consequently immortality ) from its operations ? but for all this , say you , his assurance of faith remains firm on its own basis. now i appeal to any man of sense , whether the finding the uncertainty of his own principles which he went upon in point of reason , doth not weaken the credibility of these fundamental articles when they are consider'd purely as matters of faith ? for before , there was a natural credibility in them on the account of reason ; but by going on wrong grounds of certainty , all that is lost ; and instead of being certain he is more doubtfull than ever . and if the evidence of faith falls so much short of that of reason , it must needs have less effect upon mens minds , when the subserviency of reason is taken away ; as it must be when the grounds of certainty by reason are vanished . is it at all probable , that he who finds his reason deceive him in such fundamental points should have his faith stand firm and unmoveable on the account of revelation ? for in matters of revelation , there must be some antecedent principles supposed before we can believe any thing on the account of it . and the first is , that there is a god ; but this was the very thing he found himself at a loss in by his way of certainty by ideas ; and how can his faith stand firm as to divine revelation , when he is made uncertain by his own way , whether there be a god or no ? besides , to suppose divine revelation , we must be certain that there is a principle above matter and motion in the world ; but here we find , that upon the principles of certainty by ideas he cannot be certain of this ; because he doth not know but matter may think ; and consequently , all revelation may be nothing but the effects of an exalted fancy , or the heats of a disordered imagination , as spinoza affirmed . again , before there can be any such thing as assurance of faith upon divine revelation , there must be a certainty as to sense and tradition ; for there can be no revelation pretended now without immediate inspiration ; and the basis of our faith is a revelation contained in an ancient book , whereof the parts were delivered at distant times , but conveyed down to us by an universal tradition . but now , what if your grounds of certainty can give us no assurance as to these things ? i do not mean , that they cannot demonstrate matters of fact , which it were most unreasonable to expect ; but that these grounds of certainty make all things uncertain ; for i think i have proved , that this way of ideas cannot give a satisfactory account as to the existence of the plainest objects of sense ; because reason cannot perceive the connexion between the objects and the ideas . how then can we arrive to any certainty in perceiving those objects by their ideas ? and i was in the right , when i said this way tended to scepticism ; and i do not think that consistent with the assurance of faith. but this is an imputation you take very ill , and say , that i have brought no argument for it , but only that my great prejudice against this way of certainty is , that it leads to scepticism . ( sceptism is the new mill'd word . ) this is very strange , when that expression is only the introduction to the arguments from p. 125 to 132 , to which no answer at all is given . and so i leave it . there are other propositions or articles of faith which wholly depend on the sense of words contained in the scripture , and we are to enquire , whether the assurance of faith , as you call it , be consistent with the overthrowing your grounds of certainty ; i. e. whether those who embrace the articles of faith in the way of ideas , can retain their certainty of those articles when these ideas are quitted . and this alone will be a plain demonstration in the case , that the certainty of faith cannot stand with such men , if this way of certainty by ideas be destroyed . and by this which i am now to make out , let any one judge how true your words are like to prove , when you say , let the grounds of knowledge or certainty be resolved into what they please , it touches not your faith ; the foundation of that stands as sure as before , and cannot be at all shaken by it . of this we shall judge by some important articles of christian faith according to your ideas . the first shall be that of the resurrection of the dead . the reason of believing the resurrection of the same body upon your grounds is from the idea of identity ; which i take to be this from your own words . 1. that the identity of living creatures depends not on a mass of the same particles , but on something else ; for in them the variation of great parcels of matter alters not the identity ; for which you instance in the growth of an oak and a horse . 2. that the identity of a man consists in nothing but a participation of the same continued life by constantly fleeting particles of matter , in succession vitally united to the same organized body . 3. that personal identity , i. e. the sameness of a rational being lies in self-consciousness , and in that alone , whether it be annexed only to one individual substance , or can be continued in a succession of several substances . 4. that those who place thought in a purely material , animal constitution , void of spirit , do place personal identity in something else that identity of substance , as animal identity is preserved in identity of life and not of substance . 5. that it matters not to this point of being the same self , whether this present self be made up of the same or other substances . 6. that in this personal identity of self-consciousness is founded all the right and iustice of reward and punishment , happiness and misery , being that for which every one is concerned for himself , not mattering what becomes of any substance not joined to , or affected with that consciousness . 7. that the sentence at the day of iudgment will be justified by the consciousness all persons shall have that they themselves in what bodies soever they appear , or what substances soever that consciousness adheres to , are the same that committed those actions and deserve that punishment for them . this i suppose to be a true and just account of your sense of this matter ; and so the article of the resurrection is resolved into your idea of personal identity . and the question between us now is , whether your certainty of this matter from your idea have no influence on the belief of this article of faith ? for the main of your defence lies upon this point , whether your method of certainty by ideas , doth at all shake , or in the least concern the assurance of faith ? which you absolutely deny , and affirm , that faith stands upon its own basis , and is not at all altered by your method of certainty ; and every article of that has just the same unmoved foundation , and the very same credibility that it had before . now i take this article of the resurrection of the dead to be an article of faith , and we are to consider , whether if your method of certainty by ideas do hold in this matter , it continues as firm , and in the same credibility it had before ? i shall not urge you with the sense of our own or other christian churches in this point of the sameness of the body in the resurrection of the dead , but i shall continue my self to the scripture as the foundation and rule of our faith ; and the main point is , whether according to that , it be not necessary for the same substance which was united to the body to be raised up at the last day ? i do not say the same individual particles of matter which were united at the point of death ; for there must be a great alteration in them in a lingring disease , as if a fat man falls into a consumption : i do not say , the same particles which the sinner had at the very time of commission of his sins ; for then a long sinner must have a vast body , considering the continual spending of particles by perspiration ; but that which i suppose is implyed in it is , that it must be the same material substance which was vitally united to the soul here . you mention the hypothesis of those , who place thought in a purely material animal constitution void of spirit : but you agree , that the more probable opinion is , that this consciousness is annexed to the affection of one individual immaterial substance . it is very well that it is allowed to be the more probable opinion ; but it seems without any certainty as to the truth of it . for you have told us , what the effect of probability is , viz. that it is enough to induce the mind to judge the proposition true or false rather than the contrary ; and that it is conversant about things whereof we have no certainty , but only some inducements to receive it for true . thence i cannot but observe , that we have no certainty upon your grounds , that self-consciousness depends upon an individual immaterial substance , and consequently that a material substance may , according to your principles , have self-consciousness in it ; at least , that you are not certain of the contrary . now i pray consider , whether this doth not a little affect the whole article of the resurrection ? for , if it may be only a material substance in us that thinks , then this substance , which consists in the life of an organiz'd body , must cease by death ; for how can that , which consisted in life , be preserved afterwards ? and if the personal identity consists in a self-consciousness depending on such a substance as cannot be preserved without an organiz'd body , then there is no subsistence of it separate from the body , and the resurrection must be giving a new life . to whom ? to a material substance which wholly lost its personal identity by death . so that here can be no personal identity at all ; unless you say the very same life which was long since at an end can be reproduced . which i suppose you will not assert . but let us take the more probable opinion ; which i think certain , viz. that self-consciousness depends upon an immaterial principle in us ; and then the question is , how far the scripture determines the sameness of the body at the resurrection , i. e. of that material substance , which was vitally united with that immaterial substance in this life . the doctrine delivered by our saviour is , that all that are in the graves shall hear his voice ; and shall come forth ; they that have done good unto the resurrection of life , and they that have done evil to the resurrection of damnation . what is the meaning of all that are in their graves ? doth this relate to any other substance than that which was united to the soul in life ? can a different substance be said to be in the graves and to come out of them ? is it not material , as you say , whether the present self be made up of the same or other substances ? if it be not so to your idea of identity , it is as to the sense of our saviour's words : unless you can make it out , that a substance which never was in the grave may come out of it . but it may be said , that if these words be taken strictly they confine the resurrection to those particles of matter only which were in the grave ; if not , then they may extend to another substance . i answer , that by comparing this with other places we find that the words are to be understood of the substance of that body to which the soul was united ; and not to those individual particles . so st. paul , for we must all appear before the iudgment seat of christ , that every one may receive the things done in his body , according to that he hath done , whether it be good or bad . can these words be understood of any other material substance , but that body in which these things were done ? how could it be said , if any other substance be joyned to the soul at the resurrection , as its body , that they were the things done in or by the body ? curcellaeus his copy reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the complutensian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and several of the fathers so took it ; either way , it must relate to that which was the real body in which the person lived and acted , whether good or evil. and st. paul's dispute about the manner of raising the body might soon have been ended , if there were no necessity of the same body . if there be no resurrection of the dead , then is not christ raised . it seems then , other bodies are to be raised as his was ; and can there be any doubt whether his body were the same material substance which was united to his soul before ? and the apostle lays so much weight upon it , that he saith , if christ be not raised your faith is vain ; doth he mean , if there were not the same personal identity , as to the soul of christ and the matter united to it after the resurrection ? that cannot be his meaning , for then there would have been no necessity of christs own body being raised ; which he asserts and proves by undoubted witnesses . were they witnesses only of some material substance then united to his soul ? he saith , he was seen of five hundred brethren at once . what he was this ? it was christ that died . yes , the person of christ ; but personal identity doth not require the same substance , but the same consciousness ; and so if christ were conscious to himself in another substance , there was no necessity of the same body . and so truly from the seeing the person of christ they could not prove it was the same individual body . but thomas said , except i shall see in his hands the print of the nails , and put my finger into the print of the nails , and thrust my hand into his side , i will not believe . the doing whereof convinced him it was the same individual body ; but there will be no such proof at the great day . and there is no reason there should , since the resurrection of christ was a sufficient proof of god's power to raise the dead , and the dissimilitude of circumstances can be no argument against it , since the power and wisdom of god are concerned in it . but the apostle insists upon the resurrection of christ , not meerly as an argument of the possibility of ours , but of the certainty of it ; because he rose as the first fruits ; christ the first fruits , afterwards they that are christs at his coming . st. paul was aware of the objections in mens minds about the resurrection of the same body ; and it is of great consequence as to this article , to shew upon what grounds he proceeds . but some man will say , how are the dead raised up , and with what body do they come ? first he shews , that the seminal parts of plants are wonderfully improved by the ordinary providence of god in the manner of their vegetation . they sow bare grain of wheat , or of some other grain , but god giveth it a body , as it hath pleased him , and to every seed his own body . here is an identity of the material substance supposed ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that proper body which belongs to it ; every seed having that body in little , which is afterwards so much inlarged ; and in grain the seed is corrupted before its germination ; but it hath its proper organical parts , which make it the same body with that which it grows up to . for although grain be not divided into lobes as other seeds are , yet it hath been found , by the most accurate observations , that upon separating the membranes these seminal parts are discerned in them ; which afterwards grow up to that body which we call corn. st. paul indeed saith , that we sow not that body that shall be ; but he speaks not of the identity but the perfection of it . and although there be such a difference from the grain it self , when it comes up to be perfect corn with root , stalk , blade and ear , that it may be said to outward appearance not to be the same body , yet with regard to the seminal and organical parts , it is as much the same as a man grown up is the same with the embryo in the womb. and although many arguments may be used to prove , that a man is not the same , because life which depends upon the course of the blood and the manner of respiration and nutrition is so different in both states , yet that man would be thought ridiculous that should seriously affirm , that it was not the same man. and you grant , that the variation of great parcels of matter in plants , alters not the identity : and that the organization of the parts in one coherent body partaking of one common life makes the identity of a plant ; so that in things capable of any sort of life , the identity is consistent with a continued succession of parts ; and so the wheat grown up is the same body with the grain that was sown . and thus the alteration of the parts of the body at the resurrection is consistent with its identity , if its organization and life be the same ; and this is a real identity of the body which depends not upon consciousness . from whence it follows , that to make the same body , no more is required but restoring life to the organized parts of it . and you grant likewise , that the identity of the same man consists in a participation of the same continued life by constantly fleeting particles of matter in succession vitally united to the same organized body . so that there is no difficulty as to the sameness of the body , if life were continued ; and if by divine power life be restored to that material substance which was before united , by a re-union of the soul to it , there is no reason to deny the identity of the body . not from the consciousness of the soul , but from that life which is the result of the union of soul and body . but st. paul still supposes that it must be that material substance to which the soul was before united . for saith he , it is sown in corruption , it is raised in incorruption : it is sown in dishonour , it is raised in glory ; it is sown in weakness , it is raised in power ; it is sown a natural body , it is raised a spiritual body . can such a material substance which was never united to the body be said to be sown in corruption , and weakness , and dishonour ? either therefore he must speak of the same body , or his meaning cannot be comprehended . for what doth all this relate to a conscious principle ? the apostle speaks plainly of that body which was once quickened and afterwards falls to corruption ; and is to be restored with more noble qualities . for this corruptible must put on incorruption , and this mortal must put on immortality . i do not see how he could more expressly affirm the identity of this corruptible body , with that after the resurrection , and that without any respect to the principle of self-consciousness ; and so if the scripture be the sole foundation of our faith , this is an article of it , and so it hath been always understood by the christian church . and your idea of personal identity is inconsistent with it ; for it makes the same body which was here united to the soul not to be necessary to the doctrine of the resurrection , but any material substance being united to the same principle of consciousness makes the same body . the dispute is not , how far personal identity in it self may consist in the very same material substance ; for we allow the notion of personal identity to belong to the same man under several changes of matter ; but whether it doth not depend upon a vital vnion between the soul and body and the life which is consequent upon it ; and therefore in the resurrection the same material substance must be reunited ; or else it cannot be called a resurrection , but a renovation ; i. e. it may be a new life , but not a raising the body from the dead . 2. the next articles of faith which your notion of ideas is inconsistent with , are no less than those of the trinity , and of the incarnation of our saviour . the former by the first article of our church is expressed by three persons in the vnity of the divine nature : the latter is said art. 2. to be by the vnion of the divine and humane nature in one person . let us now see whether your ideas of nature and person can consist with these . but before i come to that i must endeavour to set this matter right , as to the dispute about the notion of nature and person , which you have endeavour'd with all your art , to perplex and confound , and have brought in several interlocutors to make it look more like an entertainment . of which afterwards : the original question was , whether we could come to any certainty about the distinction of nature and person in the way of ideas ; and my business was to prove that we could not , because we had no simple ideas by sensation or reflection , without which you affirm that our vnderstanding seems to you not to have the least glimmering of ideas : and that we have nothing in our minds which did not come in one of these two ways . these are your own words . and then i undertook to shew , that it was not possible for us to have any simple ideas of nature and person by sensation or reflection : and that whether we consider'd nature as taken for essential properties , or for that substance wherein that property lies : whether we consider it in distinct individuals or abstractly ; still my design was to shew that in your way of ideas , you could come to no certainty about them . and as to person i shew'd , that the distinction of individuals is not founded meerly on what occurs to our senses , but upon a different manner of subsistence , which is in one individual , and is not communicable to another . and as to this i said , that we may find within our selves an intelligent substance by inward perception ; but whether that make a person or not , must be understood some other way ; for if the meer intelligent substance make a person , then there cannot be the union of two such natures , but there must be two persons . which is repugnant to the article of the incarnation of our saviour . that this was the true state of the question will appear to any one that will vouchsafe to look into it . but what said you in your first letter in answer to it ? as to nature you say , that it is a collection of several ideas combined into one complex , abstract idea , which when they are found united in any individual existing , though joyned in that existence with several other ideas , that individual or particular being is truly said to have the nature of a man , or the nature of a man to be in him ; forasmuch as these simple ideas are found united in him , which answer the ●omplex , abstract idea , to which the specifick name is given by any one : which abstract specifick idea , he keeps the same when he applies the specifick name standing for it to distinct individuals . and as to person , in the way of ideas , you say , that the word person in it self signifies nothing , and so no idea belonging to it , nothing can be said to be the true idea of it . but as soon as the common vse of any language has appropriated it to any idea , then that is the true idea of a person , and so of nature . against this i objected in my answer to that letter , that if these terms really signifie nothing in themselves , but are only abstract and complex ideas , which the common use of language hath appropriated to be the signs of two ideas ; then it is plain that they are only notions of the mind , as all abstracted and complex ideas are ; and so one nature and three persons can be no more . to this you answer in your second letter , that your notion of the terms nature and person is , that they are two sounds that naturally signifie not one thing more than another , nor in themselves signifie any thing at all , but have the signification which they have barely by imposition . whoever imagined that words signifie any otherwise than by imposition ? but the question is , whether these be meer words and names , or not ? or whether there be not a real foundation in things for such a distinction between nature and person ? of which i gave this evident proof , that if it were not the same nature in different individuals , every individual must make a different kind . and what answer do you give to this plain reason ? nothing particular that i can find . but in the general you say , that all that you can find that i except against in your notion of nature and person is nothing but this , viz. that these are two sounds which in themselves signifie nothing . and is this all indeed ? did not i tell you in these words , ( which i am forced to repeat on this occasion , although i am very unwilling to fill pages with repetitions . ) the question now between us comes to this , whether the common nature or essence of things lies only in an abstract idea , or a general name , and the real essence consists only in particular beings from which that nature is abstracted ? the question is not whether in forming the notion of common nature , the mind doth not abstract from the circumstances of particular beings ; but it is whether there be not an antecedent foundation in the nature of things , upon which we form this abstract idea ? for if there be , then it cannot be called an universal name only ; or a meer sign of an idea , which we have formed from putting many simple ideas together , which name belongs to all of such a sort , as have those simple ideas united together . in these words , which you cannot deny to be in the place mention'd , i thought i had stated the case fairly between us . and why do you not return an answer to them ? but instead of that you only mention another passage more liable to cavilling , where i say , that upon your notions of nature and person , i do not see how it is possible to defend the doctrine of the trinity . for if these terms really signifie nothing in themselves , but are only abstract and complex ideas , which the common use of language hath appropriated to be the sign of two ideas ; then it is plain that they are only notions of the mind , as all abstract and complex ideas are ; and so one nature and three persons can be no more . upon this you charge me with affirming that of you which you never said , viz. that these terms are only abstract or complex ideas : but your words are , taking therefore nature and person for the sign of two ideas they are put to stand for : and by enumerating all the simple ideas , that are contained in the complex idea , that each of them is made to stand for , we shall immediately see the whole difference that is between them . these are your own words . now from thence it appears , that nature and person are terms which are the signs of two ideas by your own confession : but you never made these , or any other terms to be ideas : and you should be ashamed of such iargon . but have not you said in your essay , that it is a very common practice for names to be made use of instead of the ideas themselves , especially if the ideas be very complex . nature and person you grant to be complex ideas ; and these terms you confess are appropriated to be the signs of two ideas : therefore here is an ambiguity in the use of these words , for they are complex ideas themselves , and they are made the signs of them ; and so the words of the sentence are capable of both those senses . for it is true , according to you , that these terms , nature and person , really signifie nothing in themselves , but are only complex and abstract ideas ; and those terms are appropriated to be the signs of two ideas . so that nature and person are both ideas themselves , and those terms are the signs of two ideas : and the sense had not been liable to exception , if and had been inserted ; for if these terms really signifie nothing in themselves , but are only abstract and complex ideas ; and which the common use had appropriated to be the signs of two ideas , &c. but whether this be properly expressed or not , according to your sense of ideas , the weight of the controversie depends not at all upon it ; but whether nature and person can be any other but abstract ideas , according to your own plain expressions ; and if they are so , they are no more than notions of the mind , and then the consequence must hold , that one nature and three persons can be no more . upon which i said , i did not see how it was possible to defend the doctrine of the trinity , ( and i now add of the incarnation ) which was the thing i undertook to make out . but you very freely say , whether i rightly deduce from it this consequence , viz. and so one nature and three persons can be no more ; is what you neither know not are concerned to examin . which i think is an expression could hardly drop from a person , who did know how to declare his belief of three persons in the vnity of the divine nature . but you pretend these are none of your notions of nature and person , nor indeed any thing you can understand . but it is plain , that this consequence follows from your own notions of nature and person ; as they are set down expresly by your self in the former letter . you tell me , i made this inference a little in haste ! whether a man write in haste or not , the world will judge by what appears , and not by what he or any other saith . and i think it will appear , that i did not make this inference in haste , but from a deliberate consideration of your notion of the ideas of nature and person . but by those terms signifying nothing in themselves , you say , that you meant , that they are two sounds that naturally signifie not one thing more than another , nor in themselves signifie any thing at all , but have the signification which they have barely by imposition . and was this truly all that you meant by it ? and do you think that peter , and iames , and iohn signifie any thing by nature ? are not all words made significative by imposition ? but is there no difference in the signification of words as they stand for signs of things ? if they be words for particular substances , then you grant , that there is something really existing which is meant by those words ; but if they relate only to the conceptions of the mind , then they signifie them and no more . and the question is , which of these two you meant by those words nature and person ? and you plainly affirm both of them to be complex ideas , which are made only by an act of the mind , and therefore your meaning can be no otherwise understood . you presume , that upon more leisurely thoughts , both my self and the rest of mankind will concur with you . i never affected singularity , and am ready to comply with the rest of mankind in any reasonable thing . but you say , that this notion of nature and person , that they are two words that signifie only by imposition , is what will hold in the common sense of mankind . no doubt of it : but i must again and again tell you , that is not the point in question , but whether they are only abstract and complex ideas , which have no other being but in the mind . and to this you answer not a word . i do not in the least think as you suggest , that it is necessary to the defense of the trinity , that these two articulate sounds should have natural significations , and that unless they are used in those significations , it were impossible to defend the doctrine of the trinity . but i do affirm , that those who make nature and person to be only abstract and complex ideas ; can neither defend nor reasonably believe it . and this is making no extraordinary supposition necessary to the belief or defence of it ; but only that which in the common sense of mankind is necessary to it . for , if you have expressed your own mind in your former letter ; that must guide us in your notion of nature and person , where you undertook to explain them . for if nature and person be abstract , and complex ideas , as you say , and such are only acts of the mind , i do not see how it is possible for you to reconcile these notions with the articles of the trinity and incarnation . i do not go about to accuse you of denying these doctrines ; i hope you do not . but i impute all this hesitancy , and doubting only to your notions of ideas ; which you had been so long forming in your mind , that as it often happens in such cases , one darling favourite notion proves too hard for some points of far greater consequence , when they are found inconsistent with it . and because you had first fixed your notion of ideas , and taken much pains about them , you thought all other things were to be entertained as they appear'd consistent with them . but you could not but find , that the articles of three persons , and one nature ; and two natures , and one person , were not reconcileable with your ideas of nature and person ; which is that they are complex ideas , which depend upon the act of the mind ; for this were to make the two natures in christ to be only two complex ideas . for if nature , as you say , be a collection of several ideas combined into one complex , abstract idea ; then two natures can be nothing else but two such collections , or two abstracted and complex ideas . it may be said , that when you make nature an abstracted and complex idea , you speak of a specifick idea , but the humane nature in christ was a particular substance , and this you assert to be a real thing , and not to depend on the act of the mind . but this doth not clear the matter . for in your former letter you said , that all the ideas we have of particular distinct substances , are nothing but several combinations of simple ideas : which in corporeal substances are sensible qualities , in incorporeal are operations of the mind . the utmost then which the idea of humane nature in christ comes to is , that there were in him the sensible qualities and intellectual operations of a man , with an unknown substance to support them : which belongs not to the simple ideas , but is supposed by them . this is all i can make of your way of ideas : and so the incarnation of christ is the assuming the sensible qualities , and intellectual operations of a man , to which a substratum doth belong : but is no part of the simple ideas . so that we can have no idea at all of the humane nature of christ ; but only an inference , that since those are but accidents , there must be a substratum to support them ; and consequently there was a particular substance in him made up of mind and body . but if this had come in the way of ideas , yet it cannot make out the humane nature of christ. for if it were in him no otherwise than in other men , then the mystery of the incarnation is quite gone , and christ is to be consider'd but like other men ; which doth not answer to what the scripture saith of the word 's being made flesh , and that god was manifest in the flesh. there must be therefore something beyond the meer humane nature in him ; and either it must be only some divine operation upon , and with it , and that is no substance ; or if it be a substance , it must either cohabit with it , or else be united to it . if it only co-habits , then there are two persons dwelling together in one body , and the actions of one cannot be attributed to the other ; if there be a real union between them , so as the acts belong to one person ; then there must be such a manner of existence in the humane nature of christ , which is different from it in other persons . for in all others , the acts belong to the humane person ; but if it were so in christ , then the divine acts of christ must flow from the humane nature as the principle of them ; which is to confound the divine and humane nature , and operations together ; if they come from the divine person , then the humane nature must have another kind of subsistence , than it hath in others , or else there must be two persons ; and person being as you say , a forensick term , there must be two different capacities of rewards and punishments ; which is so absurd an opinion as i think no one will assert . if there be then but one person and two natures , how can you possibly reconcile this to your way of ideas ? person , say you , in it self signifies nothing ; but as soon as the common use of any language has appropriated it to any idea , then that is the true idea of a person , i. e. men may call a person what they please , for there is nothing but common use required to it : they may call a horse , or a tree , or a stone a person if they think fit ; but since the common use of language hath appropriated it to an intelligent being , that is , a person . and so you tell us , that person stands for a thinking intelligent being that hath reason and reflection , and can consider it self as it self , the same thinking being in different times and place . how comes person to stand for this and nothing else ? from whence comes self-consciousness in different times and places to make up this idea of a person ? whether it be true or false , i am not now to enquire , but how it comes into this idea of a person ? hath the common use of our language appropriated it to this sense ? if not , this seems to be a meer arbitrary idea ; and may as well be denied as affirmed . and what a fine pass are we come to in the way of ideas , if a meer arbitrary idea must be taken into the only true method of certainty ? but of that afterwards . we now proceed in the way of ideas as you give it us . but if this be the true idea of a person , then there can be no union of two natures in one person : for if an intelligent conscious being be the idea of a person ; and the divine and human nature be intelligent conscious beings , then the doctrine of the union of two natures and one person is quite sunk , for here must be two persons in this way of ideas . again , if this be the idea of a person , then where there are three persons , there must be three distinct intelligent beings ; and so there cannot be three persons in the same individual essence . and thus both these doctrines of the trinity and incarnation are past recovery gone , if this way of ideas hold . so great a difference there is , between forming ideas first , and then judging of revelation by them ; and the believing of revelation on its proper grounds , and interpreting the sense of it by the due measures of reason . you may pretend what you please , that you hold the assurance of faith , and the certainty by ideas to go upon very different grounds ; but when a proposition is offered you out of scripture to be believed , and you doubt about the sense of it , is not recourse to be made to your ideas ? as , in the present case , whether there can be three persons in one nature , or two natures and one person ; what resolution can you come to upon your principles , but in the way of ideas ? you may possibly say , that where ideas are clear and distinct , there you are to judge of revelation by them ; and this is what you assert in your essay , that in propositions whose certainty is built on clear and perfect ideas and evident deductions of reason , there no proposition can be received for divine revelation which contradicts them ; from hence you conclude it impossible for the same body to be in two places at once . and yet there is a person who hath lately told the world , that there is one certain secret way how by divine power , the same body , but not the same person , may be in very distant places at once ; but he is advised to keep it up as a secret ; which was good friendly advice : but till it be discovered there is no judging of it . here i observe , that you require clear and distinct ideas ; and yet we find , if a man's word may be taken , these clear and distinct ideas do not prove the thing impossible . but what is to be said when the ideas are not clear and distinct ? you say , your method of certainty is by the agreement or disagreement of ideas , where they are not in all their parts perfectly clear and distinct . and this is your secret about certainty ; which i think had been better kept up too : for i pray , in the case now before us , are your ideas of nature and person clear and distinct or not ? if they are , then it is plain from your own doctrine , that if revelation be pretended , you are to reject it . how then comes the certainty of faith to be preserved firm and immoveable , although the grounds of certainty be disputed ? but suppose they are not clear and distinct ? what is to be done in a matter of revelation contrary to your ideas ? are you to submit to the revelation or not ? whatever god hath revealed is most certainly true , no doubt can be made of it . this is the proper object of faith ; but whether it be a divine revelation or no , you say , reason must judge . yes , reason proceeding upon clear and distinct ideas . but suppose you have ideas sufficient for certainty in your way , but not clear and distinct ; what is to be done then ? in things that are above reason , you say , when they are revealed , they are proper matters of faith. what is here being above reason ? either above the discovery of reason ▪ as the fall of angels , the resurrection of the body , &c. and about these , you say , reason hath nothing to do . ( what not if there be an idea of identity as to the body ? ) or such as are above the comprehension of reason when discovered . and they are either such as we have no natural ideas of ; and then you grant , that they are pure matters of faith ; or they are such , as you have certain ideas of , but not clear and distinct . now here lies the pinching difficulty , as to your way of ideas . you say indeed , that revelation must carry it against meer probabilities to the contrary ; because the mind not being certain of the truth of that it doth not evidently know , but is only probably convinced of , is bound to give up its assent to such a testimony , which it is satisfied comes from one who cannot err and will not deceive . i pray observe your own words , you here positively say , that the mind not being certain of the truth of that it doth not evidently know : so that it is plain here , that you place certainty only in evident knowledge , or in clear and distinct ideas ; and yet your great complaint of me was , that i charged this upon you , and now i find it in your own words ( which i observed before . ) but let us allow you all you desire , viz. that there may be certainty by ideas , where they are not clear and distinct : and let us now suppose that you are to judge of a proposition delivered as a matter of faith , where you have a certainty by reason from your ideas , such as they are : can you assent to this as a matter of faith , when you are already certain by your ideas of the contrary ? how is this possible ? can you believe that to be true , which you are certain is not true ? suppose it be that there are two natures in one person ; the question is , whether you can assent to this as a matter of faith ? if you had said , there had been only probabilities on the other side , i grant that you then say , revelation is to prevail ; but when you say you have certainty by ideas to the contrary , i do not see how it is possible for you to assent to a matter of faith as true , when you are certain from your ideas that it is not true : for how can you believe against certainty ? the evidence is not so great as when the ideas are clear and distinct , but the bar against assent is as strong ; because the mind is actually determined by certainty . and so your notion of certainty by ideas must overthrow the credibility of a matter of faith in all such propositions which are offered to be believed on the account of divine revelation . i shall now summ up the force of what i have said about this matter . your answer is , that your method of certainty by ideas , shakes not at all , nor in the least concerns the assurance of faith ▪ against this i have pleaded . ( 1. ) that your method of certainty shakes the belief of revelation in general . ( 2. ) that it shakes the belief of particular propositions or articles of faith , which depend upon the sense of words contained in scripture . because you do not say , that we are to believe all that we find there expressed ; but in case we have any clear and distinct ideas which limit the sense another way than the words seem to carry it , we are to judge that to be the true sense . but in case our ideas are not clear and distinct , yet you affirm as your proper doctrine , that we may come to certainty by ideas , although not in all respects perfectly clear and distinct . from whence i infer , that where you have attained to a certainty by your imperfect ideas , you must judge of a matter of faith , by those ideas , and consequently , if the union of two natures and one person , or three persons in one nature be repugnant to your ideas ( as i have shewed that they are ) you must by virtue of your own principles reject these from being matters of faith. and thus i hope i have proved what i undertook , viz. that your notion of certainty by ideas is inconsistent with these articles of the christian faith. but you have this comfort left , that you are not the first person who hath run himself into insuperable difficulties as to matters of faith , by this way of ideas . for des cartes himself did so in a remarkable manner : he was a person of a great reach and capacity , and spent many thoughts in laying the foundations of certainty from ideas , both as to incorporeal and corporeal substances ; and yet was miserably foiled as to both of them . his demonstrations from his ideas in his metaphysical meditations , did not meet with the entertainment he promised himself from the inquisitive part of mankind ; for his objective reality from his idea gave no satisfaction ; and his other argument was thought to have no force , unless it were taken off from the idea and placed upon the necessity of existence in the nature of the thing . as to corporeal substances , his fundamental mistake was in a wrong idea of matter , which he made to be the same with extension ; and upon this he built his systeme of nature . but against this first false step many things were objected by his adversaries , as may be seen by the late disputes in france about his principles ; they objected , that his notion or idea of matter made it necessary , and impossible for god to annihilate it ; and his defenders are driven to such shifts as to god's will and power , that an indifferent person might thereby see how dangerous it is to take up with ideas as to the ground of certainty , although neither himself nor his followers pretend to place it in any thing but clear and distinct ideas . but when they came to reconcile their ideas with matters of faith , they were so plunged , that they could see no way to get through their difficulties . for as monsieur huet observes , although des cartes professes great submission to divine revelation , yet when it came to the trial , he judged his opinions could not be repugnant to it , because he was certain of the truth of them ; which shews , that he judged of revelation by his rules of certainty , and whatever he pretended , he did not take his measures of truth from revelation . a late defender of des cartes in answer to this , produces the words used by him in his principles , wherein he owns , that in case of divine revelation if god declares any thing concerning himself or others which exceed our capacity , as the mysteries of the trinity and incarnation , he would not refuse to believe them , although he could not clearly understand them . this monsieur huet denies not , viz. that he made such a general profession of submission to revelation and owning the mysteries of faith ; but , saith he , when it comes to particular points , then ideas are to be the standard by which we are to judge of revelation . monsieur regis in his reply saith , that matters of faith and philosophical truths are of different kinds ; and that there can be no contrariety but between things of the same kind . which makes him run into that great absurdity , that although in a philosophical sense god cannot do things repugnant to reason , yet in the way of faith he may ; and all this to preserve the certainty by ideas , when nothing can be more repugnant to all kinds of certainty than such a supposition . but another great admirer of des cartes , thinks this way unreasonable ; but des cartes , he saith , hath shewn the right method of certainty by clear and distinct ideas , and therefore he calls it no less than a divine certainty ; and he adds , that truth cannot be contrary to it self ; and he laughs at the distinction of philosophical and theological truths ; or the two ways of certainty by knowledge and faith : for , truth is always one and the same , and changes not its countenance : and if truth be an agreement of words with things , how can the same words agree in one book and differ in another ? for the same god is the author of truth where-ever it is : and therefore he calls it , a most absurd opinion of those who say , that god who is immutable should teach that as truth in philosophy , which is false in divinity . but i return to you . you seem to be not a little concerned , that i say , that as you have stated your notion of ideas it may be of dangerous consequence to that article of the christian faith which i had endeavoured to defend . such an accusation , you say , brought into any court in england , would be thought to shew a great inclination to have the accused be suspected rather than any evidence of being guilty of any thing ; and so would immediately be dismissed without hearing any plea to it . but you must give me leave to say , that you have quite mistaken my design , which was not to accuse you , but to shew my own dissatisfaction , as to the way you had taken to clear your self . i hoped you would have said so much for your own vindication , as would have satisfied the world , that your notion of ideas was far from any tendency that way to which it was carried by him who made use of your expressions : but , instead of that you explained it in such a manner as made it far more suspicious that he had not perverted your meaning . and that made me to say , that as you had stated it , it may be of dangerous consequence . it may be , say you , this is no evidence , but only an inclination to accuse you . so far from it , that it shewed an inclination to favour you , when i only said it may be ; for now you see , that i think it is of such dangerous consequence , and i must think so till you have cleared it better . but the notion of ideas as you have stated it , relates to your whole book : why should you carry it farther than i intended it ? the stating of it i mentioned was in your first letter ; where you told us what you meant by nature and person . but you have found out two particulars wherein it may be of dangerous consequence , first in making so much use of the word ideas , and your placing certainty in ideas . as to the term of ideas , i have no objection to the use of the word it self ; provided it be used in a common sense , and no weight be laid upon it more than it can bear ; for i am for no new affected terms which are apt to carry mens minds out of the way ; they are like ignes fatui , which seem to give light , but lead those that follow them into bogs : like fontanges , which seem to set peoples heads that wear them higher , but their understandings are just what they were before . i always dislik'd the stoical improvements by new words , or giving new senses to old ones . but i told you , i should never have mention'd this way of ideas , but for the ill use i found made of them : and you might have enjoy'd the satisfaction you had in them long enough , unless i had found them imploy'd in doing mischief . which , as you humbly conceive amounts to thus much and no more ; that i fear ideas ; i. e. the term ideas may some time or other be of dangerous consequence . can you possibly think this was my meaning ? i know of no antipathy i have to the term ideas ; nor do i understand any mischief that lies in the bare use of the term. if it gives you any satisfaction i pray make what use you please of it , so you do not set it up in your way of ideas for a new method of certainty ; nor weaken mens belief as to matters of faith by it . these were my prejudices against your ideas , and they are increased by your defences ; for i can find nothing that hath any force to remove them . you tell me , my quarrel must be with the term ideas as of dangerous consequence : but why so ? it was the way of certainty by ideas which i insisted upon , and the new terms as imploy'd to that purpose . i confess , i say , the world had been strangely amuzed with ideas of late , and we have been told , what strange things might be done by the help of ideas , i. e. as to matter of certainty . but you tell me more than once , that i own , that these come only to be common notions of things , which i have no aversion from . this is a way of turning things upon me , which i could not expect from you. for those words are brought in by me on this occasion , you had said , that you see no such opposition , but that ideas and sound reason may stand together , i. e. reason rightly managing those ideas , so as to produce evidence by them . upon this , i used these words . but what need all this great noise about ideas and certainty ; true and real certainty by ideas , if after all it comes only to this , that our ideas only represent such things , from whence we bring arguments to prove the truth of things ? but the world hath been strangely amused , &c. judge now how fair and ingenuous this answer is . that which i bring in as a consequence of your assertion , you make to be my own sense as to your notion of ideas : when i all along distinguish the way of reason , by deducing one thing from another , from your way of certainty , in the agreement and disagreement of ideas ; and i therefore mention it as an argument of your own departing from your beloved notion of ideas . i never said any thing against reason rightly managing ideas , so as to produce evidence by them . i was glad you came so far towards my own apprehension as to the use of ideas , and i declare soon after that if you mean no more by your certainty from ideas , but a certainty from reason , i was not so unreasonable a man to disagree with you . and yet you spend many pages to justifie your use of the term ideas : which is all lost upon me . for in short , it is not your way of ideas , but your way of certainty by ideas , which i was unsatisfied about , and am so much the more by the method you have taken to defend your self . and this was the thing i found fault with , as you could not but see ; but you found it much easier to run into a long discourse , to no purpose , about the use of the word ideas . how far your use of the term is new i will not dispute with you ; be it new or old the thing you do pretend to by your ideas is that which i disliked , and am forced to do so still ; for you give me no manner of satisfaction about it , as will appear by the examination of what you say , about the new method of certainty , which is the matter in question : you desire to know whether there be any other or older method of certainty ? that is not the point , but whether yours be any at all ? which i deny . if there be no older , you say , the world is obliged to you for this new one : very true , if it were what it pretends . but you tell me , i ought to set the world right in a thing of that great concernment , and to overthrow yours , and thereby prevent the dangerous consequence of your unseasonable starting this new method of certainty . i did never pretend to inform the world of new methods , and therefore am not bound to go any farther than to that i found fault with , which was your new method ; and although i thought i had said enough before , to shew how far it was from what it pretended ; yet because you call me to it in such a manner , i shall endeavour more freely to represent to you the vnsatisfactoriness and inconsistency of it . for it is still to me a strange thing , that you should talk so much of a new method of certainty by ideas ; and yet allow , as you do , such a want of ideas , so much imperfection in them , and such a want of connexion between our ideas , and the things themselves . one would think , that he that owned these things rather design'd to prove there could be no certainty by ideas . and when i had objected these things in the conclusion of my former answer , you do not deny them ; and all the return you make is , that it is better to have some way of certainty ( though it will not lead us to it in every thing ) than no way at all . as though the dispute between us had been , whether any certainty be not better than none . no doubt any true certainty is desirable , but it is , as i have often said , of ill consequence to set up such a method of certainty , as if it hold , will overthrow our faith , and if it doth not , must deceive all those that follow it . and it is the certainty of faith which i defend against your pretended certainty of knowledge . but to let you see what ground i had to be unsatisfied with it , i shall now wave all the instances of ideas i insisted on before , as to substances and sensible qualities ; and i shall single out one remarkable idea , by which the uncertainty of your way of ideas will be fully discover'd . and that is the idea of space ; upon which a famous systeme of natural philosophy hath been built , and as upon a clear and distinct idea ; and yet you will by no means allow it to be so ; and think you have a clear idea to the contrary ; although those who will not allow it to be true cannot deny it to be consistent with it self , and that the ideas in it have an agreement with one another . as to space , you say , that we have it both by sight and touch , which inform us of the distance between bodies : which in several respects may be called distance , capacity and extension ; and so extension , you say , is an idea belonging to body only , but space may , as is evident , be consider'd without it . but here now arises a great difficulty to me in the way of certainty by ideas : viz. that some very thinking men in this way of ideas , have look'd on the idea of space , and extended matter to be the same ; for say they , it appears to us from clear ideas , that body and extension are the same thing , and therefore if there be extension in space there must be body . but , you say , those that do so , either change the signification of words , and so render it a doubtfull idea , or they confound very different ideas with one another , and so can never come to certainty by the agreement or disagreement of ideas . but you conclude , that the clear and distinct idea of simple space distinguishes it plainly and sufficiently from body . here we see you pretend to a clear and distinct idea . but it falls out very unluckily for the way of ideas , that the first starter of this way of certainty is as positive , that the idea of space and extended body are the same . so that here we have clear and distinct ideas both ways . and is not this an admirable method of certainty , when in one of the plainest ideas which depend upon our senses , the greatest defenders of ideas differ so fundamentally . what can other men hope for in this way of ideas , if such men can agree no better in one of the most evident to our senses ? but then we must consider , who hath the better reason ? this is not certainty by ideas , but by reason upon them , which is another thing : let us go to reason . is that reason built only on some intermediate idea , which makes it clear ? i find intermediate ideas on both sides , and urged with equal assurance . des cartes saith , that from extension we rightly conclude a body to be a substance ; because it is a repugnancy that there should be an extension of nothing ; and therefore , if there be extension in space there must be body . and he proves it from the idea of body ; for , if we cast off all such things as are not necessary to body , as hardness , colour , gravity , heat , and cold , and all other qualities , we shall find nothing to remain but extension , and therefore nothing but extension is in the idea of body , which being likewise in space the idea of body and space are the same . but say you on the other side , i appeal to every man 's own thoughts , whether the idea of space be not as distinct from that of solidity , as it is from the idea of a scarlet colour . 't is true , that solidity cannot exist without extension ; but this hinders not but they are distinct ideas . one appeals to thoughts , and the other to reason : had des cartes no thoughts ? yet his reason convinced him , that whatever thoughts he had , he must be perswaded by reason , which was the true idea . you say , that is a clear and distinct idea that a man's thoughts dictate to him to be so . no , saith des cartes , that only is the true idea , which a man comes to by the exercise of his reason ; and he look'd upon those others as meer ideas of imagination , and not rational ideas . so that here we have another work to do , and that no easie one , which is to distinguish the ideas of imagination from those of reason : and what way have you laid down to prevent so great a mistake ? of what rules have you to judge , how far imagination is to be allowed in the matter of ideas ? for in all objects of sense the impression is made upon the imagination ; which is the seat of ideas , that come in by sensation . now here lies a very considerable difficulty , how far reason is to judge of these ideas or imagination ? for if all our simple ideas of things without us come in by sensation , then one would think those ideas are to be allow'd which come in that way ; and so the impressions of fancy are to be the standard and rule of certainty , which i think you will not affirm . but what rule then have you when , and where , and how far , you are to correct the erroneous ideas of imagination ? i cannot deny but you were sensible of the difficulty from the ideas of imagination , and thus you propose it . to what purpose is all this stir ? knowledge , say you , is only the perception of the agreement or disagreement of our own ideas , but who knows what those ideas may be ? is there any thing so extravagant as the imagination of men's brains ? where is the head that hath no chimaera's in it ? or if there be a sober and wise man , what difference will there be by your rules between his knowledge , and that of the most extravagant fancy in the world : they both have their ideas , and perceive their agreement and disagreement one with another . let us now consider the answer you give to it , and by that we shall better judge of your way of certainty . your general answer is , that if our knowledge of our ideas terminate in our fancies , our assurance would go no farther than that of dreams , or the visions of a heated fancy . but our knowledge is real , only so far , as there is a conformity between our ideas , and the reality of things . all this is undoubtedly true . but you say , how shall the mind , when it perceives nothing but its own ideas , know that they agree with things themselves ? there indeed lies the difficulty , but how do you remove it ? there are two sorts of ideas , you say , we may be sure , agree with things . and these are worth the knowing . 1. the first are simple ideas , which since the mind can by no means make to it self , must necessarily be the product of things operating on the mind in a natural way . and producing therein those perceptions which by the wisdom and will of our maker they are adapted to . from whence it follows , that simple ideas are not fictions of our minds . all that can be proved from hence is no more , but that the objects of our senses do make those impressions upon them , that from them we may be certain there are such things without us , which produce those impressions . and this is all you mean when you say , that you are certain these ideas are no fictions of our brains . but let us apply this to the present case . our senses truly inform us of a distance between bodies ; and so far we are certain of an idea of space , but the question about the idea of space goes farther ; viz. whether the idea of space imply something or nothing ? how can nothing be extended ? if it be something extended it must be body ; and so space and body are the same . and so your simple ideas give no manner of satisfaction in this matter . 2. all our complex ideas , except those of substances , you say , being archetypes of the mind 's own making , not referr'd to the existence of any thing , cannot want any conformity necessary to real knowledge ; for that which is not designed to represent any thing but it self , can never be capable of a wrong representation , nor mislead us from the true apprehension of any thing by its dislikeness to it . where are we now ? what in the way to certainty still ? methinks it seems to be too intricate and winding to be that plain way . what is meant by these archetypes in the mind which cannot deceive us ? i confess here are such things said in order to certainty , which are above my understanding , if taken with respect to things ; as how we cannot but be infallibly certain , that all the knowledge we attain concerning these ideas is real , and reaches things themselves , and yet they are archetypes of the mind 's own making , not intended to be the copies of any thing , nor referr'd to the existence of any thing . how can the certainty by these ideas reach the things themselves , if they are archetypes of the mind , not referr'd to the existence of any thing ? but i suppose all this is meant of mathematical truths , and so reaches not the case , which is concerning the certainty of our knowledge of things that really exist . 3. you say , there is another sort of complex ideas , which being referr'd to archetypes without us may differ from them , and so our knowledge about them may come short of being real . now these were the things we desired to be made certain in ; and to find out such rules as would make our knowledge real . but for all that i can see , the hopes of any criterion is quite lost , as to the point in question : how shall the mind when it perceives nothing but its own ideas , know that they agree with the things themselves ? for upon these grounds we can have no certainty as to simple ideas , but only as to the power of making impressions on our senses ; but as to complex ideas as of substances , our knowledge about them may come short of being real , i. e. we cannot arrive to certainty about them in the way of ideas ; because , they may differ from the archetypes without us . and you confess , that our ideas are not very exact copies , and yet are the subjects of real , ( as far as we have any ) knowledge of them ; which will not be found to reach very far . but to make it real concerning substances , the ideas must be taken from the real existence of things . and if our complex ideas may deceive us as to the things from whence they are supposed to be taken , what an account of certainty in the way of ideas is here ? and yet you conclude this chapter in that triumphant manner ; i think i have shewn wherein it is that certainty , real certainty consists , which whatever it was to others was to me heretofore one of those desiderata's , which i found great want of : and for all that i can see may do so still . for here is nothing said to distinguish the strong impressions of fancy from the appearances of things , from that certainty of knowledge which comes from the things themselves . for , a confident opiniator will talk with greater assurance of the agreement and disagreement of things with his ideas ; than a man of far greater judgment and more modesty . and you have given us no rules to make a difference between opinion and rational certainty ; especially when the ideas of fancy are found to agree with one another . but i shall go a step farther to shew , that the agreement of ideas is no ground of certainty , and that from a supposition relating to the present case . we have seen how possible it is for an ingenious person skilled in the phaenomena of nature to contrive such an hypothesis , that one part may agree with another , so as that no discernible inconsistency may be found in it , and yet all this may be built on such a foundation , as cannot be consistent with your certainty by ideas ; nay , such as you are certain cannot be true . the hypothesis , i mean , is that of des cartes ; for allowing him his laws of motion , and his three elements , the phaenomena of nature , or the ideas of it agree with one another , and yet all this is built upon space being the same with body ; and consequently , that there can be no vacuum : upon which his laws of motion , and his solution of the phaenomena is all built . and therefore , when a learned man of our own objected that to him , and thought it of no great consequence to his philosophy ; he replied with some smartness , that he was mistaken , for he took it for one of the most certain principles of his philosophy . what certainty then can there be in ideas , when so absurd a principle as that shall be look'd on by so great a man , as so certain a thing in the way of ideas , as to build his whole system of natural philosophy upon it ? and his followers to this day stifly defend it , who are otherwise ingenious men. nothing now remains to be answer'd in your second letter , but what relates to the defence of what i had said in my book concerning nature and person . for i cannot but observe , that instead of clearing some pressing difficulties in my answer to your former letter , you run back to my book , and begin a new critique upon that part of it ; and take in the help of some ingenious persons of your acquaintance , to whom i must shew so much civility as to take notice of their objections . which i shall the rather do , because the doctrine of the trinity is expressed in the first article of our religion by one nature and three persons , and so it hath been understood by the christian church long before . and it is the sense of the christian church which i am bound to defend , and no particular opinions of my own . you tell me , that there hath not been one of your acquaintance who owned that he understood my meaning ; but confessed that the farther he look'd into what i had said , the more he was at a loss about nature and person . but i hope i am not to answer for other men's want of understanding in these matters : which requires greater application of mind , than most men are willing to allow themselves about them . but i am to judge no otherwise of their sense and capacity , than as you have represented them . one said i began with giving two significations of the word nature ; one of them , as it stood for properties ; and this he understood ; but the other wherein nature was taken for the thing it self , wherein those properties were , he said he did not understand . but he said he was not very well acquainted with greek , and aristotle was brought to explain and settle the sense of nature . but why did not this gentleman in the first place consider what it was i undertook to shew , which was , that we had an idea of nature , which came not in by our senses ; and in the very next words i said , that nature and substance are of an equal extent ; and so , that which is the subject of powers and properties is the nature , whether it be meant of bodily or spiritual substances . and although by sensation and reflection we know the powers and properties of things ; yet it is by reason we are satisfied there must be such a nature or substance , because it is impossible that they should subsist by themselves . methinks if the gentleman were so much at a loss as you represent him , you should have helped him out by your relative ideas : for hard things go down much better with some men's minds in the way of ideas , ( which is a sort of gilding the pills ) and i doubt not but you could have satisfied him , that the understanding may by virtue of a relative idea be very well satisfied of the being of nature , as well as substance , when i declared that i took them to be of equal extent ; as they were the subject of powers and properties . but he saith , that this he understood not , because nature extended to things that were not substances . did i not say , that nature was sometimes taken only for properties , but that there must be another sense proved , because there must be a subject wherein these properties are , and in that respect , i said , that nature and substance were of equal extent . but he doth not understand the deduction ; aristotle takes nature for a corporeal substance , therefore nature and substance are of an equal extent . what a hard fate doth that man lie under , that falls into the hands of a severe critick ! he must have a care of his but , and for , and them , and it ; for the least ambiguity in any of these will fill up pages in an answer , and make a book look considerable for the bulk of it . and what must a man do , who is to answer to all such objections about the use of particles ? but let any indifferent reader judge , how i am used in this place . my words are sometimes nature is taken for the thing it self in which those properties are ; and so aristotle took nature for a corporeal substance , which had the principles of motion in it self ; but nature and substance are of an equal extent . doth not any man of common sense see , that i oppose this to aristotle's sense of nature for a corporeal substance ? he confines it to that only ; i say , that it is of equal extent with substance whether bodily or spiritual : and those very words follow after . if you had really such a conversation with a gentleman , i am sorry for him ; and i think you did not deal so like a gentleman by him , to expose him thus to the world. but i perceive he is a philosopher too ; for he proves , that aristotle 's notion of nature for a corporeal substance will not hold . did i ever say that it would ? i am far enough from thinking , that a corporeal substance hath a principle of motion from it self ; but might not i mention aristotle's taking nature for a substance , although i presently add , his sense was too short and narrow , because nature and substance were of equal extent ? but did not his notion of nature imply that it was a principle of motion in it self ? whatever aristotle thought , the notion of nature doth not depend upon a principle of motion from it self ; but it was considered , not as in it self as the cause , but in it self as the subject . and that philosophical gentleman might be pleased to consider , that aristotle did not make motion to arise from matter , but asserted it to come from a first mover , and said , that those philosophers talked like men not well in their wits , who attributed motion to matter of it self ; as i could easily prove , if it were needful . and methinks you should not have been such a stranger to aristotle , to let your acquaintance run into such blunders , and then to print them for them . but the gentleman is farther plunged and knows not how to get out . he cannot for his life understand nature to be substance and substance to be nature ? where lies the difficulty ? is the repugnancy , in the words , or in the sense ? not in the words or sense either in greek or latin. for the greek , ( if i may have leave to mention that language in this case ) those who have been very well acquainted with the force of words therein , have made nature of the same importance with substance . so hesychius renders it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , substance ; but i shall not bring the testimony of criticks but of philosophers . and aristotle may be allowed to understand his own language , he saith positively , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; every substance is called nature , and the reason he gives for it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because nature is a substance . it may be said , that aristotle said this , because he took nature for such a substance as had the power of motion in it self ; i do not deny , but he look'd on that as the proper acception of nature ; but from hence it follows , that whatever substance had such a principle of motion in it self was truly and properly nature ; not as exclusive of a superiour principle of motion , but as having an internal self-moving principle . and herein aristotle differed from some modern philosophers , who make all motion to come from the impulse of another body , and to be a meer mode of matter continued from one body to another . i confess aristotle was of another opinion from those gentlemen , and look'd on motion as an effect of an inward principle ; and not meerly of an external impulse : but whether aristotle were mistaken herein is not the question ; and it is possible he was not ; however , it plainly appears , that substance with a power of motion in it self , and nature , had the same sense ; and none of those who have been the most severe criticks upon aristotle have disputed , that i remember , against this sense of nature in him . one of them finds this fault , that it was but a repetition of what he had said in his physicks ; where he doth likewise treat of the sense of nature . and there he takes it for such a substance which hath the principle of motion and rest within it self and by it self ; which he opposes to artificial things , as a bed or a garment . and as much as this definition hath been run down by some men , if we set aside some affected obscurity in his philosophical writings , there is no such absurdity in it ; when he explains himself not to understand it of meer local motion , or change of place , but of all alterations incident to bodies . so that nature in his sense , was a substance endued with a principle of life and action . and all those things which did partake of nature in this sense , he said , were substances ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for nature is always a subject and in a subject ; i. e. the substance it self is nature , and that which is in it is according to nature . and this sense of aristotle plutarch relies upon , as the true notion of nature which he saith is the principle of motion and rest ; because the beginning and ending of things depend upon it : but plutarch by no means approves of those mens opinion who made nature to be an original self-moving principle ; for , saith he , matter of it self cannot move without an efficient cause , no more than any metal can frame it self into a particular form without an artificer . from whence we see that aristotle's notion of nature was very consistent with an efficient cause of nature . but your gentleman saith , that to those who admit not matter and motion to be eternal , no nature in that sense will be left , since nature is said to be a corporeal substance which hath the principles of motion in it self , and such a sort of corporeal substance those men have no notion of at all , and consequently none of nature , which is such a corporeal substance . but if aristotle did not suppose matter to move it self , without an efficient cause , ( as certainly he did not ) then all this falls to the ground , and his notion of nature for a substantial principle of life and action may remain good . but it may be said , that this was one of his singular notions , and that no other philosophers took it so . which is so far from being true , that a great enemy of aristotle's confesses , that the name of nature among the writers before him extended to all kinds of beings , and not only to individual but to specifick natures . aristotle's fault lay in applying nature only to corporeal substances ; and whatever was above them he look'd on as above nature ; but the pythagoreans and platonists took nature to extend to spiritual as well as bodily substances . which appears by timaeus locrus his book of nature ; in the beginning whereof he divides things into two kinds , intellectual and corporeal ; and the former , whose nature was more excellent , he derives immediately from the best principle , viz. god himself . but to make this plainer , we are to consider , that there were four opinions , among the old philosophers about nature . some held nature to be the same with matter , and attributed the beginning of all things to that alone ; such were the followers of anaximander and democritus . others rejected this doctrine as absurd and impious , and held a divine being above matter , which gave the beginning to motion and framed the world , and they asserted spiritual as well as corporeal natures , and these were the followers of pythagoras and anaxagoras . others asserted the beginning of motion and of the world from a first cause ; but confined the sense of nature to the course of things established in this visible world by an universal providence at first . and this was the notion of aristotle and his followers to the time of strato who attributed all to meer nature . lastly , there were some who made nature to be the first principle which formed all things ; which sometimes they called god , and sometimes nature , as is obvious in all the writings of the stoicks ; vis illum naturam vocare ? non peccabis ; saith seneca : and in another place , quid aliud est natura , quam deus & divina ratio ? and again , nec deus sine naturâ est , nec natura sine deo , sed idem est utrumque , which he elsewhere calls , incorporalis ratio ingentium operum artifex . with which balbus in cicero agrees , when he defines nature from zeno , to be an intelligent fire that produces all things . for what he calls ignem artificiosum ad gignendum , &c. laertius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and it is called in cicero , natura artifex , consultrix & provida , &c. which can agree to nothing but a spiritual substance ; and when he explains what nature is , he saith , that epicurus called all by the name of nature ; and divided it into matter and vacuity and the accidents of both : but we ( saith he of the stoicks ) by nature understand no inanimate things which have no principle within to unite them , as earth and stones ; but a living substance , as an animal , in which is no chance , but order and contrivance . and so plato said , that nature ordered all things with reason and vnderstanding . by which he understood the divide being . if we come lower down among the philosophers , we shall find nature taken for a principle of life . so sextus empiricus distinguishes the union of matter in stones and wood from that which is in plants , and this he calls nature , which is the lowest degree of it ; for afterwards , he speaks of rational and intellectual natures , and places god in the head of them . antoninus distinguishes nature in plants from a heap of the particles of matter in wood and stone . but in another place he distinguishes that which is meer nature in man , viz. what he hath in common with plants , from the nature of an animal in him ; and that again from the nature of a rational creature in him . here indeed he speaks of the properties of those natures ; but he still supposes , that where they are separate , they are founded in distinct substances . so that i hope , if the philosophers of old , of all kinds did understand the sense of nature and substance , the gentleman may not continue in such a peremptory humour of saying , that for his life he cannot understand nature to be substance , nor substance to be nature . for they all agreed in this , however they differed in their opinions of nature . but i have something farther to add concerning the sense of the christian church in this matter ; which i think is by no means to be despised . it is observed by damascen , that some of the philosophers made this difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that the former was taken for simple essence , but the latter for essence with a specifical difference ; but that the christian writers took both of them for that which was common to more than one , as an angel , a man , a horse , &c. so st. chrysostom calls angels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and theodoret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , st. basil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but they all agree , that incorporeal and invisible substances are real natures . and the reason damascen gives is , that they have both the same original ( and you know that it is a good way to find out the true idea ) for as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both which are the same . so that if real existence belong to substance , and nature hath its name from thence too , then substance and nature must be of the same importance . and this notion of nature they do not take up meerly from the etymology of the word , but from the sense of it in scripture ; as when st. paul saith , they worshipped those which by nature are no gods ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the alexandrian copy hath it more clearly ; i. e. which are not really and substantially gods. they had the names of gods , and the divine properties were attributed to them ; but because they had not the divine essence , they are said not to be gods by nature . and what sense would this gentleman make of the apostle's words , who cannot for his life understand that nature is the same with substance ? he must understand this only of the properties which belong to god. but these properties must be somewhere , and so a substance must be supposed as the subject of them ; and what reason can there be to exclude that which is the subject of those properties ? for there must be a divine being , as well as properties ; and that being must have essential properties belonging to it ; and what imaginable reason can there be , why that should not be called the divine nature ? and if it be , then substance and nature are the same . i might easily pursue this farther , but i design to bring things into as little a compass as i can . but it may be there is something in our own language which hinders nature from being taken for a substance ; and for this i appeal to a late ingenious and honourable person and philosopher of our own ; i mean mr. boyle , who hath written a philosophical enquiry into the notion of nature ; and he tells us of the various acceptations of it . ( 1. ) for the author of nature . ( 2. ) for the essence of a thing . ( 3. ) for what comes to men by birth ; as a man is noble by nature . ( 4. ) for an internal principle of motion : as that a stone is carried downwards by nature . ( 5. ) for the established course of things ; as that nature makes the night to succeed the day . ( 6. ) for an aggregate of powers belonging to a living body ; as that nature is strong or weak . ( 7. ) for the system of the universe ; as when we say of a chimaera , there is no such thing in nature . ( 8. ) for a semi-deity ; which is the notion he opposes . but we may observe , that he allows god and all the real beings of the vniverse to have nature belonging to them ; and he saith , the word essence is of great affinity to it , if not of an adequate import . but the real essence of a thing is a substance ; and therefore nature and substance are of the like importance . the next thing fit to be considered is , how far your certainty by ideas and the certainty by reason differ from each other . the occasion of this debate stands thus . i had said in my book , that i granted , that by sensation and reflection we come to know the powers and properties of things ; but our reason is satisfied , that there must be something beyond these , because it is impossible that they should subsist by themselves . so that the nature of things properly belongs to our reason and not to meer ideas . in answer to this you said , that you can find no opposition between ideas and reason ; but ideas are the objects of the vnderstanding , and vnderstanding is one of the faculties imployed about them . to which i replied , no doubt of it . but you might easily see , that by reason i understood principles of reason , allow'd by mankind ; which i think are very different from ideas . but i perceive reason in this sense is a thing you have no idea of , or one as obscure as that of substance . if there be any thing which seems too sharp and reflecting in the manner of expression , i do not go about to defend it ; but the worst of it is , that your idea of reason is as obscure as that of substance . and whether there were not a just occasion for it , the reader must judge when the faculty was put for the principles of reason . could any man judge otherwise , but that you had a very obscure idea of reason , who could mistake the vnderstanding for it ? but reason , you say , taken for the faculty is as different from ideas in your apprehension . but what is that to the point in dispute , whether the notion of nature be to be taken from ideas or from reason ? you say , the vnderstanding is imploy'd about them . and what then ? i shewed that the nature of things belongs to reason and not to bare ideas ; because ideas come in by sensation and reflection ; by which we come to know the powers and properties of things ; but we cannot come to know the notion of nature as the subject of them , but by this reason that we are convinced they cannot subsist of themselves . and is this no more than to say , the vnderstanding is imployed about ideas ? but now you answer farther , that if reason be taken for the faculty or the principles of reason allowed by mankind , reason and ideas may consist together . this leads me to the examination of that which may be of some use , viz. to shew the difference of your method of certainty by ideas , and the method of certainty by reason . and the way of certainty by reason lies in two things ; 1. the certainty of principles . 2. the certainty of deductions . as to the former , the gentleman your defender in your book saith , that in your essay , in more places than one , you have spoken , and that pretty largely of self-evident propositions and maxims ; so that if i have ever read them , i cannot doubt , but you have ideas of those common principles of reason . what ideas you have of them must appear from your book . and i do there find a chapter of self-evident propositions and maxims ; which i cannot but think extraordinary for the design of it ; which is thus summed up in the conclusion , viz. that it was to shew , that these maxims , as they are of little use where we have clear and distinct ideas , so they are of dangerous use , where our ideas are not clear and distinct . and is not this a fair way to convince me that your way of ideas is very consistent with the certainty of reason ; when the way of reason hath been always supposed to proceed upon general principles ; and you assert them to be vseless and dangerous . your first design you say is to prove , that the consideration of these general maxims can add nothing to the evidence or certainty of knowledge ; which overthrows all that which hath been accounted science and demonstration , and must lay the foundation of scepticism . because our true grounds of certainty depend upon some general principle of reason . to make this plain , i shall put a case grounded upon your words , which are , that you have discoursed with very rational men , who have actually denied that they are men. these words , i. s. understands as spoken of themselves , and charges them with very ill consequences ; but i think they are capable of another meaning : however , let us put the case that men did in earnest question , whether they were men or not ; and then i do not see , if you set aside general maxims , how you can convince them that they are men. for , the way i look on as most apt to prevail upon such extraordinary sceptical men , is by general maxims and principles of reason . as in the first place , that nothing can have no properties ; which i take to be the fundamental principle of certainty , as to real beings . for , all our inward perceptions are only of some acts or properties , as of thinking , doubting , reasoning , &c. and if a man proceeds so far as to question every thing , in order to the discovering the true ground of certainty , he cannot be satisfied with finding out only some modes of being ; but that which he aims at is , satisfaction as to his real existence . but this wholly depends upon the truth and certainty of this fundamental maxim ; that nothing can have no operations ; and therefore , whatever thinks , or doubts , or reasons , must certainly be . and since by another fundamental maxim , it is impossible for the same thing to be and not to be ; he cannot entertain any possible doubt of his own existence . it may be said , that this reaches only to bare existence , and not to the being men. i answer , that for the certainty as to that , there are other general maxims of necessary use ; as , that all different sorts of beings are distinguished by essential properties ; that the essential properties of a man are to reason , discourse , &c. that these properties cannot subsist by themselves without a real substance : and therefore , where these properties are found , those who have them must be real and substantial men. you may possibly say , that these maxims are useless , because you affirm that nothing can be more evident to us , than our own existence ; and that we have an internal infallible perception that we are . but i answer , that these maxims do not at all appear to be useless , because the certainty we enquire after is a certainty of reason , and not of bare perception . and if it be a certainty of reason , some ground of reason must be assigned for it : but all that the perception reaches to , are those acts mention'd by you . i think , i reason , i feel pleasure and pain : but the question goes farther as to the subject of those acts , and the nature of that subject , whether it be a man or not . now here lies the main difficulty , whether without the help of these principles you can prove to any that doubt , that they are men ? and i shall now shew , that in your way of ideas you cannot . for , ( 1 ) you suppose that we must have a clear distinct idea of that which we are certain of in the way of ideas . ( 2 ) you deny that we have any such clear and distinct idea of man. 1. you suppose , that we must have a clear and distinct idea of that we are certain of . for in your chapter of maxims , you say , that every one knows the ideas that he has , and that distinctly and unconfusedly one from another . which always being so ( i pray mark that , and judge whether you do not make clear and distinct ideas necessary to certainty ) he can never be in doubt when any idea is in his mind , that it is there , and is that idea it is , and that two distinct ideas when they are in his mind are there , and are not one and the same idea : from whence you infer the necessity of certainty , when the ideas are clear and distinct . this is so plain and clear , that i wonder how you came to forget it , and to think that i did you wrong when i charged you with holding clear and distinct ideas necessary to certainty . but of that in the beginning of this discourse . 2. but let us now examine your idea of man , whether that be clear and distinct or not ; and if not , then according to your principles very rational men cannot be certain that they are men. for if they have no way of certainty but by ideas , and you allow no clear and distinct idea of man , then they can come to no certainty ; and i hope you will not deny them to be very rational men , if they follow the way of ideas . first , you shew , that there can be no demonstration in the way of principles what man is . secondly , that there are very different ideas of man , some , you say , make the idea of a man without a soul ; as children do . others add laughter and rational discourse , and these may demonstrate by general principles that ideots and infants are no men by this maxim , that it is impossible for the same thing to be , and not to be ; and you have discoursed with very rational men , who have actually denied that they are men. others take in the idea of body in general , and the powers of language and reason , and leave out shape ; and so a man may be a four-footed creature , or in whatever body or shape he found speech and reason joined , that was a man. but where is the clear and distinct idea of a man all this while ? we can have no certainty by principles , you say , and you offer none in the way of ideas ; for the ideas are very confused , imperfect and repugnant to each other ; and so in this new method of certainty by ideas , we cannot be so much as certain that we are men. but is it possible to suppose , that a rational man should talk of certainty by ideas , and not be able to fix the idea of a man ? one would have thought this had been only an omission in this place out of pure zeal against principles ; but certainly in other places this idea of a man must be made clear and distinct . so far from it , that in other places , you industriously set your self to disprove the common idea of a man. it could not possibly be , say you , that the abstract idea to which the name man is given , should be different in several men , if it were of natures making ; and that to one it should be animal rationale ; to another animal implume bipes latis unguibus . from whence it is plain , that you allow no clear and distinct idea of man ; and you endeavour to expose the sacred definition , as you call it , of animal rationale ; which was never exposed by any man without cause . but you conclude , that we are far from knowing certainly what man is ; though perhaps it will be judged great ignorance to doubt about it . and yet you think you may say , that the certain boundaries of that species are so far from being determined , and the precise number of simple ideas , which make that nominal essence so far from being setled and perfectly known , that very material doubts may still arise about it . so that i begin to think i. s. was in the right , when he made you say , that you had discoursed with very rational men who denied themselves to be men. but this is a little too hard to deny themselves to be men. if it had been only , who doubted whether they were men or not ; you could not deny them to be very rational men , because they went upon your grounds , that we can have no certainty either by principles , or by any clear and distinct ideas , what a man is . thus i have shew'd how inconsistent your way of ideas is with true certainty ; and of what use and necessity these general principles of reason are . i now come to the certainty of reason in making deductions . and here i shall briefly lay down the grounds of certainty , which the ancient philosophers went upon , and then compare your way of ideas with them . aristotle observes , that socrates first brought in definitions and inductions in order to certainty ; and went no farther . plato allowed no certainty , but only opinion , as to external objects ; but he said ▪ that certainty depended upon abstract and separate ideas , which were always the same . this he took , ( as i observed in my former letter ) from the pythagoreans , only changing numbers into ideas . for by numbers , they understood first principles , not gross and material ; but immaterial and eternal , as iamblichus saith ; and therefore moderatus gaditanus , one of the most understanding men among them saith , the pythagoreans brought in numbers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for a more decent way of instruction , following the practice of geometricians , who make use of figures to represent things to the mind ; and therefore their doctrine of numbers was the philosophy of principles , or the general grounds of certainty ; but this was so abstruse and so little understood , that it soon lost its reputation , as porphyry observes , or was mixed with plantonism ; and therefore photinus joins the pythagorean and platonick principles together . but aristotle was a great enemy to these abstracted speculations , and therefore set himself so much on all occasions against ideas and numbers , especially in his metaphysicks . but instead thereof , he endeavour'd to bring down certainty to material things , and to real beings . in order to this , he saw it necessary to avoid confusion , by explaining doubtfull terms , and by ranking things under several heads , which he called categories ; wherein all things are reduced to substance , and accidents belonging to them ; to which he joins some general discourses about the right apprehension of things simply consider'd . but it is observable , that in all the categories from archytas the pythagorean downwards , ( who first placed them in that order , ) substance was first ranked , as the most proper idea of the mind , and all accidents or modes were consider'd with respect to that . and the french cartesians in their logick , place substance as the first object of their ideas : and do not leave us a relative idea , to be supposed only , because accidents cannot subsist without a subject . then follows the way of understanding the truth and falshood of propositions ; after which , he pursues the way of reasoning , or inferring one thing from another , which he calls syllogizing , wherein he professes to go upon this common principle of reason , that what things do agree in a third must agree among themselves . but being not content with the ordinary dialectical way , which proceeded upon the concessions of the party , he attempted to bring in true demonstration . to which he supposes general axioms necessary , and definitions , and postulata : and he distinguishes between a necessary conclusion , and a demonstration ; for the former may arise from the manner of reasoning ; but a demonstration supposes a necessary cause , and that the propositions are such as that the conclusion necessarily follows from them . so that demonstration according to him must be of an inseparable property , and by the most immediate and necessary cause . how far aristotle's notion of demonstration can be applied to physical matters is not my business to enquire ; it being only to shew what his method of certainty was . but besides aristotle , the stoicks took upon them to lay down the true method of certainty ; and they went another way to work about it , viz. ( 1. ) by finding out the criterion of truth and falshood . ( 2. ) by examining the consequences and deductions of reason . as to things which had some degree of evidence to sense or reason , they made the criterion necessary , but for those which had not , but must be proved , the examination of that proof was necessary in order to certainty . the criterion was agreed to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the measure whereby we are to judge of things . but as in the use of balances for weight , there must be one to hold them , and the balances themselves , and the position of them ; and as in the judging of a line , whether straight or crooked , there must be the artificer , the rule and the application of it ; so in judging of truth and falshood , there must be the faculty of understanding as the artificer , sense and reason as the rule ; and the inward ideas of the mind , which answer'd to the position of the balances , or the application of the rule . now that which they placed their notion of certainty in , was that inward and comprehensive idea , which was called by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if it were a weak assent , they called it opinion ; for they made the assent voluntary , notwithstanding the criterion ; but if it were a firm and immoveable assent , that they called knowledge and certainty . but besides these comprehensive ideas they did allow of common notions , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or anticipations : of which arrian speaks ; and simplicius saith , they are those wherein all are agreed , and are planted in us by right reason , and confirmed by time and observation . as to the other part , they took great pains about the true signification of words , the rank and order of things , the nature and kind of propositions , and the difference of signs , whereof some were monitory , and others demonstrative . and the proving a thing uncertain , by something granted to be certain , was that which they called demonstration . according to the principles of the eleatick school , the most simple and natural way of reasoning was supposed to be by drawing consequences upon suppositions , and the way the stoicks took to judge of reasoning , was by judging what approached nearest to the first principles of reasoning ; such as that every thing we talk about either must be or not be ; and in such disjunct propositions , one part or other must be taken , and then a train of consequences follows . and plutarch , no friend to the stoicks , thinks this faculty of drawing consequences , lays the best foundation for demonstration . for the principle of it , he saith , is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the connex way of reasoning ; that is as simplicius explains it , when two things are so joyned together as antecedent and consequent , that by position of the antecedent , the consequent follows , and by taking away the consequent , the antecedent is removed . thus i have , in as few words , as i could , laid together those old methods of certainty , which have obtained greatest reputation in the world. but your way of certainty by ideas is so wholly new , that here we have no general principles ; no criterion , no antecedents and consequents ; no syllogistical methods of demonstration ; and yet we are told of a better way of certainty to be attained , meerly by the help of ideas . but how comes there to be such a way of certainty by ideas , and yet the ideas themselves are so uncertain and obscure ? i confess , that the more i look into it , the farther it appears to be from a way of certainty to me . for in your chapter of the improvement of knowledge , you have these words ; for it being evident that our knowledge cannot exceed our ideas , where they are imperfect , confused or obscure , we cannot expect to have certain , perfect , or clear knowledge . and yet how often do you confess , that our ideas are imperfect , confused , and obscure ? how then is it possible to attain to any certainty by them ? and notwithstanding these plain words , you assert it over and over in your second letter , as appears in the beginning , that you do not place certainty in clear and distinct ideas , ( as i observed in the beginning . ) how can these things consist ? can certainty be had with imperfect and obscure ideas , and yet no certainty be had by them ? i cannot blame you for finding fault with common principles of reason , if both parts of a contradiction may be true : but i forbear . however i cannot but join other words of yours to shew how resolved you were to be inconsistent with your self : but obscure and confused ideas can never produce any clear or distinct knowledge ; because as far as any ideas are confused or obscure , so far the mind can never perceive clearly , whether thy agree or disagree . and yet in the same place , you say , that our knowledge consisting in the perception of the agreement or disagreement of any two ideas , its clearness or obscurity consists in the clearness or obscurity of that perception , and not in the clearness or obscurity of the ideas themselves . how is it possible for us to have a clear perception of the agreement of ideas , if the ideas themselves be not clear and distinct ? if the mind can never perceive clearly , the agreement or disagreement of obscure and confused ideas , how can its knowledge lie in the perception of that which is not to be perceived ? this is a thing which i cannot make consistent . but besides , i have another charge upon your way of certainty , viz. that you have no criterion to distinguish false and doubtfull ideas from true and certain ; how then can any man be secure that he is not imposed upon in this way of ideas ? the academicks went too far in the way to scepticism , but they differ'd from the scepticks in two things . 1. they asserted , that there was no absolute certainty to be had , which the scepticks would not . 2. they held a far greater probability in some things than others , and that men were bound to follow the greatest probability in what concern'd their own welfare : but the scepticks said , that they would do as others did , or follow inclination , and the laws of their country , but they held no opinion in their minds , as they said . the academicks went much upon ideas , or representations of things to their minds , but they did not proceed upon every idea , but they examin'd and weighed all the circumstances belonging to it , before they allow'd it to prevail upon them to give an assent as to a greater probability . carneades , one of the subtilest of them , as appears by sextus empiricus , distinguished a three-fold idea . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a probable idea ; which the academicks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , said he , neither that which appears false of it self ; nor that which is true , but doth not appear so , can perswade a man's mind . and of those things which do appear to be true , some have a very slender appearance , others have a mighty strong one , and therein he placed his criterion . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an undistracted idea ; i. e. when no circumstances disturb or shake the first impression , so as to make us question the truth of it ; which sextus empiricus calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a concurrence of ideas and none disagreeing , and yet he would not allow this to be a ground of certainty but only of probability . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a well examin'd idea , by the best reason a man hath and the greatest application of mind . and this was the foundation of the highest probability a man's mind could reach to . now to apply this to your case ; you tell us of a way of certainty by ideas , and never offer any such method for examining them , as the academicks required for their probability . as for instance , your first idea which you go upon , is that of solidity , which , you say , of all others seems the most intimately connected with and essential to body : and therefore must be of great moment . solidity , you say , consists in repletion and resistence ; and by this idea of solidity the extension of body , you say , is distinguished from that of space ; so that of pure space and solidity you have clear and distinct ideas . now here in the way of certainty i have two questions to ask . 1. how this idea comes to be clear and distinct to you , when others who go in the same way of ideas have quite another idea of it , and think they have as plain and distinct an idea that the extension of space and body are the same ? now , what criterion is there to come to any certainty in this matter ? i see none so much as offer'd , but only that they seem to you to be clear and distinct , but to others the contrary . so that here we are at a loss as to any certainty in the way of ideas . and the blind man who fansied the idea of scarlet to be like the sound of a trumpet , could hardly be convinced of his error in the way of ideas . this you mention to shew the different ideas men may fall into ; which i think is enough to shew that they have no way to certainty in themselves , if it be possible for men , even for philosophical and rational men , to fall into such contrary ideas about the same thing ; and both sides think their ideas clear and distinct . 2. but i have another question to propose ; viz. whether by this idea of solidity we may come to know what it is ? this is a very reasonable question in the way of certainty , which is to lead us to the certain knowledge of things . i pray therefore tell me from your idea , what it is , and wherein it consists ? the question you suppose might be very well asked ; and you give a most satisfactory answer to it . if any ask me what this solidity is , i send him to his senses to inform him . i had thought by the design of your book you would have sent him to his ideas for certainty ; and are we sent back again from our ideas to our senses ? what do these ideas signifie then ? but you say farther ; that if this be not a sufficient explication of solidity , you promise to tell him what it is , when he tells you , what thinking is , or explains to you what extension and motion are . are we not now in the true way of certainty ; when such things as these are given over , of which we have the clearest evidence by sensation and reflection ? for here you make it as impossible to come to certain , clear and distinct notions of these things , as to discourse into a blind man the ideas of light and colours . is not this a rare way of certainty ? thus i have shewed that you have no security against false and uncertain ideas , no criterion to judge them by ; no light into the nature of things by them , as will farther appear by what you say of the ideas of sensible qualities . to discover , say you , the nature of our ideas the better , and to discourse of them intelligibly , it will be convenient to distinguish them , as they are ideas or perceptions in our minds ; and as they are modifications of matter in the bodies that cause such perceptions in us : that so we may not think ( as perhaps is usually done ) that they are exactly the images and resemblances of something inherent in the subject : most of those of sensation being in the mind no more the likeness of something existing without us , than the names that stand for them are the likeness of our ideas , which yet upon hearing they are apt to excite in us . now here again our ideas deceive us , in the way of certainty . we desire to know something of the nature of those objects of which we have the ideas in our minds , because these we are told , will bring us to a certainty of knowledge . of what ? of what we feel ? no certainly , but of that which causes these inward perceptions . can we then by these ideas know the nature of things without us ? no , you say we cannot ; for most of those of sensation are no more the likeness of something without us , than names are for things which they stand for . so that these ideas are really nothing but names , if they be not representations of things ; and if they be not , how can we understand things by them ; and if we cannot , what certainty is attainable by them ? but i will do you no wrong ; and therefore i must consider what you say about demonstration : for it cannot be denied that you own the thing , although you deny it to be ex proecognitis & proeconcessis , and say , it is a mistake that they are supposed to be the foundations of all our knowledge and reasonings . we must therefore examine your way of demonstration without principles . certainty , you say , depends so wholly on intuition , that in demonstrative knowledge , this intuition is necessary in all the connexion of the intermediate ideas , without which we cannot attain knowledge or certainty . by intuition you mean self-evidence . for you say , in this the mind is at no pains of proving or examining , but perceives the truth as the eye doth light only by being directed towards it . for hence you must suppose self evidence to be in the ideas of your mind ; and that every intermediate idea which you take to demonstrate any thing by , must have a self-evident connexion with the other idea : which is such a way of demonstration , as the old philosophers never thought of . for upon this ground every demonstration carries its own light with it ; and can no more be questioned , than whether two and two make four ; and i would be glad to see any demonstration ( not about figures and numbers ) of this kind , which i think is not to be expected in the way of ideas . but because in this lies the chief point as to a way of certainty by ideas , i shall more carefully examine the grounds you proceed upon , and shew them to be very insufficient for the purpose you intend them . your principal ground is from mathematical demonstrations , and your examples are brought from them . but his is quite a different case from yours . for you grant , that those ideas on which mathematical demonstrations proceed , are wholly in the mind , and do not relate to the existence of things ; but our debate goes upon a certainty of the knowledge of things as really existing ; so that , although we should grant all that you say , about the intuition of ideas in mathematical demonstrations , yet it comes not at all to your business , unless you can prove that we have as clear and distinct ideas of beings , as we have of numbers and figures . and yet herein you are not consistent with your self ; for you design to prove demonstrations without general principles ; and yet every one knows , that general principles are supposed in mathematicks , and that person would be thought ridiculous , who should go about to prove , that general principles are of little , or of dangerous use in mathematical demonstrations . and so in morality , which you place among the sciences capable of demonstration ; you confess , that the way of demonstration therein is from principles , as those of the mathematicks , by necessary consequences . this is a very intelligible way of demonstration : but how then comes it to pass , that in the way of certainty by ideas as to other points of knowledge , you deny general maxims to be the foundation we are to proceed upon ? and the method you lay down , is this , that ideas of particular things are first in the mind , which are first received and distinguished , and so knowledge got by them ; but general ideas are fictions and contrivances of the mind , which carry difficulty with them ; but that it is true of our particular distinct ideas , that they are all known by their native evidence , are wholly independent , receive no light , nor are capable of proof one from another ; much less the more particular from the more general , or the more simple from the more compounded , the more simple and less abstract being the most familiar , and the easier and earlier apprehended . but which ever be the clearest ideas , the evidence and certainty of all such propositions is in this , that a man sees the same idea to be the same idea , and infallibly perceives two different ideas to be two different ideas . for when a man has in his vnderstanding the ideas of one and of two , the idea of yellow and of blue , he cannot but certainly know , that this idea of one is the idea of one , and not the idea of two ; and that the idea of yellow is the idea of yellow , and not of blue . for a man cannot confound the ideas in his mind , which he has distinct ; that would be to have them confused and distinct at the same time , which is a contradiction : and to have none distinct is to have no use of our faculties , to have no knowledge at all . and therefore , what idea soever is affirmed of it self ; or whatsoever two entire distinct ideas are denied one of another , the mind cannot but assent to such a proposition , as infallibly true , assoon as it understands the terms without hesitation , or need of proof , or regarding those made in more general terms , and called maxims . these are your own words , which i have set down at large , that you may not complain that i misrepresent your sense . and if i understand the force of them , you take off the way of demonstration from general principles and consequences deduced from them , and place it in the self-evidence of ideas . but that it is impossible to come to a demonstration about real beings , in this way of intuition of ideas , i shall now make appear from your self , which will farther discover the inconsistency of your notion of ideas . and the reasons i go upon are these ; 1. that you confess , that some of the most obvious ideas are far from being self-evident . 2. that there may be contradictory opinions about some ideas , which you account most clear and distinct . 3. that granting the ideas to be true , there is no self-evidence of the connexion of them , which is necessary to make a demonstration . 1. that some of the most obvious ideas , are far from being self-evident by your own confession . among these you cannot deny those of matter and motion , of time and duration , and of light , to be very considerable . but i shall prove from your self , that we can have no intuition of these things , which are so obvious to us ; and consequently can have no self-evident ideas of them . as to the idea of matter : that you tell us , consists in a solid substance every where the same ; and a body is a solid extended figured substance . now there are two things concerning matter , which i would be glad to come to a certain knowledge of . and those are , 1. the manner of cohesion of the parts of matter , concerning which you have these words . for since no body is no farther , nor otherwise extended , than by the vnion and cohesion of its solid parts , we shall very ill comprehend the extension of body , without understanding , wherein consists the vnion and cohesion of its parts , which seems to me as incomprehensible as the manner of thinking , and how it is performed . i would have any one intelligibly explain to me , how the parts of gold or brass ( that but now in fusion were as loose from one another , as the particles of water , or the sands of an hour-glass ) come in a few moments to be so united , and adhere so strongly one to another , that the utmost force of men's arms cannot separate them . a considering man will i suppose be here at a loss , to satisfie his own or another man's vnderstanding . and can you then imagine that we have intuition into the idea of matter ? or that it is possible to come to a demonstration about it by the help of any intervening idea ? the idea of solidity , or firm cohesion of parts cannot be said to come from the idea of matter it self , for then there could be no such thing as fluid matter . whence then comes the distinction between these ideas of solid and fluid matter ? that there is such a cohesion of the solid parts of matter is evident : now what other ideas do you compare and connect with this to make it evident , how this solidity and matter came to have this agreement with each other ? is it by the density or compactedness of the matter in a little compass ? but that is as hard to give an account of ; viz. how some parts of matter come to take up so much less room , and to stick closer than others . is it by bare rest of the parts ? but how comes the resistance of solid bodies to come only from rest ? is it from the pressure of the ambient air ? no you say , that in truth the pressure of an ambient fluid how great soever , can be no intelligible cause of the cohesion of the solid parts of matter . so that we are not to look for any thing like a demonstration of the cohesion of the parts of matter . 2. and as little are we to expect it , as to the divisibility of it ; which was the other thing i hoped to find demonstrated in the way of ideas . for you tell us , that the notion of body is cumbred with some difficulties which are very hard , and perhaps impossible to be explained , or understood by us . and among these you particularly instance in the divisibility of matter ; which you say , whether we grant or deny it to be in infinitum , it involves us in consequences , impossible to be explicated or made consistent . consequences that carry greater difficulty , and more apparent absurdity than any thing can follow from the notion of an immaterial knowing substance . so that i think it is vain to expect a demonstration in the way of ideas as to this matter . the next is that of motion . concerning which you tell us , that the definition of the schools is exquisite iargon : that of the atomists is but putting one synonymous word for another ; viz. that motion is a passage from one place to another : for passage may as well be defined a motion from one place to another . and the cartesian definition , that it is the successive application of the parts of the superficies of one body to those of another , will not prove a much better definition of motion when well examin'd . and what is there so evident as motion ? so that if our ideas fail us in so plain a case , what help can we hope from them in things more abstruse and remote from our senses ? as to time and duration , you say , that the answer of a great man ( to one who asked what time was , si non rogas , intelligo , which amounts to this , the more i set my self to consider it , the less i understand it ) might perhaps perswade one , that time , which reveals all other things , is it self not to be discover'd . this shews , that there is no self-evident idea of time. but here you offer to furnish us with as clear and distinct ideas , as of many other which are thought much less obscure . however , then it is plain , that we have not the knowledge by intuition , but by rational deduction . for you proceed from the idea of succession , to that of duration ; by observing a distance in the parts of succession ; and then from observing periodical motions , we get ideas of the measures of duration , as minutes , hours , days , years , &c. from hence we proceed to imagine duration not yet come ; and such to which we can always add ; from which comes the idea of eternity : and by considering any part of duration with periodical measures , we come to the idea of what we call time in general . so that the idea of time in general is so far from being known by intuition , that many steps are to be taken in order to it ; and some such as one would hardly have thought of . as how the idea of succession should arise from a train of ideas in our minds : you say it is , because we have no perception of duration , but by considering the train of ideas , that take their turns in our vnderstandings . what think you of those people that fail'd not in reckoning the succession of time right for many years together by knots , and notches on sticks , and figures , without ever so much as thinking of ideas , or any thing like them ? but besides , such arbitrary measures of time , what need any recourse to ideas , when the returns of days and months and years by the planetary motions , are so easie and so universal ? if a man hath no perception of duration when he sleeps , yet the time runs on , and nights have as much their share in succession as days have . and although , you say , it seems very clear to you , that men derive their ideas of duration from their reflection on the train of the ideas they observe to succeed one another , yet i think the contrary so clear , that men may have a clear idea of succession without it , that i rather wonder how you came to think of this way . but it is sufficient to my purpose , that you could never know this idea of time by self-evidence . the last i shall mention is light , and one would think , if any idea be self-evident , it should be that . but let us see what you say about it ; you explode the peripatetick definition of it as unintelligible ; and the cartesian you allow to be but little better . for when they make it to be a number of little globules striking briskly on the bottom of the eye , you say , to a man that understands it not before , these words would make the idea of light no more known to him , than if one should tell him , that light was nothing but a company of little tennis-balls , which fairies all day long strook with rackets against some men's foreheads while they pass by others . and is this a self-evident idea of light ? thus we have seen what account your self have given of these self-evident ideas , which are the ground work of demonstration . 2. but suppose an idea happen to be thought by some to be clear and distinct , and others should think the contrary to be so , what hopes of demonstration by clear and distinct ideas then ? as suppose a man entertain des cartes his idea of space , as the same with body , or extended matter , which he affirms to be clear and distinct ; the consequence from hence is , as your self confess , that he may from thence demonstrate that there can be no vacuum : but again , let us suppose another to have a clear and distinct idea of space from body , this man , you say , may demonstrate as easily that there may be a vacuum , or space without a body , as des cartes demonstrated the contrary . say you so ? what! demonstrations on both sides , and in the way of ideas too ? this is extraordinary indeed . but if we may be allow'd the use of common principles , we may be sure , that both parts of a contradiction cannot be true , and therefore there must be a fundamental mistake some where . you say , it is in wrong application of that general maxim , what is , is . but there is no fault in the principle , which is the true meaning of the other ; that it is impossible for the same thing to be and not to be , which undoubtedly holds true ; but it is in supposing the reality of the thing to be according to what you call a clear and distinct idea . so that the general principles of reason stand firm and good ; but your self-evidence of clear and distinct ideas is such a principle , we see , as serves for demonstrations of both parts of a contradiction . 3. but granting the ideas to be true , yet when their connexion is not self-evident , then an intermediate idea must complete the demonstration . but how doth it appear that this middle idea is self-evidently connected with them ? for you say , if that intermediate idea be not known by intuition , that must need a proof ; and so there can be no demonstration . which i am very apt to believe in this way of ideas ; unless these ideas get more light by being put between two others . this will best appear by a remarkable instance already mention'd , viz. in the ideas of space and body ; the question supposed is , whether they be the same or not ; some we see affirm it , and others deny it . so that here we must use an intermediate idea , and that is of motion , and we are to consider whether this hath a self-evident connexion , with the other ideas ? the motion of bodies , you say , that are in our view and neighbourhood , seems to you plainly to evince a vacuum . but how ? is it by intuition or self-evidence ? no , you do not pretend to it . but by reason : because there must be a void space equal to the bulk of that body , which moves within the bounds of such a superficies . and if there be a space without body there must be a vacuum . but gassendus attempted to prove motion impossible , if there were no vacuum : for every body must go into the place of another , and so in insinitum ; which he said was ridiculous and impossible . the cartesians answer'd , that the motion was circular . gassendus urged , that still it was impossible : for suppose a the first body , and x the last ; a cannot move , unless x can be moved : but x cannot move , because the place is filled with a. the cartesians say , this proves nothing , because in the same instant , that x goes into the places of a , that gives way . ioh. bapt. morinus ( professor of the mathematicks at paris , at the same time with gassendus ) answers to gassendus his argument , that the separation of two bodies and succession are at the same time ; and so there can be no vacuum . bernier defends gassendus his argument , and saith , that no motion can begin without a vacuum ; but other philosophers and mathematicians as stifly deny it . and is it possible to imagine , that there should be a self-evident connexion of ideas in this case ? but what hath reason now to do in this way of intuition ? yes , say you , reason is to discover the agreement or disagreement of ideas . but this is nothing but an imploying the faculty of reason in such a manner : and so in the beginning of your chapter of reason , you tell us , that it is sometimes taken for true and clear principles , and sometimes for clear and fair deductions from those principles ; but you take it for a saculty in man. but why , in a chapter of reason , are the other two senses neglected ? we might have expected here full satisfaction as to the principles of reason as distinct from the faculty , but you wholly avoid it ; and only shew how it is used in finding out the certain connexion of ideas in demonstration ; and the probable connexion in other things . so that the difference lies between us , as to this matter of reason , in these two things . ( 1. ) you affirm , that general principles and maxims of reason are of little , or no vse ; i say that they are of very great use , and the only proper foundations of certainty . ( 2. ) you say , that demonstration is by way of intuition of ideas , and that reason is only the faculty imploy'd in discovering and comparing ideas with themselves , or with others intervening ; and that this is the only way of certainty . i affirm , and have proved , that there can be no demonstration by intuition of ideas ; but that all the certainty we can attain to , is from general principles of reason , and necessary deductions made from them . but before i conclude this discourse , i must observe that you prove that demonstration must be by intuition , in an extraordinary manner , from the sense of the word . for you say , it is called demonstration , it being shewn to the vnderstanding , and the mind made see , that it is so . i have told you formerly , how very uncertain a way of arguing it is , which is taken from the original signification of words ; and if it would hold in this case , it would be most proper for ocular demonstrations , or by the finger . but in the philosophical sense of the word , demonstration was never taken for intuition , or the knowing of a thing by its self-evidence . but you assert the necessity of intuitive knowledge , in every step of a demonstration . whereas , aristotle saith , things that are self-evident cannot be demonstrated ; and that it is weakness and folly not to know what things are capable of demonstration , and what not . it seems there were some philosophers , who would have first principles demonstrated ; this , saith aristotle cannot be done without running in infinitum , which is absurd . whence it is plain , that demonstration was supposed to lie in some antecedent proof ; and where any thing was self-evident it was absurd to look for it : so that the way of intuition and demonstration , were thought inconsistent . for what a man sees by its own light , he needs no proof of . but you say , that in a demonstration the intervenient ideas are called proofs ; and where by the help of these the agreement or disagreement is plainly perceived , that is demonstration : and that in every step there is an intuitive knowledge of the agreement or disagreement it seeks with the next intermediate idea , which it uses as a proof ; for , if it were not so , that would need a proof . so that according to your method of demonstration , that which is used as a proof must need no proof , but must be known by immediate intuition . of which kind of demonstration , i would fain see any one instance in the knowledge of things , and not in abstracted and mathematical demonstrations . for it may be , it hath been the occasion of some great mistakes in the philosophy of this age , that ingenious and mathematical men have labour'd so much to accommodate the principles of that science to the nature of material things ; of which we have a remarkable instance in the system of des cartes . and supposing we could come to a certainty about the nature and tendency of bodies here within our reach , ( i mean with respect to the earth ) i do not know , how far the greatest mathematician can proceed in making demonstrations as to the nature and tendency of those bodies which are so much out of our reach , as the heavenly bodies are , both in themselves and with respect to one another . for , if the phaenomena depend upon a force given them by the great and wise creator , how can we know in what manner or degree that force is given to bodies at such a wonderfull distance from us , as the fixed stars are ? for , if god can alter the laws of motion in another system , as it is not denied ; how can we be mathematically certain , that the laws of motion in bodies , so much above us , are the very same that we find them here ? i do not by any means take off from the laudable endeavours of those who have gone about to reduce natural speculations to mathematical certainty : but i mention it to shew , that it is a very easie way for thinking men to deceive themselves , in talking so much of demonstrative certainty about natural things , when all their instances are brought from mathematical demonstrations . aristotle , whom i cannot despise so much as some do ( i do not say for want of reading him ) hath a discourse on purpose in the beginning of his books of animals , in what way natural things are to be handled ; and he saith , there are two ways . 1. by way of science . 2. by way of instruction , which must be suitable to the nature of the things . so that in natural history he saith , there must be certain bounds set for enquiry , without proceeding to strict demonstration . and , saith he , the manner of demonstration as to natural things , is different from what it is in speculative or mathematical things . in another place he laments the want of experiments as to natural history , ( although he made far more than any before him , and was better able to do it by the plentifull assistance of philip and alexander , while he lived at court ) and he looks on that as the best way of satisfying our reason about such things ; and our reasons , saith he , are then good , when they agree with the phaenomena . and he was so far from thinking he had made demonstrations in physicks , that in one place he saith , that in things not evident to sense , he thought it sufficient to shew the possibility of it ; and therefore he ought not to be run down for his modesty ; however his physical notions fall far short of demonstrations . in his morals , he saith , all principles must be suitable to the nature of the science ; for it would be absurd for a man to go about to prove the three angles of a triangle , equal to two right angles ; and take this for his principle , that the soul is immortal . for the proof must be proper and connected with it . and from hence he excludes plato's idea , from being a principle in morals . in his eudemia , the way of proceeding in morals , he saith , is by reasons , testimonies , and examples ; and he looks on it as great want of iudgment for men not to consider what reasons are proper for every science . so that according to him , morality is not uncapable of demonstration ; so it be upon moral principles : for that he lays down in the beginning of his ethicks , and afterwards that the same exactness is not to be required in all sorts of reasoning : but that it ought to be suitable to the matter it is about . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if therefore the principles in morality be clear and proper , and the deductions be plain and natural , i do not see , but that it is as capable of demonstration as any other science ; if men were as willing to be convinced in morals , as they are in mathematicks . and therein i fully agree with you : but the way of demonstration by ideas will not do , either there or any where else . i mean by this intuitive knowledge in every step of the demonstration : when the intervening ideas are far from being capable of this intuitive certainty . and as to your argument from the notation of the word , it is certain , that after the philosophical use of it , it signified no more among some philosophers , than the conclusion of an argument ; whereby we are brought from something we did perceive , to somethiug we did not . not by way of intuition , but by a deduction of reason . and plato makes use of the word demonstration in his phoedrus , for such a reason which wise men would believe , and others would not . but there could be no intuitive certainty in such a demonstration . i have been longer a clearing this matter than i thought i should have been ; but it is the main point as to certainty by ideas , and what remains will admit of an easier dispatch . i now return to the difference between nature and person ; and i shall only single out what is material and pertinent ; and now leave the interlocutory gentlemen to maintain their conversation by themselves . i had said in my vindication , that nature may be consider'd two ways . ( 1. ) as it is in distinct individuals . ( 2. ) abstractly without respect to individual persons . ( 1. ) as it is in distinct individuals , as the nature of a man is equally in peter , iames and iohn , and this is the common nature with a particular subsistence belonging to each of them . for the nature of man , as in peter , is distinct from the same nature , as it is in iames and iohn ; otherwise they would be but one person , as well as have the same nature . which to my understanding is plain and clear reason . and if so , then here we have an identity of nature , and a distinction of persons in the same nature . but to this you object these three things : ( 1. ) that you cannot put together one and the same , and distinct ; and consequently there is no foundation for the distinction of nature and person . ( 2. ) that what i say about common nature , and particular subsistence and individuals , is wholly unintelligible to you and your friends . ( 3. ) that to speak truly and precisely of this matter , as in reality it is , there is no such thing as one common nature in several individuals ; for all that is truth in them is particular , and can be nothing but particular . but the meaning is , that every particular individual man or horse , &c. has such a nature or constitution as agrees , and is conformable to that idea which that general name stands for . this is the substance of what i can gather out of your discourse in several pages , but as to the general reflections i pass them over , having no other design , but to set truth in as good a light as i can . and if i have the misfortune not to be understood , i cannot help it ; i wish it were in my power to help other men's capacities as well as to help my own . but you say , the notionists and ideists , ( as they are called ) seem to have their apprehensive faculties very differently turned ? i do not think , that there is any different turn in their faculties ; but there may be a very wrong turn in the method of reasoning in those , who go in this way of ideas , from what there is in those who pursue the general principles of reason , and from thence draw particular conclusions . if any man takes it for granted , that your way of ideas is the only way to certainty ( and he must take it for granted , if he will believe it ) then i cannot see how he can apprehend one and the same common nature in different persons or individuals , because all his ideas are taken from particulars ; and therefore a common nature is no more but one common name ; and every individual is consider'd as ranked under those names . but herein lies the fundamental mistake , that you presume that we are not to judge of things by the general principles of reason , but by particular ideas . for if men set aside this new way of judging only by these ideas ; things would appear in another light to them : but i find it is to very little purpose to argue with such men , who are resolved to stick to this way of ideas ; for they can apprehend nothing but just in their own way . and let us say what we will , it is jargon , and unintelligible to them ; although very rational men have said the same things that we do , and have been thought by the rest of mankind to have spoken intelligibly . but now it seems nothing is intelligible , but what suits with this new way of ideas , however repugnant it be to the common principles of reason ; which must be the standard to mankind , whatever becomes of this way of ideas . and therefore in this debate , i shall proceed upon these principles of reason , which have been receiv'd among mankind ; and from them i hope to make it appear , that the difference of nature and person is not imaginary and fictitious , but grounded upon the real nature of things . the principles of reason , which i go upon are these ; 1. that nothing hath no properties . 2. that all properties being only modes or accidents must have a real subject to subsist in . 3. that properties essentially different , must subsist in different essences . 4. that where there is an agreement in essential properties and a difference in individual , there must be both an identity and diversity in several respects . now upon these principles i build my assertion , that there is one real and common nature or essence in mankind , and a difference of persons in the several individuals . for , that there are such essential properties in mankind which are not in brutes , i suppose you will not deny . now these essential properties must subsist somewhere ; for nothing can have no properties , and these properties cannot subsist ( where individuals are multiplied ) in any one individual : for that is to exclude all the rest from the essential properties which belong to them ; and if they have them in common , there must be some common subject wherein they subsist , and that can be nothing but the common essence of mankind . for the essence of brutes or plants have them not ; and therefore these essences must be really different from one another . but because individuals of the same kind , have something to distinguish , as well as to unite them , therefore there must be a different subsistence in every individual : and so one and the same , and yet distinct , may very easily and intelligibly consist together . but you say , i have not told you what nature is ; i think my discourse sufficiently shew'd it , if you had a mind to understand it ; for you could not but see that i meant the subject of the essential properties , whether you call it nature , substance , or essence . your objection about nature and substance being of equal extent , i hope , i have sufficiently removed in the foregoing discourse . you tell me , that it is more than you know , that the nature of a man is equal in peter , james and john. i am sorry for it . for i thought you had ideas of particular substances . but they may be drills or horses for any thing you know . i am again sorry , that you know particular men no better ; but that for ought you know , they may be drills or horses . but you know a horse that was called peter , and you do not know but the master of the same team might call other of his horses , james and john. suppose all this . and could you not in the way of ideas distinguish them from those of your acquaintance who had the same names ? i confess , this tempts me to think that ideists ( as you call them ) have a particular turn of their understandings about these matters . for i cannot but think , that those who were not very rational men , might understand the difference between men and horses ; without being told , that although horses might be called by their names ; yet that these were real men , and their constitution and nature was conformable to that idea , which the general name man stands for . but this is no more than to say , that he that has the nature of a man is a man , or what has the nature of a drill is a drill ; and what has the nature of a horse is a horse ; whether it be called peter , or not called peter . if this were really the discourse of your friends in private conversation , you have been very obliging to them to publish it to the world : for mankind are not so stupid , as not to know a man from a horse or a drill , but only by the specifick name of man. you may have a horse called peter if you please , and another iames , and a third iohn ; but for all that , there is no one that hath the understanding of a man , but will be able without your specifick names to tell the difference of your horse peter from your man peter ; and call them by what names you please the difference will not depend upon them , but upon the essential properties which belong to them ; and so it will be owned by all that have not this new turn of their vnderstandings . but i plainly see , that a new notion when it hath got deep into a man's head doth give a strange turn to his understanding ; so that he cannot see that , which every one else can , that hath not the same tincture upon his mind . and i remember an observation of yours , how dangerous it is to a man's reason to fix his fancy long upon one sort of thoughts . these ideas are a very odd sort of spectacles to our understandings , if they make them see and understand less , than people of very , ordinary capacities do . for even the man who had the horse with the name peter , and might have others by the names of james and john , would not a little wonder at a grave philosopher that should seriously say to him ; you see , friend , that your horses have the names of men , how do you know but that they are men ? know , saith the country-man , i hope you are wiser than to ask me such a question ? or what do you take me for , if i cannot tell the difference of men from horses whatever names they have . do not tell me of your specifick names , and conformity to your ideas , i know well enough the difference between my horse peter and my man peter without such gibberish . my man peter and i can sit and chop logick together , about our country affairs , and he can write and read , and he is a very sharp fellow at a bargain ; but my horse peter can do none of these things , and i never could find any thing like reason in him , and do you think i do not know the difference between a man and a beast ? i pursue this no farther lest the country-man should be too rude to the gentlemen , with whom you had this learned conversation , about the difference of men , and horses , and drills . but you or your friend , or both , are very hard set again about a common nature with a particular subsistence proper to each person . for such is your misfortune , you say , that for your life you cannot find it out . this is a hard case ; before , for your life you could not understand nature and substance to be the same ; and now again , for your life you cannot find out this . where lies the monstrous difficulty of it ? you say , you repeated , and this twenty times to your self ; and your weak vnderstanding always rejolts . at what ? my words are , nature may be considered , as it is in distinct individuals , as the nature of man is equally in peter , iames and iohn . and this is the common nature with a particular subsistence proper to each of them . you say , that the nature of man in peter is the nature of a man , if peter be supposed to be a man , but if it be the name of a horse , your knowledge vanishes . cannot you , for your life , know the difference between a man and a horse , by their essential properties , whatever their names be ? if so , there is a greater turn of mens vnderstandings , than i imagined . but again say you , let it be impossible to give that name to a horse ( who ever said or thought so ? ) yet you cannot understand these words , the common nature of a man is in peter ; for whatsoever is in peter exists in peter ; and whatever exists in peter is particular ; but the common nature of man is the general nature of man , or else you understand not what is meant by common nature ; and it confounds your vnderstanding to make a general a particular . to this i answer , that the common nature of man may be taken two ways . in the way of ideas , and in the way of reason . in your way of ideas it is not at all to be wondered at , that you cannot understand such a common nature , as i spake of , which subsists in several persons , because you say , you can have no ideas of real substances but such as are particular ; all others are only abstract ideas , and made only by the act of the mind . but i say , that in the way of reason you may come to a better understanding of this matter . which is by considering the nature of beings , and the causes of the differences amongst the several kinds of them . i had told you before , in my answer to your first letter , that we are to consider beings as god hath ordered them in their several sorts and ranks , and that he hath distinguished them by essential properties from each other , as appears by mankind , and brutes , and plants : and that although the individuals of the several kinds agree in essential properties , yet there is a real difference between them in several accidents that belong to them , as to time , place , qualities , relations , &c. now that wherein they agree is the common nature ; and that wherein they differ , is the particular subsistence . and if this be so hard to be understood , why was it not answered here in the proper place for it ? is not that a real nature that is the subject of real properties ? is not that nature really in all those who have the same essential properties ? and therefore the common nature of man must exist in peter , because he is a man , and so in iames and iohn : and yet every one of these is so distinguished from the other , that we may justly say he hath a particular subsistence with that common nature . and this is no making a general a particular ; but distinguishing one from the other , which is a distinction so easie and necessary , that i cannot but wonder at those who say , that for their lives they cannot find it out . i had said , for the nature of man as in peter , is distinct from that same nature , as it is in iames and iohn , otherwise they would be but one person as well as one nature . and what reply is made to this ? you cannot understand what this is a proof of . it is plain that i meant it of a particular subsistence ; and if you cannot for your life understand such easie things , how can i for my life help it ? read the words over again which are before them , and join them together . and this is the common nature with a particular subsistence proper to each of them ; for the nature of man as in peter is distinct from that same nature as it is in iames and iohn . but i am really ashamed to be put to explain such things ; i hope ideas do not give another turn to common sense . but you say , that otherwise they could not be three persons , is to prove it by a proposition unintelligible to you , because you do not yet apprehend what a person is . of that in its proper place . these words of mine follow , and this distinction of persons in them , is discerned both by our senses as to their different accidents , and by our reason because they have a separate existence , not coming into it at once and in the same manner . and is this unintelligible too ? you say , it will hold as well for three physical atoms , which are three distinct individuals , and have three distinct natures in them , as certainly as three distinct men. but are three atoms as much three persons as three men ? but you cannot discern the distinction by our senses as to their accidents , nor by your reason as to separate existence , because god might create them at once . therefore we cannot distinguish three humane persons that way ? in this reasoning in the way of ideas ? or in any way ? suppose we put the common nature of an animal for the common nature of man. what follows ? therefore three animals are three distinct persons , as well as three men ? i thought there was some cause for your disliking the common principles and methods of reasoning . i am forced to give but short touches at such things , which i cannot answer more largely , without being thought to make marks of distinction . come we now therefore to the second sense of nature , as it is taken abstractly without respect to individual persons ; and then i said , it makes an entire notion of it self . for however the same nature may be in different individuals , yet the nature in it self remains one and the same ; which appears from this evident reason , that otherwise every individual must make a different kind . is this to be understood any better ? no. an entire notion of it self is an expression never met with before . an entire idea of it self had been very plain and easie ; but this is not to talk with men in their own dialect . but if we put it so , the difficulty remains . what difficulty ? it then makes no more an entire notion than the nature of peter . is it not the same nature considered as common to all individuals , distinct from that nature as in peter ? i wish among all the ways of inlarging knowledge , you could think of some new way of conveying notions into mens minds , for i find your way of ideas will never do it . for you cannot be brought one step beyond the first cast of ideas . and you will not allow , that which i give for an evident reason , to prove any thing towards clear apprehensions of one common nature . but if nature be one and the same in different individuals , then there must be one common nature , which makes an entire notion of it self : if it be not one and the same , then every individual must make a distinct kind ? can any thing be more evident ? but you give one common answer ; i understand not any thing that is meant in this whole paragraph , as to the right apprehension of one common nature . and so i am very well content to leave it to the reader 's understanding . and now i come at last to the idea of a person . and here i am glad to find something you do understand : which is great news . this , say you , i understand very well , that supposing peter , james and john to be all three men , and man being a name for one kind of animals , they are all of the same kind . do you mean that they have the same common essence , or have only the same common name ? if you mean the former , there must be a common nature ; if only the latter , that cannot make them of the same kind . for kind signifies nothing but a meer name without it . if it be asked you , whether men and drills be of the same kind or not ? could you give no other answer , but that the specifick name man stands for one sort , and the specifick name drill for the other ; and therefore they are not of the same kind ? are those names arbitrary , or are they founded on real and distinct properties ? if they be arbitrary , they have no other difference , but what a dictionary gives them . if they are founded on real and distinct properties , then there must be a real difference of kinds founded in nature ; which is as much as i desire . but to go on . you understand too very well , that peter is not james , and james is not john , but that there is a difference in these individuals . you understand also , that they may be distinguished from each other by our senses , as to different features and distance of place , &c. but what follows , you say , you do not understand , viz. that supposing there were no such external difference , yet there is a difference between them as individuals of the same nature . for all that this comes to , as far as you can understand , is that the ground of the distinction between several individuals in the same common nature is that they are several individuals in the same common nature . you understand , it seems , that they are several individuals , that peter is not james , and james is not john ; and the question is , what this distinction is founded upon ? whether upon our observing the difference of features , distance of place , &c. or on some antecedent ground ? i affirm , that there is a ground of the distinction of individuals antecedent to such accidental differences as are liable to our observation by our senses . and the ground i go upon is this , that the true reason of identity in man is the vital union of soul and body : and since every man hath a different soul united to different particles of matter , there must be a real distinction between them , without any respect to what is accidental to them . for , if peter have a soul and body different from iames , and iames from iohn , they must have different principles of individuation , without any respect to features or place , &c. you say , you cannot suppose a contradiction , viz. that there is no difference of place between them . but that is not the point , whether when we consider them with respect to place , there can be such a thing as identity of place to two different bodies ? but whether we cannot consider two several individuals of mankind without particular regard to place ? which i say , we may , and for this reason ; because relation to place , is an external difference , but the real distinction of individuals doth not relate to any accident of the body ; because the individual consists of the union of soul and body ; and you cannot judge of the existence of the soul by the place of the body . you say , that when we see any thing to be in any place in any instant of time , we are sure ( be it what it will ) that it is that very thing , and not another which at that time exists in another place , how like and undistinguishing soever it may be in all other respects . and in this consists identity . but i think the identity of man depends neither upon the notion of place for his body ; nor upon the soul consider'd by it self , but upon both these , as actually united and making one person . which to me seems so clear and intelligible , that i can imagine no objection against it . i am certain , you produce none . my next words are , and here lies the true idea of a person , which arises from that manner of subsistence , which is in one individual , and is not communicable to another . in your answer to this , i pass over the trifling exceptions , about the dissyllable person , and the true idea and signification of the articulate sound ; and about here and herein , &c. being resolved to keep to what appears material . and the only thing of that kind is , that according to my sense of person , it will as well agree to bucephalus as to alexander ; and the difference will be as great , between bucephalus and podargus , as between alexander and hector , all being several individuals in the same common nature : but for your part you cannot understand that bucephalus and podargus are persons in the true signification of the word person in the english tongue . and whoever desired you should ? for i expresly say , that a person is a compleat intelligent substance , with a peculiar manner of subsistence . and again , for a person relates to something which doth distinguish it from another intelligent substance in the same nature . so that it is impossible to apply my notion of person to any irrational creatures , although they be bucephalus and podargus : and i think a man must strain hard to make such objections , so directly against that idea of a person which i set down . and it is very easie to understand the difference between a distinction of individuals as such , and of intelligent individuals , and that manner of subsistence in them , which makes them distinct persons . but you say , that i affirm , that an individual intelligent substance is rather supposed to the making of a person , than the proper definition of it ; and yet afterwards i make it to be the definition of a person , that it is a compleat intelligent substance . to this i answer , that in the former place i give an account of the reason of personality , which i say lies in the manner of subsistence , and not in the intelligent individual substance ; which is rather supposed to the making of a person : for that which critically distinguishes the person is the reason of personality ; but when we come to give a common definition of it , there is no such necessity of insisting upon the reason of the difference , but upon the common acception of it person . and upon that account i call it a complete intelligent substance , because , although the soul be so in it self ; yet we take person with relation to soul and body united together . and so the identity of person must take in both , not only here , but at the resurrection . and thus i have gone through all that i could find , that seem'd material in the dialogue between you and your friends as to this subject , and i assure you , i have omitted nothing which i apprehended had any appearance of difficulty in it . and i find not the least reason to be unsatisfied in the account i had given of the difference of nature and person : but i still think that it doth tend very much to the right apprehension of the doctrine of the trinity ; as i hope doth farther appear by the foregoing discourse . and now to come to a conclusion of this whole debate . ( for i intend not to draw this saw any longer : having done as much as i think sitting for my self to do . ) i saw no necessity of writing again for my own vindication as to your first charge , which i was contended to leave to the reader 's judgment . but in the conclusion of my former answer , i had said , that as you had stated your notion of ideas , it may be of dangerous consequence to that article of the christian faith , which i endeavour'd to defend . this you call a new charge against your book ; and you complain , that i do not specifie the particulars , wherein i apprehend it may be of such dangerous consequence ; and you blame me for this saying , without shewing that it is so : and that all the reason i give is , that it is made use of by ill men to do mischief : that when i say , it may be , it shews only an inclination to accuse , and proves nothing : that danger may be apprehended where no danger is ; that if any thing must be laid aside , because it may be ill used , you do not know what will be innocent enough to be kept : and lastly , that the imputation of a tendency to scepticism , and to the overthrowing any article of the christian faith are no small charge ; and that you cannot see any argument i have brought , that your notion of ideas tends to scepticism . these things laid together , made me think it necessary to do that which i was unwilling 〈◊〉 do , till you had driven me to it ; which was to shew , the reasons i had , why i look'd on your notion of ideas , and of certainty by them , as inconsistent with it self , and with some important articles of the christian faith. what i have now done , i thought it my duty to do , not with respect to my self , but to some of the mysteries of our faith ; which i do not charge you with opposing , but with laying such foundations as do tend to the overthrow of them ; of which we have had too much experience already ; and may have more , if your way of certainty by ideas should obtain . which i cannot think it will among such as are capable , and willing , to judge impartially . i have now done with this matter : and as some may think it the first part of wisdom not to begin in such disputes ( and i am of their mind if they did not touch the christian faith ) so they cannot but judge it the next ( as i do ) to know when to make an end. i am , sir , your faithfull friend , and servant , ed. wigorn. sept. 22. 1697. finis . errata . page 22. line 16. after thing , insert common . p. 103 margin , r. p. 253. p. 115. l. 14. r. plotinus . p. 130. l. 26. r. this . p. 175. l. 11. blot out it . books written by the right reverend father in god , edw. l. bishop of worcester , and sold by h. mortlock at the phoenix in st. paul's church-yuard . a rational account of the grounds of the protestant religion ; being a vindication of the lord archbishop of canterbury's relation of a conference , &c. from the pretended answer of t. c. 2d . edit . fol. origines britannicae , or the antiquities of the british churches , with a preface concerning some pretended antiquities relating to britain , in vindication of the bishop of st. asaph . folio . irenicum , a weapon-slave for the churches wounds . quarto . origines sacrae , or a rational account of the grounds of christian faith , as to the truth and divine authority of the script ▪ and the matters therein contained . 4 to . a discourse concerning the idolatry practised in the church of rome , and the hazard of salvation in the communion of it . octavo . an answer to several late treatises occasioned by a book entituled , a discourse concerning the idolatry practised in the church of rome , and the hazard of salvation in the communion of it ; part i. octavo . a second discourse in vindication of the protestant grounds of faith , against the pretence of infallibility in the roman church , in answer to the guide in controversie , by r h protestancy without principles , and reason and religion ; or the certain rule of faith , by e w. with a particular enquiry into the miracles of the roman church octavo . an answer to mr. cressy's epistle apologetical to a person of honour , touching his vindication of dr ▪ stillingfleet . octavo . a defence of the discourse concerning the idolatry practised in the church of rome , in answer to a book entituled , catholicks no idolaters : octavo . several conferences between a roman priest ▪ a fanatick chaplain , and a divine of the church of england ; being a full answer to the late dialogues of t g octavo . a discourse concerning bonds of resignation of benefices in point of law and conscience , in octavo . a discourse concerning the illegality of the ecclesiastical commission , in answer to the vindication and defence of it : wherein the true notion of the legal supremacy is cleared ; and an account is given of the nature , original and mischief of the dispensing power . the unreasonableness of separation , or an impartial account of the history , nature and pleas of the present separation from the communion of the ch. of england . quarto the grand question concerning the bishops right to vote in parliament in cases capital stated and argued , from the parliament-rolls and the history of former times ; with an enquiry into their peerage , and the three estates in parliament . octavo . a discourse concerning the doctrine of christ's satisfaction ; or the true reasons of his sufferings ; with an answer to the socinian objections . to which is added , a sermon concerning the mysteries of the christian faith , preached april 7. 1691. with a preface concerning the true state of the controversie about christ's satisfaction . the second edition . 8 vo . twelve sermons preached upon several occasions vol. i. octavo . ten sermons preached upon several occasions . vol ii. octavo . a third volume will be shortly published . a discourse in vindication of the doctrine of the trinity : with an answer to the late socinian objections against it , from scripture , antiquity and reason and a preface concerning the different explications of the trinity , and the tendency of the present socinian controversie . the second edition , octavo . the bishop of worcester's answer to mr. lock 's letter concerning some passages relating to his essay of humane understanding , mentioned in the late discourse in vindication of the trinity . with a postscript in answer to some reflections made on that treatise in a late socinian pamphlet . the bishop of worcester's charge to the clergy of his diocess in his primary visitation begun at worcester , september 11. 1690. 4 to . the effigies of the right reverend father in god , edward lord bishop of worcester , engraven on a copper-plate by robert white . price 6 d. the rule of faith : or an answer to the treatise of mr. i. s. entituled , sure-footing , &c. by iohn tillotson , d. d. to which is adjoyned , a reply to mr. i. s's third appendix , &c. by edward stillingfleet d. d. a letter to mr. g. giving a true account of a late conference at the d. of p's . a second letter to mr. g. in answer to two letters lately published concerning the conference at the d. of p s. veteres vindicati : in an expostulary letter to mr. sclater of putney , upon his consensus veterum , &c. wherein the absurdity of his method , and the weakness of his reasons are shewn ; his false aspersions upon the church of england are wiped off , and her faith concerning the eucharist proved to be that of the primitive church : together with animadversions on dean boileu's french translation of , and remarks upon bertram . an answer to the compiler of nubes testium : wherein is shewn , that antiquity ( in relation to the points in controversie set down by him ) did not for the first five hundred years believe , teach and practice as the church of rome doth at present believe , teach and practice ; together with a vindication of veteres vindicati from the late weak and disingenuous attempts of the author of transubstantiation defended , by the author of the answer to mr. sclater of putney . a letter to father lewis sabran jesuit , in answer to his letter to a peer of the church of england ; wherein the postscript to the answer to the nubes testium is vindicated , and father sabran's mistakes farther discoverd . a second letter to father lewis sabran jesuit , in answer to his reply . a vindication of the principles of the author of the answer to the compiler of nubes testium in answer to a late pretended letter from a dissenter to the divines of the church of england . a discourse concerning the nature and grounds of the certainty of faith , in answer to i. s. his catholick letters . the council of trent examin'd and disprov'd by catholick tradition , in the main points in controversie between us and the church of rome ▪ with a particular account of the times and occasions of introducing them . part. i. to which a preface is prefixed concerning the true sense of the council of trent , and the notion of transubstantiation . an historical examination of the authority of general councils , shewing the false dealing that hath been used in the publishing of them ; and the difference amongst the papists themselves about their number . the second edition corrected . 4 to . the folly and unreasonableness of atheism demonstrated from the advantage and pleasure of a religious life : the faculties of human souls : the structure of animate bodies , and the origine and frame of the world ; in eight sermons : preached at the lecture , founded by the honourable robert boyle , esq in the first year , 1692. by richard bentley , d. d. chaplain in ordinary , and library-keeper to his majesty . of revelation , and the messias : a sermon preached at the publick commencement at cambridge , july the 5th . 1696. by richard bentley , d. d. chaplain in ordinary , and library-keeper to his majesty . the restoring of fallen brethren ; containing the substance of two sermons on gal vi. 1 , 2 preached at the performance of publick penance , by certain criminals , on the lord's day , usually called mid-lent-sunday , 1696. in the parish church of old-swinford in worcester-shire : by simon ford , d. d and rector there ; with a preface , by the right reverend father in god , edward lord bishop of worcester . the new-years-gift complete , in six parts , composed of prayers and meditations for every day in the week , with devotions for the sacrament , lent , and other occasions . the first part may be had by it self books written by the late reverend anthony horneck , d. d. preacher at the savoy . the great law of consideration ; or a discourse , wherein the nature , usefulness , and absolute necessity of consideration , in order to a truly serious , and religious life , is laid open , in 8 vo . the happy ascetick ; or the best exercise ; together with prayers suitable to each exercise : to which is added , a letter to a person of quality , concerning the holy lives of the primitive christians , in 8 vo . delight and judgment represented , in a discourse , concerning the great day of judgment ; and its power to damp and embitter sensual delights , sports , and recreations , in 8 vo . the exercise of prayer ; or , a help to devotion : containing prayers and devotions for several occasions . the antiquities of nottingham-shire , extracted out of records , original evidences , leiger-books , and other manuscripts , and authentick authorities ; beautified with maps , prospects , and portraictures : by robert thoroton dr. of physick , folio . some school-books sold by henry mortlok , at the phoenix in st. paul's church-yard . horatius , interpretatione & notis illustravit ludovicus des-prez , in usum delphini . huic editioni accessere vita horatii cum dacerii chronologia horatiana , & praefatio de satyra romana , 8vo . l. annaeus florus , in usum delphini , 8vo . leusdeni compendium graecum novi testamenti , in 8vo . quinta editio . janua linguarum trilinguis , sive johannis amos comenii janua linguarum , 8vo . graecae grammatices rudimenta in usum scholae westmonasteriensis busby's apolodorus , in usum scholae westmonast . nomenclatura brevis reformata , in usum scholae westmonasteriensis . an english introduction to the latin tongue , for the use of the lower forms in westminster school . graeca epigrammata , in usum scholae west . martialis epigram . in usum scholae west . juneval in usum scholae westmonasteriensis . a general examination of the common greek grammar , according to dr. busby's method , chiefly intended for grounding young beginners in the greek tongue , in the free-school in newark upon trent . a short exposition of the catechism of the church of england , with the church catechism it self , and order of confirmation in english and latin , the latin revised and much amended , by edw. boughen , d.d. fitted for the use of schools . an explanation of the additional rules for the genders of nouns in the oxford grammar , by way of question and answer : by iohn twells master of the free-school in newark , very proper to be bound up with the oxford grammar . with variety of other school-books . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61523-e120 2d . letter ▪ p. 2. answ. to first letter , p. 46. 2 d. letter , p. 48. p. 49. p. 50. first letter , p. 57. p. 80. letter ii. ● . ● , 9 , 10.12 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 23 , 38 , 39 , 41 , 47 , 50 , 56 , 61 , 107 , 114. essay , b. 4. ch . 6. sect. 3. first letter , p. 57. b. 4. ch . 11. sect. 1. letter p. 57. b. 4. ch . 2. sect. 15. princip . l. 1. n. 44 , &c. b. 4. ch . 18. sect. 8. b. 4. ch . 4. sect. 8. b. 4. ch . 12. sect. 14. b. 4. ch . 2. sect. 15. answ. to let 1. p. 36. let. 2. p. 36. answer to letter 1. p. 37. letter 2. p. 45. p. ●6 ▪ p. 41. p. 43 , 44. p. 4● . answer to letter 1. p. 38. letter 2. p. 46. letter 2 p. 95. answer to letter 1. p 83. postscript p. 3. p. 96. p. 131. p. 131. lett. ii. p. 170. 2. essay , b. 2. ch . 27. n. 3. n. 6. n. 9. n. 11. n. 16. n. 18. n. 26. letter 2. p. 96. n. 25. essay , e. 4. ch . 15. sect. 1. sect. 4. john 5.28 , 29. 2 cor. 5.10 . 1 cor. 15.16 . 17. 6. 4. john 20.25 . 1 cor. 15.20 , 23. 35. 36 , 37 , 38. sect. 4. sect. 6. 42. 43. 44. 53 , 5● . essay b. 2. c. 1. sect. 5. vindication of the trinity , p. 252. &c. p. 260. letter 1. p. 165. p. 216 answer to letter 1 ▪ p. 103. letter 2. p. 109. p. 100. answer to letter 1. p. 107. p. 103. letter 2. p. 112. letter 1. p. 27. essay b. 4. c. 6. sect. 1. letter 2. p. 113. p. 109. p. 109. p. 110. p. 111. p. 112. letter 1. p. 32. essay l. 2. ch . 27. sect. 26. letter 1. p. 216. essay , l. 2. ch . 27. sect. 9. essay , b. 4. ch . 18. sect. 5. evangel . medici art. 14. p. 170. ch. 18. sect. 10. sect. 8. censur . philos. cartes . c. 8. sect. 3. n. 4. philosophia scripturae interpres , c. 5. n. 56. c. 8. p. 58. p. 60. p. 63. p. 65 , 79. from p. 63. to p. 73. p. 87. p. 88. p. 171 , 172. essay , b. 2. ch . 13. sect. 2. sect. 12. sect. 14. princip . p. 11. n. 16. essay , l. 2. ch . 13. sect. 12. b. 4. ch . 4. sect. 1. sect. 2 , sect. 4 ▪ sect. 5. sect. 11. sect. 12. des cartes epist. ● 1. ep. 87 , 88. p. ●17 p. 118. p. 120. p. 119. p. 121. arist. metaph . l. 5. c. 4. p. rami schol. metaph l. 9. c. 4. physic. ausc. l. 2. c. 1. plut. de plac. phil. l. 1. c. 1. c. 3. letter ii. p. 119. fr. patrit . discuss . peripat . t. ii. l. 2. p. 207. nat quaest. l. 2. c. 45. de benef . l. 4. c. 7 , 8. de cons. ad helv. c. 8. cic. de nat. l. 2. plato in phileb . sext. empir . l. 8. c. 2. p. 324. anton. l. 6. sect . 14. l. 10. sect. 2. damasc. dial. c. 32. chrysost. hom. 22. in gen. theod. in gen. qu. 2. basil. in hex . or. 1. gal. 4.8 . mr. boyle of the notion of nature , p. 27. p. 35. discourse of the trinity , p. 25. p. 124. ibid. book 4 ch 7. sect. ●● . sect. 4. book 4. ch . 7. sect. 17. solid philos. asserted preface , sect. 16. reflex . 19. p. 378. book 4. ch . 9. sect. 3. book 4. ch . 7. sect. 4. book 4 ▪ ch . 7. sect. 16. sect. 17. sect. 18. book 3. ch . 6. sect. 26. sect. 17 ▪ aristot. metaph . l. 5. answer to the first lett. p. 32. iambl . in nicom . p. 5. porph vit . pythag. metaphys . l. 7. c. 15 , 16. l. 12 ▪ c. 4 , 5. arrian . l. 1. c. 22. l. 3. c 26. simplic . in epict . c. 33. plut. de ei delph . simplic . in epict. c. 58. essay , b. 4. ch . 12. sect. 14. book 4. ch . 2. sect. 15. sext. empiric . advers . mathem . l. 7. essay , b. 2. ch . 4. sect. 5. sect. 6. book ii. ch . 8. sect. 7. b. iv. ch 2. sect. 8. sect. 12. b. iv. ch . 3. sect. 18. ch. 7. sect. 10. sect. 9. sect. 10. book 3. ch . 10. sect. 15. book 2. ch . 23. sect. 24. sect. 25. book 2. ch . 23. sect. 24. ch. 23. sect. 31. book 3. ch . 4. sect. 8. sect. 9. book 2. ch . 14. sect. 2. sect. 32. sect. 4. book 3. ch . 4. sect. 10. book 4. ch . 7. sect. 12. book 4. ch . 2. sect. 7. essay , b. 2. ch . 13. sect. 22. joh. bapt. morini dissert . de atomis & vacuo , p. 14. bernier favilla ridiculi muris , p. 99. sect. 2. ch. 17. sect. ●● sect. 2. essay , b. 4. ch . 2. sect. 3. sect. 7 , 8. aristot. metaph . l. 4. c. 4. sect. 3. sect. 7. arist. de part. anim. l. 1. c. 1. ●● gen. a●●●● l. 3. c. 10. de meteor . l. 1. c. 7. moral . magn. l. 1. c. 1. eudem . l 1. c. 6. ethic ad nicom l. 1. c. 1 , 7. l. 2. c. 2. itaque argumenti conclusio quae est graecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ità definitur ; ratio quae ex rebus perceptis ad id quod non percipiebatur adducit . cicero in lucullo , c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plato in phaedro . v. dialect . ciceron . adam bu●sii , l. 6. c. 10. p. 127. p. 131 , 132.134.138 , &c. p. 154. p. 144. p. 131. p. 132. p. 133. b. ii. ch 11. sect. 13. p. 114. p. 121. p. 135. answ to lett. l. p. 110. p. 137. p. 138. p. 140. p. 141. p. 144. p. 146. p. 147. p. 149. p. 152. p. 149. essay , b. 2. ch . 27. sect. 1. p. 155. p. 156. p. 159. p. 57. 59. 84. 85. 57. 84 85. 17● . 171. aggravation of sinne and sinning against knowledge. mercie. delivered in severall sermons upon divers occasions. by tho: goodvvin b.d. goodwin, thomas, 1600-1680. 1637 approx. 237 kb of 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01894) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 3413) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1068:10) aggravation of sinne and sinning against knowledge. mercie. delivered in severall sermons upon divers occasions. by tho: goodvvin b.d. goodwin, thomas, 1600-1680. [8], 91, [1]; [4], 42, [2] p. printed by m. flesher for iohn rothwell, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the sun in pauls churchyard, london : m dc xxxvii. [1637] the words "sinne: and sinning" and "knowledge. mercie." are bracketed together on title page. with an additional title page: aggravation of sinne. by tho: goodwin b.d. .. "aggravations of sinning against knovvledge" has separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. "aggravation of sinning against mercie" has separate pagination, register, and title page with imprint ".. printed by m.f. for r. dawlman ..". with a final imprimatur leaf. a variant of the edition with r. dawlman's name in the imprint on the general title page. reproduction of the original in the british library. closely trimmed with some loss of running title. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, english -17th century. sin, mortal -early works to 1800. knowledge, theory of (religion) -early works to 1800. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion aggravation of sinne : and sinning against knowledge . mercie . delivered in severall sermons upon divers occasions . by tho : goodvvin b. d. london , printed by m. flesher for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the sun in pauls churchyard . mdcxxxvii . aggravation of sinne . by tho : goodwin b. d. london , printed by m. f. for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at the sun in pauls church-yard . m dc xxxvii . a table of the contents of the aggravation of sin . the subject is the sinfulnesse of sin . page 2. the mischievous effects of the evill of sin . ibid. 1. it hath debased the soule . ibid. 2. it defiles the soule 1. in an instant . 2. totally . 3. eternally . 3 3. it robs the soule of the image of god. 4 4. it robs a man of god himselfe . 5 5. it was the first founder of hell . 6 the essence of sin is the cause of all these evills . ibid. sin an evill that contains all the evils in the world . 7 1. it is the cause of sorrowes , and diseases , and all evills . ibid. 2. there is some peculiar mischief in sin , not found in other evils , as appears in divers instances . 8 quest . what transcendencie of evill is in the essence of sin , that makes it above all other evill . 10 answ . it is contrary to god and all that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. it is contrary to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being . ibid. being . ibid. 2. it is contrary to all his attributes which are his name , is to himselfe , and what ever is his . ibid. 1. to his lawes and ordinances . 2. to his favourites . 3. to his image in mans owne breast . 11 sinfulness of sin aggravated from the person suffering , being god and man. 12 the least sin virtually more or lesse containes all sin in the nature of it , proved . ibid. every sin inclines our nature more to sin . 13 sin containes not onely all other evils in it , but also all of its owne kind . ibid. sinne a perfect evill . ibid. reasons why sin is the chiefest evill . 1. because it is simply to be avoided for its selfe . 2. because there can be no worse punishment than it selfe 3. because it cannot have a worse epithete given it than it selfe . 14 use . wonder at the abounding nature of sin . 15 examine our owne estates . ibid. quest . when a mans sins may be said to be his own ? answ . 1. then he commits sin out of his owne . 2. then he hates it not , but loves it . 3. then he nourisheth it , & cherisheth it . 4. then he provides for it . 5. then he lives in sin . 17 use 2. consider , the punishment of sin is out of measure fearfull . 18 it containes all miseries in it . 19 what the damned speake of sinne in hell . ibid. use 3. onely iesus christ can conquer sin . 21 christs righteousnesse abounds sins sinfulnesse . 22 come to god through christ , and take him to be our lord and king. 23 sinne and christ cannot stand together . ibid. we will not take christ while sin appears sinfull to us . ibid. imprimatur ; tho : weekes . r. p. ep o : lond. cap. domest . aggravation of sinne . rom . 7. 13. was that then which is good made death unto mee ? god forbid . but sinne , that it might appeare sin , working death in mee by that which is good : that sinne by the commandement might become exceeding sinfull . wee finde our apostle in the 9. verse to have been alive , but struck upon the sudden dead , by an apparition presented to him in the glasse of the law , of the sinfulnesse of sinne . sin revived , sayes the 9. verse , appeared to be sinne , sayes the 13. verse , lookes but like it selfe , above measure sinfull : and hee falls downe dead at the very sight of it : i dyed , sayes he in the 9. it wrought death in me , sayes the 13. that is , an apprehension of death and hell , as due to that estate i was then in . but yet as the life of sinne was the death of paul , so this death of his was but a preparation to a new life , i through the law and dead to the law , that i might live to god , gal. 2. 19. and here hee likewise speakes of gods worke upon him at his first conversion ; for then it was that hee relates how sinne became in his esteeme , so above measure sinfull . the subject then to be insisted on is the sinfulnesse of sinne , a subject therefore as necessary as any other , because if ever we be saved , sinne must first appeare to us all , as it did here to him , above measure sinfull . and first , because all knowledge begins at the effects which are obvious to sense , and interpreters of the nature of things , therefore wee will begin this demonstration of the evill of sin , from the mischievous effects it hath filled the world withall , it having done nothing but wrought mischiefe since it came into the world , and all the mischiefe that hath beene done , it alone hath done , but especially towards the poore soule of man , the miserable subject of it . which first it hath debased the soule of man , the noblest creature under heaven , and highest allyed , made to be a companion fit for god himselfe , but sinne hath stript it of its first native excellency , as it did reuben , gen. 49. 41. debased the soule more worth than all the world , as christ himselfe saith , that onely went to the price of it : yet sinne hath made it a drudge and slave to every creature it was made to rule : therefore the prodigall as a type is said to serve swine , and feed on huskes , so as every vanity masters it . therefore we find in scripture , that men are said to be servants to wine , tit. 2. 3. servants to riches , and divers lusts , &c. and hence it is that shame attends upon it , rom. 6. 21. now shame ariseth out of an apprehension of some excellencie debased : and by how much the excellencie is greater , by so much is the shame the greater , and therefore unutterable confusion will one day befall sinners : because sinne is the debasement of an unvaluable excellencie . secondly , it not onely debaseth it , but defiles it also ; and indeed there was nothing else that could defile it , mat. 15. 20. for the soule is a most pure beame , bearing the image of the father of lights : as farre surpassing the sinne in purenesse , as the sunne doth a clod of earth ; and yet all the dirt in the world cannot defile the sunne ; all the clouds that seeke to muffle it , it scatters them all : but sinne hath defiled the soule , yea , one sinne , the least defiles it , in an instant , totally , eternally . first , one sinne did it in the fall of adam , rom. 5. 17. one offence polluted him , and all the world . now suppose you should see one drop of darknesse seazing on the sunne , and putting out that light and eye of heaven , and to loosen it out of the orbe it moves in , and cause it to drop downe a lump of darknesse , you would say it were a strange darknesse : this sinne did then in the soule , to which yet the sunne is but as a taper . secondly , it defiles it thus in an instant . take the most glorious angell in heaven , and let one of the least sinnes seaze upon his heart , he would in an instant fall downe from heaven , stript of all his glory , the ugliest creature that ever was beheld : you would count that the strongest of all poysons , that would poyson in an instant ; as nero boiled a poison to that height , that it killed germanicus as soone as he received it ; now such an one is sinne . thirdly , sinne defiles it totally : it rests not in one member onely , but beginning at the understanding , eates into the will and affections ; soaks through all . those diseases we account strongest , which seaze not on a joynt or a member onely , but strikes rottennesse through the whole body . fourthly , it defiles eternally , it being aterna macula , a staine which no nitre or sope , or any creature can wash out , ier. 2. 21. there was once let in a deluge of water , and the world was all overflow'd with it ; it washed away sinners indeed , but not one sinne . and the world shall be a fire again at the latter day , and all that fire , and these flames in hell that follow , shall not purge out one sinne . thirdly , it hath robbed the soule of the image of god , deprived us of the glory of god , rom. 3. 23. the image of gods holinesse , which is his beauty and ours : wee were beautifull and all glorious once within , which though but an accident , is more worth than all mens soules devoid of it , it being a likenesse unto god , a divine nature , without which no man shall see god. though man in innocency had all perfections united in him via eminentiae , that are to be found in other creatures , yet this was more worth than all : for all the rest made him not like to god , as this did ; without which all paradise could not make adam happy ; which when he had lost , he was left naked , though those his other perfections remained with him ; which is profitable for all things , as the apostle sayes . the least dramme of which , the whole world emballanced with , would be found too light ; without which the glorious angels would be damned devills , the saints in heaven damned ghosts , this it hath robbed man of . fourthly , it hath robbed man even of god himselfe : your sinnes separate ( sayes god ) betwixt you and me : and therefore they are said to live without god in the world : and in robbing a man of god , it robs him of all things ; for all things are ours , but so farre as god is ours ; of god whose face makes heaven , he is all in all , his loving kindnesse is better than life , and containeth beauty , honours , riches , all : yea they are but a drop to him . but its mischiefe hath not staid here , but as the leprosie of the lepers in the old law , sometimes infected their houses , garments ; so it hath hurld confusion over all the world , brought a vanitie on the creature , rom. 8. 23. and a curse : and had not christ undertooke the shattered condition of the world to uphold it , it had fallen about adams cares . and though the old walls and ruinous palace of the world stands to this day , yet the beauty , the glosse , and glory of the hangings is soyled and marred with many imperfections cast upon every creature . but as the house of the leper was to be pulled downe , and traitors houses use to be made jakes : so the world ( if christ had not stept in ) had shrunke into its first nothing : and you will say , that is a strong carrion that retaines not onely infection in it selfe , but infects all the aire about : so this , that not the soule the subject of it onely , but all the world . lastly , it was the first founder of hell , and laid the first corner stone thereof : sinne alone brought in and filled that bottomlesse gulfe with all the fire , and brimstone , and treasures of wrath , which shall never be burnt and consumed . and this crucified and pierced christ himselfe , poured on him his fathers wrath , the enduring of which for sinne , was such , as that all the angels in heaven had crackt and sunke under it . but yet this estimate is but taken from the effects of it , the essence of it which is the cause of all these evills , must needs have much more mischiefe in it . shall i speak the least evill i can say of it ? it conteins all evills als● in it : therefore iames 1. 23. the apostle calls it filthinesse , and abundance of superfluitie , or excrement as it were , of naughtinesse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as if so transcendent , that if all evills were to have an excrement , a scumme , a superfluitie , sinne is it , as being the abstracted quintessence of all evill . an evill , which in the nature and essence of it virtually , and eminently , containes all evills of what kinde soever that are in the world ; insomuch as in the scriptures you shall finde that all the evills in the world , serve but to answer for it , and to give names to it . hence sinne it is called poyson , and sinners serpents : sinne is called a vomit , sinners dogs : sinne the stench of graves , and they rotten sepulchres : sinne mire , sinners sowes : and sinne darknesse , blindnesse , shame , nakednesse , folly , madnesse , death , whatsoever is filthy , defective , infective , painfull . now as the holy ghost sayes of nabal , as is his name , so is he ; so may wee say of sinne : for if adam gave names to all things , according to their nature , much more god , who calls things as they are . surely god would not slander sinne , though it be his onely enemie . and besides , there is reason for this , for it is the cause of all evills . god sowed nothing but good seed in the world ; he beheld , and saw all things were very good . it is sinne hath sowne the tares : all those evills that have come up , sorrowes and diseases , both unto men and beasts . now whatsoever is in the effect , is via eminentiae in the cause . surely therefore it is to the soule of man ( the miserable vessell and subject of it ) all that , which poyson , death , and sicknesse is unto the other creatures , and to the body ; and in that , it is all these to the soule , it is therefore more than all these to it : for corruptio optimi pessima : by how much the soule exceeds all other creatures , by so much must sinne , which is the corruption , poyson , death , and sicknesse of it , exceed all other evills . but yet this is the least ill that can be said of it . there is 2. some further transcendent peculiar mischiefe in it , that is not to be found in all other evills , as will appeare in many instances . for first , all other evills god proclaimes himselfe the author of , and ownes them all ; though sinne be the meritorious cause of all , yet god the efficient and disposing cause . there is no evill in the city but i have done it . he onely disclaimeth this , iam. 1. 13. as a bastard of some others breeding , for he is the father of lights , ver . 17. secondly , the utmost extremity of the evill of punishment god the sonne under-went , had a cup mingled him of his father , more bitter than if all the evils in the world had beene strained in , and he dranke it off heartily to the bottome ; but not a drop of sinne , though sweetned with the offer of all the world , would goe downe with him . thirdly , other evils the saints have chosen and imbraced as good , and refused the greatest good things the world had , as evill , when they came in competition with sinne . so moses those rather to suffer , much rather than to enjoy the pleasures of sinne , heb. 11. from 24. to 28. so chrysostome , when eudoxia the empresse threatned him : goe tell her , sayes he , nil nisi peccatum timeo , i feare nothing but sinne . fourthly , take the devill himselfe , whom you all conceive to be more full of mischiefe than all the evills in the world , called therefore in the abstract spirituall wickednesse , eph. 6. 12. yet it was but sinne that first spoiled him , and it is sinne possesseth the very devils : he was a glorious angell , till he was acquainted with it : and could there be a separation made betweene him and sinne , he would be againe of as good , sweet , and amiable a nature , as any creature in earth or heaven . fiftly , though other things are evill , yet nothing makes the creature accursed but sinne : as all good things in the world doe not make a man a blessed man , so nor all the evills accursed . god sayes not , blessed are the honorable , and the rich , nor that accursed are the poore : but cursed is the man that continues not in all things , gal. 3. 10. a curse to the least sinne ; and on the contrary , blessed is the man whose iniquities are forgiven , &c. rom. 4. 7. sixtly , god hates nothing but sinne . were all evills swept downe into one man , god hates him not simply for them , not because thou art poore and disgraced , but onely because sinfull . it is sin he hates , rev. 2. 15. isa . 27. 11. yea it alone : and whereas other attributes are diversely communicated in their effects to severall things : as his love and goodnesse , himselfe , his sonne , his children , have all a share in : yet all the hatred ( which is as large as his love ) is solely poured out upon , and wholly , and limited onely unto sinne . all the question will be what transcendencie of evill is in the essence of it , that makes it above all other evills , and hated , and it onely by god , christ , the saints , &c. more than any other evill . why ? it is enmity with god , rom. 8. 7. abstracts we know speake essences : the meaning is , it is as directly contrary to god , as any thing could be : for contrary it is to god , and all that is his . as 1. contrary to his essence , to his existence , and being god : for it makes men hate him , rom. 1. 30. and as he that hateth his brother is a murtherer , 1 ioh. 3. 15. so hee that hateth god may be said to be a murtherer of him , and wisheth that he were not . peccutum est dei-cidium . 2. contrary it is to all his attributes which are his name : men are jealous of their names : gods name is himselfe ; as 1. it makes a man slight gods goodnesse , and to seeke happinesse in the creature , as if hee were able to be happy without him . and 2. it deposeth his soveraignty , and sets up other gods before his face . 3. it contemns his truth , power , and justice . and 4. turnes his grace into wantonnesse . and as to himselfe , so to what ever is his , or deare to him . besides , a king hath 3. things in an especiall manner deare to him : his lawes , his favour it es , his image stampt upon his coine : and so hath god. first , his lawes and ordinances : god never gave law , but it hath beene broken by sinne ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the definition of it , the transgression of the law , 1 ioh. 3. 4. yea it is called destroying the law , psal . 119. 126. and know , that gods law , the least tittle of it , is more deare to him , than all the world . for ere the least tittle of it shall be broken , heaven and earth shall passe . the least sinne therefore , which is a breach of the least law , is worse than the destruction of the world : and for his worship , ( as envying god should have any , ) it turns his ordinances into sinne . secondly , for his favourites : god hath but a few poore ones ; upon whom because god hath set his love , sinne hath set its hatred . lastly , for his image even in a mans owne breast : the law of the members fights against the law of the mind , and endevoureth to expell it , though a man should be damned for it . gal. 5. 17. the flesh ( namely sinne ) lusteth against the spirit , for they are contraries . contrary indeed ; for me thinkes though it hates that image in others , that yet it should spare it in a mans selfe , out of self-love ; but yet , though a man should be damned , if this image be expelled , it yet laboureth to doe this ; so deadly is that hatred , a man hates himselfe , as holy , so farre as he is sinfull . it abounds now so high , as our thoughts can follow it no farther : divines say , it aspires unto infinity , the object against whom it is thus contrary unto , being god , who is infinite , they tell us , that objectively , sinne it selfe is infinite . sure i am , the worth of the object or party offended , aggravates the offence : an ill word against the king is high treason , not the greatest indignity to another man. sure i also am , that god was so offended with it , as , though he loves his sonne as himselfe , yet he ( though without sinne ) being but made sinne by imputation , yet god spared him not : and because the creatures could not strike a stroake hard enough , he himselfe was pleased to bruise him , esay 53. 16. he spared not his owne sonne , rom. 8. 32. his love might have overcome him , to have passed by it to his sonne ; at least a word of his mouth might have pacified him : yet so great was his hatred of it , and offence at it , as he powred the vialls of his wrath on him : neither would entreaty serve , for though he cryed with strong cryes it should passe from him , god would not , till he had out-wrastled it . and as the person offended , aggravates the offence , as before , so also the person suffering , being god and man , argues the abounding sinfulnesse of it . for , for what crime did you ever hear a king was put to death ? their persons being esteemed in worth above all crime , as civill . christ was the king of kings . and yet there is one consideration more to make the measure of its iniquity fully full , and to abound to flowing over , and that is this , that the least sinne virtually more or lesse containes all sinne in the nature of it ( i meane not that all are equall , therefore i adde more or lesse ) and i prove it thus : because adam by one offence contracted the staine of all , no sooner did one sinne seaze upon his heart , but he had all sinnes in him . and so every sinne in us by a miraculous multiplication inclines our nature more to every sinne than it was before : it makes the pollution of nature of a deeper dye ; not onely to that species of sinne , whereof it is the proper individuall act , but to all else : as bring one candle into a roome , the light spreads all over ; and then another , the light is all over more increased : so it is in sinne ; for the least cuts the soule off from god , and then it is ready to goe a whoring after every vanity that will entice it , or entertaine it . and this shewes the fulnesse of the evill of it , in that it containes not onely all other evills in the world in it , but also all of its owne kinde . as you would count that a strange poyson , the least drop of which containes the force of all poyson in it : that a strange disease , the least infection whereof brought the body subject to all diseases : yet such an one is sinne , the least making the soule more prone and subject to all . and now you see it is a perfect evill ; and though indeed it cannot be said to be the chiefest in that full sense wherein god is said to be the chiefest good ; because if it were as bad as god is good , how could he pardon it , subdue it , bring it to nothing as he doth ? and then how could it have addition to it , one sin being more sinfull than another ? ezek. 8. 15. iohn 19. 11. but yet it hath some analogie of being the chiefest evill , as god the chiefest good . for 1. as god is the chiefest good , who therefore is to be loved for himselfe , and other things but for his sake ; so also in sin the chiefest evill , because it is simply to be avoided for its selfe ; but other evills become good , yea desirable when compared with it . secondly , as god is the chiefest good , because he is the greatest happinesse to himselfe ; so sin , the greatest evill to it selfe : for there can be no worse punishment of it , than its selfe ; therefore when god would give a man over , as an enemie he meanes never to deale withall more , he gives him up to sinne . and thirdly , it is so evill , as it cannot have a worse epithete given it , than it selfe ; and therefore the apostle , when he would spek his worst of it , and wind up his expression hightest , usque ad hyperbolem , calls it by its own name , sinfull sinne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rom. 7. 13. that as in god being the greatest good , quicquid est in deo est deus ipse , therefore his attributes and names are but himselfe , idem praedicatur de seipso : so it is with sinne , quicquid est in peccato , peccatum est , &c. he can call it no worse than by its owne name , sinfull sinne . use . and what have i beene speaking of all this while ? why ? but of one sinne in the generall nature of it . there is not a man here , but hath millions of them ; as many as the sands upon the sea shore ; yea , as there would be atomes , were all the world pounded to dust , it exceeds in number also ; and therefore ere we goe any further , let all our thoughts break off here in wonderment at the abounding of sinne , above all things else ; for other things , if they be great , they are but a few ; if many , they are but small : the world , t is a big one indeed , but yet there is but one ; the sands , though innumerable , yet they are but small ; your sinfulnesse exceeds in ●oth . and next , let all our thoughts be wound up to the most deepe and intense consideration of our estates ; for if one sin abounds thus , what tongue can expresse , or heart can conceive their misery , who to use the apostles phrase , 1 cor. 15. are yet in their sinnes ? that is , stand bound to god in their owne single bond onely , to answer for all their sinnes themselves ; and cannot , in the estate wherein yet they stand of impenitencie and unbeleefe , plead the benefit of christs death , to take off and ease them of the guilt of one sinne , but , all their sinnes are yet all their owne , which to a man in christ they are not ; for his owne bonds are cancelled , and given in , and christ entred into bonds for him , and all his sins translated upon him . now for a proper character of their estate , and sutable to this expression : first then a mans sinnes may be said to be still his owne : when he committeth sinne , out of his owne , that is the full frame and inclination of his heart . thus the devill is said to sinne , ioh. 8. 44. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of his owne ; the whole frame of his spirit is in it ; which a man in christ cannot be so fully said to doe , for hee hath a new creature in him that sinneth not , 1 ioh. 3. 1 , 9. that can say even when he sins , it is not i , but sinne . and secondly , then sinne is a mans owne , when he hates it not , but loves it : the world loves his owne , saith christ , ioh. 15. 29. and so doth a wicked man his sinne , more than any good ; which is davids character , psal . 52. 3. and thirdly , what is a mans owne , he nourisheth and cherisheth ; therefore eph. 5. 19. no man hates his owne flesh , but loveth it , and cherisheth it : so doe men their sinnes , when they are their owne . those great and rich oppressors , iam. 5. 5. are said to nourish their hearts in wantonnes , and in pleasure , as in a day of slaughter ; as living upon the creame of sinning , and having such plenty , they pick out none but the sweetest bits to nourish their hearts withall . 4. so what a man provides for , that is his own ; so sayes the apostle , a man that provides not for his owne , is worse , &c. when therefore men make provision for the flesh , as the phrase is , rom. 13. 14. have their caterers and contrivers of their lusts , and whose chiefest care is every morning , what pleasures of sinne they have that day to be enjoyed , it is a signe that their sins are their owne . in a word , when men live in sinne , 't is the expression used , 1 tim. 5. 6. she that lives in pleasure , is dead while she lives . when the revenewes of the comfort of mens lives come in , from the pleasures of sinne , and that supplies them with all those necessaries that belong to life ; as when 't is their element they drink in like water ; their meat , they eate the bread of wickednesse , prov. 1. 7. and it goes downe , and troubleth them not ; their sleepe also , they cannot sleepe till they have done or contrived some mischiefe , ver . 16. their apparell , as when violence and oppression covers them as a garment , and pride compasseth them as a chaine , psal . 73. their recreation also , it is a pastime for a foole to doe wickedly , he makes sport and brags of it , prov. 10. 23. yea their health , being sick and discontented , when their lusts are not satisfied , as ahab was for naboths vineyard ; amnon grew leane , when hee could not enjoy his paramore . all these , as they live in their sins here , and so are dead whilest they live , and so are miserable , making the greatest evill their chiefest good ; so when they come to die ( as we all must doe one day ) and how soone , and how suddenly we know not ; wee carry our soules , our precious soules , as precious water in a brittle glasse , soone cracked , and then we are spilt like water , which none can gather up againe ; or but as a candle in a paper lanthorne ; in clay walls , full of cranyes , often but a little cold comes in , and blowes the candle out ; ) and then , without a through change of heart before , wrought from all sinne , to all godlinesse , they will die in their sinnes . and all , and the utmost of all miseries is spoken in that one word : and therefore christ , when he would summe up all miseries in one expression , tells the pharisees they should die in their sins , iohn 8. 28. vse 2. and let us consider further , that if sin be thus above measure sinfull , that hell that followeth death , is then likewise above measure fearful . and so it is intimated to be a punishment without measure , ier. 30. 11. compared with isa . 27. punish them as i punish thee ( sayes god to his owne ) but i will punish thee in measure . and indeed , sinne being committed against god the king of kings , it can never be punished enough . but as the killing of a king , is amongst men a crime so hainous , that no tortures can exceed the desert of it : we use to say , all torments are too little , any death too good for such a crime . now peccatum est dei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as i said before , a destroying god as much as in us lies : and therefore none but god himselfe can give it a full punishment : therefore it is called a falling into gods hands , heb. 10. 31. which , as he sayes there , is fearfull . for if his breath blowes us to destruction , iob 4. 9. for we are but dust heaps ; yea , his nod , he nods to destruction , psal . 80. 16. then what is the weight of his hands , even of those hands , which span the heavens , and hold the earth in the hollow of them ? and if god take it into his hands to punish , he will be sure to doe unto the full . sinne is mans worke , and punishment is gods , and god will shew himselfe as perfect in his worke , as man in his . if sinne be malum catholicum , as hath been said , that containes all evils in it ; then the punishment god will inflict shall be malum catholicum also , containing in it all miseries ; it is a cup full of mixture , so called psal . 75. 8. as into which god hath strained the quintessence of all miseries , and the wicked of the earth must drink the dregges of it , though it be eternity unto the bottome . and if one sin deserves a hell , a punishment above measure , what will millions of millions doe ? and we reade that every sinne shall receive a just recompence , heb. 2. 3. oh let us then take heed of dying in our sinnes , and therefore of living in them ; for we shall lie in prison till we have paid the very utmost farthing . and therefore if all this that i have said of it wil not engender answerable apprehensions of it in you , ( this being but painting the toad , which you can look upon and handle without affrightment ) i wish that if without danger you could but lay your eares to hell , that standing as it were behind the skreene , you might heare sinne spoken of in its owne dialect by the oldest sonnes of perdition there , to heare what cain sayes of murthering his brother abel ; what saul of his persecuting david , and the priests of iehovah ; what balaam and achitophel say of their cursed counsels and policies ; what ahab sayes of his oppression of naboth ; what iudas of treason ; and heare what expressions they have , with what horrors , yellings , groanes , distractions , the least sin is there spoken of . if god should take any mans soule here , and as he rapt his , into the third heavens , where he saw grace in its fullest brightnesse ; so carry any ones soule into those chambers of death , as solomon calls them , and leading him through all , from chamber to chamber , shew him the visions of darknesse , and hee there heare all those bedlames cry out , one of this sinne , another of that , and see sinne as it lookes in hell ! but there is one aggravation more of the evill and misery sinne brings upon men , i have not spoken of yet , that it blinds their eyes , and hardens their hearts , that they doe not see , nor lament their misery , till they be in hell ; and then it is too late . vse 3. but what , doth sin so exceed in sinfulnesse , and is the venome of it boyled up to such a height of mischiefe , that there should be no name in heaven and earth able to grapple with it , and destroy it ? is there no antidote , no balme in gilead more soveraigne , than it is deadly ? surely yes , god would never have suffered so potent and malicious an enemy to have set foot in his dominions , but that he knew how to conquer it , and that not by punishing of it onely in hell , but by destroying it : onely it is too potent for all the creatures to encounter with . this victory is alone reserved for christ , it can die by no other hand , that he may have the glory of it ; which therefore is the top of his glory , as mediator , and his highest title , the memory of which he beares written in his name jesus , for he shall save his people from their sinnes , mat. 1. 21. and therefore the apostle paul , his chiefest herauld , proclaimes this victory with a world of solemnity and triumph , 1 cor. 15. 36. oh death , where is thy sting ? oh grave , where is thy victory ? the sting of death is sinne , the strength of sinne is the law : but thankes be to god that gives us the victory through our lord iesus christ : which yet again addes to the demonstration of the sinfulnesse of it : for the strength of sinne was such , that like goliah it would have defied the whole host of heaven and earth . it was not possible the blood of bulls and goats should take away sinne , heb. 10. 4. nor would the riches of the world , or the blood of men have beene a sufficient ransome : will the lord be pleased with rivers of oyle ? shall i give my first borne for my transgression ? no , sayes he , there is no proportion , for thy first borne is but the fruit of thy body , and sinne is the sinne of thy soule , mich. 6. 7. it must cost more to redeeme a soule than so , psal . 49. 9. no , couldest thou bring rivers of teares , in stead of rivers of oyle ; which if any thing , were like to pacifie god , yet are they but the excrements of thy braines ; but sinne is the sinne of thy heart : yea all the righteousnesse that we could ever do , cannot make amends for one sinne : for suppose it perfect , when as yet it is but dung . mal. 2. 3. and a menstruom cloath , yet thou owest it already as thou art a creature ; and one debt cannot pay another . if then we should goe a begging to all the angels , who never sinned , let them lay all their stock together , it would begger them all to pay for one sinne : no , it is not the merit of angels will doe it ; for sinne is the transgression , the destruction of the law , psal . 109. 1. and the least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is more worth than heaven , and all that is therein . onely , though it be thus unconquerably sinfull by all created powers , it hath not gone beyond the price that christ hath paid for it ; the apostle compares to this very purpose , sinne and christs righteousnesse together , rom. 5. 15 , 20. 't is true , sayes hee , that sinne abounds , and that one sinne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and instanceth in adams sinne , which staineth all mens natures to the end of the world ; yet sayes he , the gift of righteousnesse by christ abounds much more ; abounds to flowing over , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sayes the apostle , 1 tim. 1. 14. as the sea doth above mote-hills , malach. 7. 14. though therefore it would undoe all the angels , yet christs riches are unsearchable , eph. 3. 8. hee hath such riches of merit , as are able to pay all thy debts the very first day of thy mariage with him , though thou hadst beene a sinner millions of yeares , afore the creation to this day : and when that is done , there is enough left to purchase thee more grace and glory than all the angels have in heaven . in a word , he is able to save to the utmost , all that come to god by him , heb. 7. 5. let their sins be what they will. but then wee must come to him , and to god by him , and take him as our lord , and king , and head , and husband , as he is freely tendered , we must be made one with him , and have our hearts divorced from all our sinnes for ever . and why not now ? doe we yet look for another christ ? and to allude to us , as naomi said to ruth , is there yet any more sonnes in my wombe , that they may be your husbands ? so say i , hath god any more such sonnes ? or is not this christ good enough ? or are we afraid of being happy too soon , in being married to him ? but yet if we will have christ indeed ( without whom we are undone ) how shall we thou continue in sinne , which is thus above measure sinfull ? no not in one . the apostle speaks there in the language of impossibility and inconsistencie . christ , and the raigne of one sinne , they cannot stand together . and indeed , wee will not so much as take christ , untill first wee have seene more or lesse this vission here , and sinne appear to us , as to him , above measure sinfull : naturally we slight it and make a mock of , and account it precisenesse to stick and make conscience of it : but if once sinne thus appeares to any but in its owne colours , that man will looke