a proclamation, anent field conventicles and house-meetings proclamations. 1687-10-05 scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1687 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92658 wing s1631 estc r230221 99899462 99899462 153558 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92658) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153558) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2370:23) a proclamation, anent field conventicles and house-meetings proclamations. 1687-10-05 scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. aut. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1687. dated at end: edinburgh, the fifth day of october one thousand six hundred eights seven. and of our reign the third year. arms 237; steele notation: defenfit name. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -scotland -early works to 1800. liberty of conscience -early works to 1800. liberty -religious aspects -early works to 1800. great britain -history -james ii, 1685-1688 -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i2r honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , anent field conventicles and house-meetings . james , by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , and to all and sundry our leidges and subjects , whom it effeirs ; greeting : whereas , we having by our proclamation of the twentieth of february last past , and our other proclamation of the twenty eight of june thereafter , explaining and extending the same in favours of all our subjects of this kingdom , of whatsoever profession , granted full liberty to them to meet , and serve god in their own way and manner , on the terms therein expresly mentioned ; yet we understanding , that several seditious preachers , and others declared fugitives , do , nevertheless of that our great and unexpected clemency and favour , meet in the open fields , aud there keep conventicles ( these rendevouzes of rebellion ) and that great numbers of persons of all sorts , do frequent these seditious meetings , and many in arms : we have thought fit therefore , with advice of our privy council , hereby to declare , that not only all such persons ( whether preachers or hearers , that shall presume to be at any conventicle in the open fields ) but also , all dissenting ministers , who shall take upon them to preach in houses , without observing such directions as are prescribed by our said late proclamation ▪ viz. that nothing be preached or taught among them , which may any way tend to alienat the hearts of our people from vs , or our government , and that their meetings be peaceable , openly , and publickly held , and all persons freely admitted to them , and that they do signifie and make known to some one or moe of our next privy counsellors , sheriffs , stewarts , baillies , justices of peace , or magistrats of royal burrows , what place or places they set apart for these uses , with the names of the preachers ; shall be prosecuted with the utmost rigor and severity that our laws , acts of parliament , and constitutions of this our ancient kingdom , will allow : requiring hereby all our officers , civil and military , and al● other our good subjects , who are , or may be any way concerned in the execution thereof , to see this our royal will and pleasure duly performed , and put in execution , conform to our saids laws , acts of parliament , and constitutions aforesaid , every manner of way , as is thereby prescribed , and under the pains and certifications therein-mentioned ; and to the end our said proclamation of the twenty eight of june last , may receive due obedience , we , with advice foresaid , do strictly require all such as shall preach , by vertue thereof , at any time , or in any place , to make intimat●on of their preaching , as to the time and place before their meetings ▪ to some one , or moe of our next privy counsellors , sheriffs , stewarts , baillies , justices of peace , or magistrats of our royal burrows , and of their fixing their abodes there , which shall be sufficient to them during their residence at that place , or places , only ; and in case they be transient preachers , that they give the same intimation to some one , or moe of our privy council , or others aforesaid , both , as they will be answereable . and further , we , in prosecution of our said late proclamation , do hereby require all and every person aforesaid , to whom such intimation shall be given respectivè , to send in to the clerks of our privy council , once every moneth , the name and sirname of the persons preachers , and the times and places of their meetings , as they will answer the contrary at their peril ; and that our royal pleasure in the premisses may be known , and due and exact obedience given thereto ; our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and all the other mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the shires of this kingdom , and other places needful , and there , in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of our pleasure in the premisses , that none may pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fifth day of october one thousand six hundred eighty seven . and of our reign the third year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . col . m ckenzie , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1627. a paradox against liberty written by the lords, during their imprisonment in the tower a poem. 1679 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55745 wing p330 estc r5967 13087468 ocm 13087468 97315 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55745) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97315) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 747:43) a paradox against liberty written by the lords, during their imprisonment in the tower a poem. shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1621-1683. buckingham, george villiers, duke of, 1628-1687. salisbury, james cecil, earl of, d. 1683. wharton, philip wharton, baron, 1613-1696. [2], 2 p. [s.n.], londn [sic] : 1679. printed in double columns. the lords are shaftesbury, buckingham, salisbury, and wharton. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty -anecdotes 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a paradox against liberty vvritten by the lords , during their imprisonment in the tower . a poem . contrahes vento nimium secundo turgida vela . londn , printed in the year . 1679. a paradox against liberty . a prison , or the isle , are much the same ; they onely differ in conceit and name . as art the first , nature immures the last ; onely i' th' larger mold her figure 's cast . all islanders are in prison pent , and none at large , not those o' th' continent . each mariner's a prisoner in his bark . the living world was prison'd in the ark. and though it be abroad adayes , the light still lodges in the prison of black night . the sea it self , is to its bounds confin'd . and aeolus in caves shuts up the wind . nothing in nature has such vast extent , but is imprison'd in its element . the fish , in watry dungeons are inclos'd ; men , beasts , and birds , to earth and air dispos'd . if to enlarge their narrow bounds , they strive , the fatal freedom rarely they survive . and as with them , we hope with us 't will be , when from their prisons took , death sets them free . man can no more a native freedom boast ; that jewel ne're was found , since first 't was lost . 't was then transported to the stygian coast. but still there 's something which we do esteem , onely because 't is like the polisht gemme , and this we freedom call ; its credit grows from a false stamp , the guilded outside shows : which avaritious man attempts to get , cheated and ruin'd with the counterfeit . like children , soapy-bubbles they pursue , and the fantastick vision , take for true ; but whilst they think bright forms they do embrace , ixion-like , they find a cloud i' th' place , consent of crowds , exceeding credit brings , and seems to stamp truth 's image on false things . not what 's a real good , but what does seem , still shares the blind and popular esteem . whilst sense and fancy over-rule their choice , and reason in th' election has no voice . but souls in vain have reason's attribute , if to their rule , they cannot sense submit ▪ hence the heroick mind makes no complaint , but freedom does enjoy , even in restraint . when chains and fetters do his body bind , he then appears more free , and less confin'd . discord and care , which do distract him here , in durance take their leave , and come not there . false friends and flatt'rers , then , take last adieu , who often swore how faithful and how tue , things their dishonest bosoms never knew . these , like the swallows , in cold weather flye ; a summers fortune only draws them nigh . flatt'rers a sort of fatal suckers be , which draw the sap 'till they destroy the tree . fair vertue to their opticks when they bring , seems a deform'd and antiquated thing , vice they commend , whilst vertue is despis'd ; the blackest by these negroes most are pris'd . these slaves to vice , do hug so hard and long ; till like the o'refond ape , they kill their young. ambition in the mind 's a feverish thirst , which is by drinking , dryer than at first ; and these will feed the humour till it burst . when parasites the arbiters are made , they 'l place the garland on a bedlam's head . riot , excess , and pleasure car ' the day , and lust ( the worst of tyrants ) bears the sway , at whose black throne they blind allegiance pay , morose and dull they do account the grave ; and the meek-man , fit onely for a slave : the humble , of a nature poor and base ; the chast , sprung from a dull insipid race ; and temperance , a gallant 's chief disgrace . in vertues garb , the great mans vice they dress , giving it names which sound of worthiness . they call his pride the grandeur of his mind , and for his lust the name they have design'd is a complaisant ayr , that make men kind . profaness is his wit ; and his excess by a gay janty humour they express ; all his debauches too must be no less . thus they lap ruine up , and guild our crimes ; but vice destroys like ivy , where it climbs . in us , the dang'rous state th' ambitious see of greatness , avarice , and flatterie . gifts , honours , office , greatness , grace of kings ; raise the ambitious upon treach'rous wings ; 'till from the mighty heights they giddy grow , and fall into the ruine lyes below . if the first fall , which do support our state ▪ the last our fall serve to precipitate . this with too dear experience we have bought ▪ and learnt a lesson , which too late was taught . prosperity's a drug , that must be ta'ne corrected ( opium like ) or else 't is bane . a more lethargick quality's in her , than ever yet in opium did appear . her fatal poyson to the mind she sends , and uncorrect , in sure destruction ends ▪ whilst in the way her guilded shares she lays , easie and credulous man she soon betrays ; who sees her roses and her lillies here , but her concealed snakes doth never fear . prosperity's repasts puff up the mind with unsubstantial and unwholsome wind . 't is a hault-goust which epicures do use , and choicer viands squeamishly refuse . but when affliction moulds your daily bread , 't is then the staff of life with which she 's fed . affliction ( like the river nile ) bestows her fruitful blessings whereso'ere she flows : and if when she withdraws , strange serpents rise , not in her streams , but in the soyl , it lyes . which ( like the great apollo ) she strikes dead , by the same influence they first were bred , if she return , and shew her hidden head . great minds ( like the victorious palms ) are wont under the weights of fortune more to mount . strongly supprest , and hurl'd upon the ground , fill'd with sublimer thoughts they more rebound . still careless whether fortune smile or frown , whether she give , or take away a crown . our walls are tyded , and by that we know she alwaies ebbs , when she doth leave to flow , and constant in inconstancy does grow . make an attacque all injuries that can , they fall like waves beneath a rising swan . freed and secur'd from all discordant care , here we our heads above the billows bear , till from our shoulders they transplanted are . and from their summits , with dumb gapes proclaim , of a quincumvirat the trait'rous shame . but during all this storm , we still do find an anchor and a haven in our mind , not beaten now , though then expos'd to th' wind. as nightingals , our bosoms we expose , and sing , environ'd with the sharpest woes . degraded from vain honour , here we grow more great and high , as trees by lopping do . honour 's like froth in each man's glass of beer ; 't is least of use , though topmost it appear . the common vouchee for ill acts she 's grown ; it and religion all our mischiefs own . she raigns in youth with an unruly heat and in her falser mirror shews them great , till age and time convince them of the cheat. rash heads approve what sober men despise , and the fantastick garb offends the wife ; she rarely now is seen , but in disguise . true honour and plain honesty 's the same ; from various dwellings , comes the various name : for whilst she 's gay in courts , she 's honour there , but honesty with us in durance here . in differing states ▪ most things have difference : what pleas'd this day , the next offends the prince . the prosperous loath what the afflicted love ; prisoners abhor , what free , they did approve . and still there 's power in each man's choice , to make himself content , if he can wisely take , and think his own ( though hard ) a happy stake in ev'ry state does some contentment dwell , and here we find a palace in a cell . good is good ev'ry where , and ev'ry thing , and good can of it self no evil bring . all good 's a raye of the first light alone ; when ill approaches ; only that 's our own . vertue 's not gain'd by spending of our days in pleasure , princes courts , or from their rays . at vertue 's coast by travel we arrive , and so by travel vertue 's kept alive . she dwindles if she want due exercise ; but us'd , grows brighter , and still multiplies . vertue increases snow-ball-like , rowl'd on : a lazy vertue 's next of kin to none . pris'ners indeed they be , that do lay by at once their freedom and their industry . if men turn drones within these hony'd hyves , it lyes i' th' pris'ner's heart , and not his gyves . the good grow better here , the bad grow worse ; the spur that makes this go , does jade that horse ▪ hence the great'st part are male-content and sad , since that the good are fewer than the bad. a bliss that springs from penitential joy , is the minds balsome in each sharp annoy ; fools only their own comforts do destroy ▪ to this retirement we can freely go ; 't is the great'st pace of majesty below : our stirring out imports the world to know . the goalers centinel to guard our doors , and castles are contain'd i' th' narrow floors . more happy and more safe , secur'd from foes , than those whom troops of enemies enclose . much more as pris'ners , our high bliss we boast , being secur'd from such a mighty hoast of deadly foes , so fierce with wrath and might , our selves so feeble , and unfit to fight 'gainst the black band of vicious and profane , who thousands do undo in each campain . in the assault , we seldom brook the field , but flye like hares , or else like cowards yield . yet this the world esteems an hard estate , and us , who feel it , count unfortunate . shew then , philosophy ! the state wherein such safety , and so much content is seen . wherein less rugged or steep hind'rance lyes , t' obstruct the path unto perfection's prize the useful rod's only bound up for this , to whip and lash the childish on to bliss ; who sullenly refuse the rod to kiss , and so the blessing in the whipping miss . some , like the whale , only design'd to play in fruitless pleasures , drive the flying day ; as boys with clackers drive the lent away , whilst here , we stop the hours of time , that flyes , with contemplation's nobler exercise . maugre all goals , think we e're long must dye , and then enjoy an endless liberty ; death will redeem from long captivity . man's life 's a piece spun of a various thred ; in some 't is fine , in ●ome a courser web. the threds across , th' occurrences of fate , cut early from the loom by death , or late ▪ the dread of kings , death , does not us dismay ; to dye's less , than be tantaliz'd each day . what man complains , with weariness opprest ▪ that night is come , the only time to rest ? finis . a short treatise concerning the lawfullnese of every mans exercising his gift as god shall call him thereunto by john spencer. spencer, john, groom. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a61114 of text r10777 in the english short title catalog (wing s4954). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a61114 wing s4954 estc r10777 12827658 ocm 12827658 94297 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61114) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94297) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e172, no 4) a short treatise concerning the lawfullnese of every mans exercising his gift as god shall call him thereunto by john spencer. spencer, john, groom. 8 p. printed for iohn spencer, and are to be sold by t. bates ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng liberty -early works to 1800. gifts, spiritual. a61114 r10777 (wing s4954). civilwar no a short treatise concerning the lavvfullnesse of every mans exercising his gift as god shall call him thereunto. by john spencer. spencer, john, groom 1641 3336 8 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short treatise concerning the ●awfullnesse of every mans exercising his gift as god shall call him thereunto . by iohn spencer . london , printed for iohn spencer , and are to be sold by t. bates in the oldbaily . 1641. a short treatise concerning the lawfvllnesse of every mans exercising his gift , as god shall call him thereunto , the gifts of the spirit are in every one for the good of the whole body , and that there is no private gifts , nor private christians that wee reade of in scripture to proove at large out of the word of god which shall bee that which shall guide all our actions by , that what gift soever the spirit giveth : it is for the good of the whole body , and so according to it's place in the body , the measure of grace received he is to use it for the helpe of his fellow members , to the edifying of the body : i may bring for the further clearing of this truth , the judgements of many worthy divines , calvin speaking of the communion of saints hath these words ; the saints which are gathered together into the fellowship of christ with this condition , that what ever benefit god bestowes upon them , they should continually communicate one to another . vrsinas on communion of saints hath these words : that all receiving one , who beleeveth are in common pertakers of christ & all his graces , as being his membes , and then that every one ought readily and chearefully to bestow their gifts and graces which they had to the common commoditie and safe of all . master perkins on the creede from our vnion with christ , and our union and communion one with another saith ; that a christian though he be the freest man upon earth , yet he is a servant to all men , and especially to the church of god , to doe service to the members of it by love for the good of all . and this good is procured when we convey the gifts of god bestowed on us to our brethren , which is done these five waies . first by example , serondly by admonition , thirdly by exhortation , fourthly by consolation , fiftly by prayer , all which hee openeth and presseth to this purpose . master bolton in his generall directions for a comfortable walking with god , is full & large for this , but to prove it by severall scriptures , in rommans . 1● ▪ 6. having then gifts according to the grace that is givento us whether prophesie let us prophesie , let us according to the proportion of faith , the first of cor. 12. and the 9. but the manifestation of the spirit is given to every one to profit with all . ephes. 4. 11. 12. and he gave some to be apostles , some prophets , some evangelists , and some teachers , and some pastors for the edifyin of the body of christ ; ephesians 5. and the 11. wherefore comfort your selves together , and edifie on another even as yee doe , heb. 3. 13. but exhot one another daily while it is called to day , least any of you bee hardened through the deceitfulnesse of sinne , 1 cor. 14. 31. for ye may all prophesie one by one , that all may learne and all bee comforted , in the first of peter the 4. and the 10. as every one hath received the gift , even so minister the same one to another as faithfull stewards of the manifold graces of god : thus you have all these places to prove the lawfulnesse of all to exercise the gifts as god shall give them opertunitie with conveniency , and also the iudgements of many worthy divines : now we shall shew you the reason of it why every one ought to communicate of what god hath bestowed on them for the good of the whole body , the first reason is because god himselfe hath commanded it . the second reason is , because it was the very end of gods bestowing these gifts upon us , for the edifying of the body of christ . the third reason is from our neere union and communion one with another . the fourth reason is from our breathrens right to it , they have all right to our gifts and abilities . the fifth reason is this , it is the way to inlarge our owne gifts and abilities . the sixt reason is , gods glory and the saints example . the seven reason is because of our enemies wiles , and sathans malice , all calling for it at our hands . now to answer certain objections that are brought in against the universalitie of this truth . the first objection is this , that none ought to preach but those in office , none else may properly be said to preach . to this i answer , that when the dispersed christians were scattered in that persecution it is said that they went about preaching and the hand of the lord was with them , and great multitudes beleeved and turned to the lord , acts 11. 19 , 20 , 21. but some object and say , that this is not such preaching as is mentioned in rom. 10. 14 , 15. but it is manifest and cleare that they strive about words and to no purpose at all ; for there was that very preaching , and that very sending as is there mentioned in that tenth to the rom. and the 15. for that preaching of the dispersed christians was made necessary for the working of faith , else the text saith not right , in saying they beleeved : but some farther object and say , that these were all church-officers , and so might preach where ever they came . to this i answer , that it could not be so , for wee never read in all the whole booke of god , that all the members of a church was offiicers , but this is aparent , that all the members were scattered only apostles , as you may see it in the 8. of the acts the first . i shall gi●e you another instance in the fourth of iohn and the 39. it is said that many of the samaritans beleeved at the report of the woman ; if it be so , then one of these must needes befall those that ho●d none ought to preach but those that are church-officers , and this woman was a church-officer , and so a harold and an imbassador , and so sent and so preached , or else that the spirit was mistaken that sed they beleeved . another instance we have of one that was no church officer and yet a preacher and a publisher of the gospel , in the eighth of luke and the 38 , 39. the man out of whom the devills were cast out ; christ sent him away , and bid him goe and declare what great things he had done to him , and the text saith , that he went and preached in the cities . it is manifest that this man was n● church-officer and yet a preacher of the gospel . againe , what thinke you of moses desire , when hee desired that all the lords people were prophets , either moses say you jeared or else he wished that all good people were church-officers which could not be , numb. 11. 29. what thinke you of saul in the first of sam. 6. 10. and when they came thither to the hill , a company of the prophets met him , and the spirit of god came upon him and he prophesied : so also the 19 of sam. and the 20. and saule sent messengers to take david , and when they saw the company of the prophets prophesing and samuel standing as appointed over them ; the spirit of god was upon the messengers of saul , and they prophesied all , see in the 24 verse , and he stript off his cloathes also and prophesied , now none of these were church-officers . but they further object , and say ; that these had an extraordinarie spirit given them , and therefore might . to this i answer , that none had this extraordinary spirit , but those that pened the scriptures or that was able to worke miracles . but these , it is aparent in the acts . and in these places , had not such a spirit as worked miracles , or that pened scriptures , and yet prophesied . againe to this i answere , that such a spirit as that they had , is promised to the people of god , in our dayes , in the second of the acts . and the 18. and one my servants and one my handmaids , i will power out in those dayes of my spirit , and they shall prophesie , but to this promise : some answere , that it was made good in the apostles times ; and we must not looke for the making good of this promise in our days . to this i answere that in the apostles times , they were called the last times ; but if then they were the last dayes much more now . and so may look for the fulfilling of this promise , and we ought also to pray for the making good of it . the second obiect is this , for none unlesse he be skild in arts and tongues , is fit for the worke of the menistrie , to this i answere that the scriptures doth plainely affirme , that the true understanding of scripture , comes not by humane learning , by arts and tongues , but by the spirit of god , in the first cor. 2. 12. 13. now we have not received the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of god , that we might know the thinges that are freely given us of god : which thinges we speake not with the words , which mans wisdome teacheth , but which the holy ghost teacheth us , comparing spirituall things with spirituall . secondly i answer , that the naturall man cannot find out these things , be he never so well qualified , with all humane wisdome and learning . in the first of cor. 2. 14. but the naturall man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishnesse unto him , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually deserned , in the first chap. and the 20. ver. where is the wise , where is the scribe , where is the disputer of this world hath not god made foolish the wisedome of this world . thirdly i answere that the want of furniture in skill and arts and tongues , shall not hinder any from this knowledg , when the lord is pleased , in the holy meanes apointed to send forth his spirit , with such illuminations , & infusions into the soule , in the first of cor. 2. 10. or the spirit searcheth all thinges , ye the deepe things of god in the 15 , vers. but he that is spirituall , iudgeth all things , fourthly i answere , that god counts it his glory sometimes to hide this thing from the wise & prudent ; and to reveale them unto babes , and sucklings . such that are distitude of humane learning in arts and tongues , which must needs be the meaning of that plase in the 11. of matt. 25. fiftly i answere , that there is not onely grounds , and principles of saving truths , given to such that are distitude of humane learning , and the like , but to understand a proverbe and the interpretations of words , of the wise : and there darke saying proverbs , 1. 6. 7. psalme . 25. 12. lastly i answere , that the apostles desiring that others might understand these things : prayeth to god for them , not that god would give them skill in arts and tongues , though it might be desired , in those that want it . but that god would give them the spirit of wisdome , and revelation in the knowledge of his sonne ephes. 1. 17. thus you have the second obiect answered , as god hath inabled me . the third obiect is this , that none ought to excercise these gifts in such a publike way but those that have a call to it . to this i answere that all the call mentioned of in holy scriptures , was the peoples great necessity , and their great willingnesse to heare them and receive them . and the aprobation of godly ministers , and all this i have had for my call , but if none might preach the gospell , unlesse he had the consent of all . none should preach amongst us , that is for the 3. obiect . the fourth obiect is this , that it may happily be lawfull in a mans family , but not in a church , i speake in the worlds language their reason is , because one is publike , and the other private . and god hath given a private spirit , and this is to private men to excercise privately with . he hath also given a publike spirit , and this is for publike persons , which they call themselves , for a publike use . to this i answere , that there is no members , of the body of iesus christ . but is of the same nature of the whole , a publike member of a publike body , and the spirit proceeding , from the head to every member is one , and the same spirit , and his gifts of like nature ; publike gifts of a publike spirit , for the good of the whole body . and so in its place , according to its measure to be used , what ever gift it be ; that so though the members be many , yet the body is but on , every on member of the head , and all members one of another , and though the members have severall officies , yet every member in the body hath some officie , and usefull gift , and that not for its owne profit alone : or the profit of two or three members next it , but for the good of the whole body , god having so placed the members in the body , that the chiefest cannot say to the meanest , i have no need of you , nor the meanest cannot also say to the chiefest , i am not to care for you , but every member to have the same care one of another , though this care bee manifested diversly , according to the severall officies they have in the body ; and the severall gifts given it for discharge of the same , for though in respect of the politie of congregated bodies , the more part are out of officie , yet as we are all one body in christ , and members on of another , their is never a member out of office , and that for the service of the whole : there are now more private christians , then private members of christ , neither in any other sense , can they properly be called private christians , then they may also be called private members of christ . seeing that in the whole booke of god , we finde no such phrase as private christian , or private spirit . thus have i laboured , as the lord hath helped me to discover the lawfulnesse of my practise , both publike and private : i have labouréd to answer all the obiections , that i ever had against it unlesse it be this that though it be lawfull , yet not at this time , an 〈…〉 at for this reason , because happily it might hinder the worke of reformation . to this i answer , that in the worke of reformation , it is necessary that all errors should be brought to light , and that all truths should be discovered ; this i finding out of gods word to be an error that is held commonly amongst us , that rather then any man should be a publisher of the gospel of christ , unlesse he were skild in arts and tongues , and sent forth by our prelates , thousands of our meeting houses should be shut up , and the people starved for want of foode , though god hath abundantly provided for them : i thought no time so fit to publish this truth by my practise as now at this time when god hath given us such glorious hopes of a glorious reformation , and when so many of those that pitties poore soules to see them lie in ignorance and blindnesse , and have power in their hands to redresse it . therfore i thought no time so seasonable as this time , and thus have you all the objections that are brought against me answered . that which occasioned me to put these few lines forth to the view of the world , hath beene by the importunity of many that beare good will to sion , & to this truth : also the evill aspertion● that are cast upon me for this my practise ; i have hard anoyse , but i have seene as yet nothing out of the word of god that might disswade me , but rather perswade me ; and to incourage mee in the way to go on by none that obiect against it ; to this day could i never procure any faire reasoning of any person whatsoever ; though i have exceedingly sought it to heare their grounds what they have had against it : could it be made aparent out of gods word , that it were unlawfull for me to goe on in this way , or that there were no neede of the discovery of christ in the world , or that the people did not earnestly desire it , i should cease with joy and reioycing of heart ; but so long as there can be nothing found in gods word against it , and seeing the great necessities of the people and their great willingnesse calles for it ; i shall bee willing to suffer what god shall please to inflict upon me for the same : yet i am perswaded though i be trodden under foot , yet this truth shall flourish & spread it selfe forth in the world to the amasement of all that doe oppose it : and thus according to what light the lord hath bestowed on mee out of his free love in his sonne , i have for the satisfaction of some , published these few lines to the world . finis . iohn spenser . england's great interest in the choice of this new parliament dedicated to all her free-holders and electors. penn, william, 1644-1718. 1679 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a23597) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 38338) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2213:15) england's great interest in the choice of this new parliament dedicated to all her free-holders and electors. penn, william, 1644-1718. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1679] signed at end: philanglus, i.e. william penn. caption title; with ornaments above title. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the lincoln's inn library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-10 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2005-10 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england's great interest in the choice of this new parliament ; dedicated to all her free-holders and electors . since it hath pleased god and the king to begin to revive and restore to us our ancient right of frequent parliaments , it will greatly concern us , as to our present interest , and therein the future happiness of our posterity , to act at this time with all the wisdom , caution and integrity we can . for besides , that 't is our own business , and that if by a neglect of this singular opportunity we desert our selves , and forsake our own mercies , we must expect to be left of god and good men too ; it may be there has never happened , not only in the memory of the living , but in the records of the dead , so odd and so strange a conjuncture as this we are under : it is made up of so many unusual and important circumstances ( all affecting us to the very heart ) that whether we regard the long sitting of the late parliament , or its abrupt and most unexpected dissolution , or the prorogation of the last and its surprising dissolution , or the strong jealousies of the people , and that universal agitation , that is now upon the spirit of the nation , and the reasons and motives thereof ( so far as we can reach them ) there seems never to have been a time , wherein this kingdom ought to show it self more serious and diligent in the business of its own safety . to be plain with you , all is at stake : and therefore i must tell you , that the work of this parliament is , first , to pursue the discovery and punishment of the plot : for that has been the old snake in the grass , the trojan horse with an army in the belly of it . secondly , to remove and bring to justice those evil counsellors , and corrupt and arbitrary ministers of state , that have been so industrious to give the king wrong measures , to turn things out of their antient and legal channel of administration , and alienate his affections from his people . thirdly , to detect and punish the pensioners of the former parliament , in the face of the kingdom . this breach of trust being treason against the fundamental constitution of our government . fourthly , to secure to us the execution of our antient laws by new ones , and among the rest such , as relate to frequent parliaments , the only true check upon arbitrary ministers , and therefore feared , ●ated and opposed by them . fifthly , that we be secur'd from popery and slavery ; and that protestant-dissenters be eased . sixthly , that in case this be done , the king be released from his burdensom debts to the nation , and eas'd in the business of his revenue . and let me be free with you , if you intend to save poor england , you must take this general measure , viz. to guide and fix your choice upon men , that you have reason to believe are well affected , able and bold to serve the country in these respects . the words of the writ ( at least , the import of them ) are , to chuse wise men , fearing god , and hating covetousness ; and what to do ? says the same writ , to advice the king of the weighty matters of the kingdom . let us not then play the fools or knaves , to neglect or betray the common interest of our country by a base election : let neither fear , flattery nor gain byass us . we must not make our publick choice the recompence of private favours from our neighbours ; they must excuse us for that : the weight of the matter will very well bear it . this is our inheritance ; all depends upon it : men don't use to lend their wives , or give their children to satisfie personal kindnesses ; nor must we make a swop of our birth-right , ( and that of our posterities too ) for a mess of pottage , a feast or a drinking-bout ; there can be no proportion here : and therefore none must take it ill , that we use our freedom about that , which in its constitution is the great bull-wark of all our antient english liberties . truly , our not considering what it is to chuse a parliament , and how much all is upon the hazard in it , may at last loose us fatally by our own choice . for i must needs tell you , if we miscarry , it will be our own fault ; we have no body else to blame : for such is the happiness of our constitution , that we cannot well be destroy'd , but by our selves : and what man in his wits would sacrifice his throat to his own hands ? we , the commons of england are a great part of the fundamental government of it ; and three rights are so peculiar and inherent to us , that if we will not throw them away for fear or favour , for meat and drink , or those other little present profits , that ill men offer to tempt us with , they cannot be altered or abrogated . and this i was willing to give you a brief hint of , that you may know , what sort of creatures you are , and what your power is , lest through ignorance of your own strength and authority , you turn slaves to the humors of those , that properly and truly are but your servants , and ought to be used so . the first of these three fundamentals is property , that is , right and title to your own lives , liberties and estates : in this every man is a sort of little soveraign to himself : no man has power over his person to imprison of hurt it , or over his estate to invade or usurp it : only your own transgression of the laws , ( and those of your own making too ) lays you open to loss ; which is but the punishment due for your offences , and this but in proportion to the fault committed . so that the power of england is a legal power , which truly merits the name of government : that which is not legal , is a tyranny , and not properly a government . now the law is umpire between king , lords and commons , and the right and property is one in kind through all degrees and qualities in the kingdom , mark that . the second fundamental , that is your birth-right and inheritance , is legislation , or the power of making laws ; no law can be made or abrogated in england without you . before henry the third's time , your ancestors , the free-men of england met in their own persons , but their numbers much encreasing , the vastness of them , and the confusion that must needs attend them , making such assemblies not practicable for business , this way of representatives was first pitch't upon as an expedient , both to maintain the commons right , and to avoid the confusion of those mighty numbers . so that now , as well as then , no law can be made , no money levied , nor not a penny legally demanded ( even to defray the charges of the government ) without your own consent : then which , tell me , what can be freer , or what more secure to any people ? your third great fundamental right and priviledge is executive , and holds proportion with the other two , in order to compleat both your freedom & security , & that is your share in the judicatory power , in the execution and application of those laws , that you agree to be made . insomuch as no man according to the ancient laws of this realm can be adjudg'd in matter either of life , liberty or estate , but it must be by the judgment of his peers , that is , twelve men of the neighbourhood , commonly called a jury ; though this hath been infringed by two acts made in the late long parliament , one against the quakers in particular , and the other against dissenters in general , called an act against seditious conventicles , where persons are adjudged offenders and punishable without a jury : which 't is hoped , this ensuing parliament will think fit in their wisdoms to repeal , though with less severity , then one of the same nature ( as to punishing men without juries ) was by henry the eighth , who for executing of it hang'd empson and dudly . consider with your selves , that there is nothing more your interest , then for you to understand your right in the government , and to be constantly jealous over it ; for your well-being depends upon its preservation . in all ages there have been ill men , and we to be sure are not without them now , such as being conscious to themselves of ill things , and dare not stand a parliament , would put a final dissolution upon the very constitution it self to be safe , that so we might never see another . but this being a task too hard to compass , their next expedient is to make them for their turn , by directing and governing the elections ; and herein they are very artificial & too often succesful ; which indeed is worse for us then if we had none . for thus the constitution of parliaments may be destroy'd by parliament , and we , who by law are free , may hereby come to be made slaves by law. if then you are free and resolve to be so , if you have any regard to god's providence in giving you a claim to so excellent a constitution , if you would not void your own rights , nor lay a foundation of vassallage to your unborn followers , the poor posterity of your loyns , for whom god and nature , and the constitution of the government have made you trustees , then seriously weigh these following particulars . i. in your present election receive no man's gift or bribe to chuse him ; but be assured , that he will be false to you , that basely tempts you to be false to your country , your self and your children . how can you hope to see god with peace , that turn mercenaries in a matter , on which depends the well-being of an whole kingdom for present & future times ? since at a pinch one good man gains a vote & saves a kingdom ; and what does any county or burgess-town in england know , but all may depend upon their making a good choice ? but then to sell the providence of god , and the dear-bought purchase of your painful ancestors for a little money ( that after you have got it , you know not how little a while you may be suffered to keep it ) is the mark of a wretched mind : truly such ought not to have the power of a free-man , that would so abuse his own and hazard other mens freedom by it : he deserves to be cast over board , that would sink the vessel , and thereby drown the company embark't with him . honest gentlemen will think they give enough for the choice , that pay their electors in a constant , painful and chargeable attendance ; but such as give money to be chosen , would get money by being chosen , they design not to serve you , but themselves of you ; and then fare you well . as you will answer it to almighty god , i entreat you to shew your abhorrence of this infamous practice : it renders the very constitution contemptible , that any should say , i can be chosen , if i will spend money or give them drink enough ; and this is said not without reason , elections , that ought to be serious things , and gravely and reasonably perform'd , being generally made the occasions of more rudeness and drunkenness , then any of the wild may-games in use among us . thus by making men law-breakers , they are it seems made fit to chuse law-makers , their choice being the purchase of excess . but must we alwayes owe our parliaments to rioting and drunkenness ? and must men be made vncapable of all choice , before they chuse their legislators ? i would know of any of you all , if in a difference about a private property , an horse or a cow , or any other thing you would be as easie , indifferent and careless in chusing your arbitrators ? certainly you would not ; with what reason then can you be unconcern'd in the qualifications of men , upon whose fitness and integrity depends all you and your posterity may enjoy ? which leads me to the other particulars . ii. chuse no man that has been a reputed pensioner ; 't is not only against your interest , but it is disgraceful to you and the parliament you chuse . the representative of a nation ought to consist of the most wise , sober and valiant of the people , not men of mean spirits or sordid passions , that would sell , the interest of the people that chuse them , to advance their own , or be at the beck of some great man , in hopes of a lift to a good employ : pray beware of these . you need not be streightned , the country is wide and the gentry numerous . iii. by no means chuse a man that is an officer at court , or whose employment is durante beneplacito , that is , at will and pleasure ; nor is this any reflection upon the king , who being one part of the government , should leave the other free , and without any the least awe or influence to bar or hinder its proceedings . besides , an officer is under a temptation to be byast ; and to say true , an office in a parliament man , is but a softer and safer word for a pension : the pretence it has above the other , is the danger of it . iv. in the next place , chuse no indigent persons , for those may be under a temptation of abusing their trust to gain their own ends : for such do not prefer you , which should be the end of their choice , but raise themselves by you . v. have a care of ambitious men and non-residents , such as live about town and not with their estates , who seek honours and preferments above , and little or never embetter the country with their expences or hospitality , for they intend themselves and not the advantage of the country . vi. chuse no prodigal or voluptuous persons , for besides that they are not regular enough to be law-makers , they are commonly idle ; and though they may wish well to your interest , yet they will lose it rather then their pleasures ; they will scarcely give their attendance , they must not be relied on . so that such persons are only to be preferred before those , that are sober to do mischief ; whose debauchery is of the mind : men of injust mercinary and sinister principles , who , the soberer they be to themselves , the worse they are to you . vii . review the members of the last parliaments , and their inclinations and votes , as near as you can learn them , and the conversation of the gentlemen of your own country , that were not members , and take your measures of both , by that which is your true and just interest at this critical time of the day , and you need not be divided or distracted in your choice . viii . rather take a stranger , if recommended by an unquestionable hand , than a neighbour ill-affected to your interest . 't is not pleasing a neighbour , because rich and powerful , but saving england , that you are to eye : neither pay or return private obligations at the cost of the nation ; let not such engagements put you upon dangerous elections as you love your country . ix . be sure to have your eye upon men of industry and improvement . for those that are ingenuous and laborious to propagate the growth of the country , will be very tender of weakening or impoverishing it : you may trust such . x let not your choice be flung upon men of fearful dispositions , that will let good sense , truth and your real interest in any point sink , rather than displease some one or other great man. if you are but sensible of your own real great power , you will wisely chuse those , that will by all just and legal wayes firmly keep and zealously promote it . xi . pray see , that you chuse sincere protestants ; men that don't play the protestant in design , and are indeed disguis'd papists , ready to pull off their mask , when time serves : you will know such by their laughing at the plot , disgracing the evidence , admiring the traytors constancy , that were forc'd to it , or their religion and party were gone beyond an excuse or an equivocation . the contrary are men that thank god for this discovery , and in their conversation zealously direct themselves in an opposition to the papal interest , which indeed is a combination against good sense , reason and conscience , and to introduce a blind obedience without ( if not against ) conviction . and that principle which introduces implicit faith and blind obedience in religion , will also introduce implicit faith and blind obedience in government : so that it is no more the law in the one than in the other , but the will and power of the superior , that shall be the rule and bond of our subjection . this is that fatal mischief popery brings with it to civil society , and for which such societies ought to beware of it , and all those that are friends to it . xii . lastly , among these be sure to find out and cast your favour upon men of large principles , such , as will not sacrifice his neighbour's property to the frowardness of his own party in religion : pick out such men , as will inviolably maintain civil rights for all that will live soberly and civilly under the government . christ did not revile those that reviled him , much less did he persecute those , that did not revile him . he rebuk't his disciples , that would have destroyed those that did not follow and conform to them , saying ; to know not what spirit ye are of ; i came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them . which made the apostle to say , that the weapons of their warfare were not carnal , but spiritual . this was the ancient protestant principle ; and where protestants persecute for religion , they are false to their own profession , and turn papists even in the worst sense , against whom their ancestors did so stoutly exclaim , read the books of martyrs of all countries in europe , and you will find i say true : therefore beware also of that popery . consider , that such partial men don't love england , but a sect ; and prefer imposed vniformity before virtuous and neighbourly vnity . this is that disturber of kingdoms and states , and till the good man , and not the opinionative man be the christian in the eye of the government , to be sure , while force is used to propagate or destroy faith , and the outward comforts of the widow and fatherless are made a forfeit for the peaceable exercise of their consciences to god , he that fits in heaven and judgeth righteously , whose eye pities the oppressed and poor of the earth , will with-hold his blessings from us . o lay to heart the grievous spoils and ruins that have been made upon your harmless neignbours for near these twenty years , who have only desired to enjoy their consciences to god according to the best of their understandings , and to eat the bread of honest labour , and to have but a penny for a penny 's worth among you . whose ox or ass have they taken ? whom have they wronged ? or when did any of them offer you violence ? yet sixty pounds have been distrained for twelve , two hundred pounds for sixty pounds . the flocks been taken out of the fold , the herd from the stall ; not a cow left to give milk to the orphans , nor a bed for the widow to lie on ; whole barns of corn swept away , and not a penny return'd ; & thus bitterly prosecuted even by laws made against papists . and what is all this for ? unless their worshipping of god according to their conscience ; for they injure no man , nor have they offered the least molestation to the government . truly , i must take liberty to tell you , if you will not endeavour to redress these evils in your choice , i fear , god will suffer you to fall into great calamity by those you hate . you are afraid of popery , and yet many of you practise it : for why do you fear it , but for its compulsion and persecution ? and will you compel or persecute your selves , or chuse such as do ? if you will , pray let me say , you hate the papists , but not popery . but god defend you from so doing , and direct you to do , as you would be done by : that chusing such as love england , her people and their civil rights , foundations may be laid for that security and tranquillity , which the children unborn may have cause to rise up and bless your names and memories for . take it in good part , i mean nothing but justice and peace to all ; and so conclude my self , your honest monitor and old england 's true friend , philanglus . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a23597-e10 we see it daily in westminster hall , as well as in parliamentary transactions . a brief examination and state of liberty spiritual both with respect to persons in their private capacity and in their church society and communion / written ... by a lover of true liberty, as it is in jesus, william penn. penn, william, 1644-1718. 1681 approx. 42 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54111 wing p1260 estc r32173 12353201 ocm 12353201 60045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54111) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60045) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1025:5) a brief examination and state of liberty spiritual both with respect to persons in their private capacity and in their church society and communion / written ... by a lover of true liberty, as it is in jesus, william penn. penn, william, 1644-1718. [4], 15 p. printed by andrew sowle and sold at his shop ..., london : 1681. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng society of friends -apologetic works. liberty -religious aspects -christianity. liberty -religious aspects. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief examination and state of liberty spiritual , both with respect to persons in their private capacity , and in their church society and communion . written for the establishment of the faithful , information of the simple-hearted , and reproof of the arrogant and high minded , by a lover of true liberty , as it is in jesus , william penn. to go amongst the people of the lord , called quakers . if the truth make ye free , then are ye free indeed . if we walk in the light as he is in the light , then have we fellowship one with another , and the blood of jesus christ his son cleanseth us from all sin , 1 john 8. london , printed by andrew sowle , and sold at his shop in devonshire buildings , without bishops-gate , 1681. to the people of the lord , called quakers . dear friends and brethren ; it hath of long time rested with some pressure upon my spirit , for zion's sake , and the peace of jerusalem , to write something of the nature of true spiritual liberty ; liberty , one of the most glorious words and things in the world , but little understood , and frequently abused by many . i beseech almighty god to preserve you , his people , in the right knowledge & use of that liberty , which jesus christ , the captain of our salvation hath purchased for us , and is redeeming us into , who hath led captivity captive , and is giving gifts to them that truly believe in his name . christ's liberty is obtain'd through christ's cross ; they that would be his free-men , must be his bonds-men , and wear his blessed yoke . his liberty is from sin , not to sin ; to do his will , and not our own ; no , not to speak an idle word . 't is not i that live ( saith the apostle ) but christ that liveth in me , who had set him free from the power of sin , and brought immortality to light in him ; whence he learned thus to triumph , o death , where is thy sting ! o grave , where is thy victory ! this is the personal freedom that comes by jesus christ , to as many as receive him in the way , and for the end for which god hath given him , to wit , to be a saviour and a leader , to save us from our corruptions , and guide us in the narrow way of his holy cross , and through the strait gate of self-denyal , which lead to eternal life . and as many as have entered at this door , are come to have vnity with god , and one with another ; to love him above all , and their neighbours as themselves ; yea , to prefer each other before themselves . such will not violate the great law of their lord and master ; love one another , the new ; and yet the old commandment : these dwell in love , and so they dwell in god ; for god is love. 't was the beloved disciples testimony , and it comes up to what another man of god hath said , namely , the church that dwells in god , if she dwells in god , then in love ; consequently her members are in vnion , of one mind in church matters , since she has but one head to rule her . peruse this brief discourse in this love , and it may be to edification . my aim is to assert the truth , detect error , and point in true brotherly kindness at those shoals and sands some by mistake , or over-boldness , have and may run upon . o friends ! i greatly desire , that the spirit of love , wisdom , and a sound vnderstanding , of meekness , judgment and mercy may ever rest upon you , that blamelesly you may be kept , an holy family , at unity with it self , to the lord god your redeemer , that he over all may in you , through you , and by you be exalted , honoured and praised , who is worthy and blessed forever . a brief examination and state of liberty spiritual , &c. question . vvhat is spiritual liberty ? answer , it is twofold ; there is a true and a false liberty , as a true and false spirit , the right discerning of which concerns every ones eternal well-beeing . qu. what is true spiritual liberty ? answ . deliverance from sin by the perfect law in the heart , the perfect law of liberty , james 2. otherwise called , the law of the spirit of life in christ jesus , that makes free from the law of sin and death ; else-where stiled , the law of truth writ in the heart , which makes free indeed , as saith christ , if the truth make you free , then are you free indeed . so that the liberty of gods people stands in the truth , and their communion in it , and in the perfect spiritual law of christ jesus , which delivers and preserves them from every evil thing that doth or would embondage . in this blessed liberty , it is not the will nor wisdom of man , neither the vain affections and lusts that rule , or give law to the soul ; for the minds of all such as are made free by the truth , are by the truth conducted in doing and suffering through their earthly pilgrimage . qu. what is false liberty ? answ . a departing from this blessed spirit of truth , and a rebelling against this perfect law of liberty in the heart , and being at liberty to do our own wills ; upon which cometh reproof and judgment . qu. but are there not some things wherein we ought to be left to our own freedom ? answ . we are not our own , for we are bought with a price ; and in all things ought we to glorifie god with our bodies , souls and spirits , which are the lords . qu. but must we have a motion or command from the spirit of truth for all things that we do ? answ . that may be according to the truth , which may not be by the immediate motion or command of the truth ; for that is according to the truth , that is not against the mind of the truth , either particularly or generally exprest . the truth commands me to do all to the praise and glory of god ; but not that i should wait for a motion to do every particular thing . for example : the variety of actions in trading , commerce and husbandry , the variety of flesh , fish and fowl for food , with more of the same nature , in all which there is a choice and liberty , but still according to the truth , and within the holy bounds and limits of it . qu. then it seems there are some things left to our freedom . answ . yes ; but it must still be according to the mind of gods truth : there are things enjoyned , such as relate to our duty to god , to our superiours , to the houshold of faith , and to all men and creatures , these are indispensible . there are also things that may be done or left undone , which may be called indifferent ; as what sort of meat i will eat to day , whether i will eat flesh , fish or herbs , or what hours i will eat my meals at , with many such outward things of life and converse ; yet even in these cases i ought to act according to the truth , in the temperance and wisdom of it . qu. but doth not freedom extend farther than this ; for since god hath given me a manifestation of his spirit to profit withal , and that i have the gift of god in my self , should i not be left to act according as i am free and perswaded in my own mind , in the things that relate to god , lest looking upon my self as obliged by what is revealed unto another , though it be not revealed unto me , i should be led out of my own measure , and act upon anothers motion , and so offer a blind sacrifice to god ? answ . this is true in a sence , that is , if thou art such an one that canst do nothing against the truth , but for the truth , then mayst thou safely be left to thy freedom in the things of god , and the reason is plain ; because thy freedom stands in the perfect law of liberty , in the law of the spirit of life in christ jesus , and in the truth , which is christ jesus , which makes thee free indeed , that is , perfectly free from all that is bad , and perfectly free to all that is holy , just , lovely , honest , comely , and of good report ; but if thou pleadest thy freedom against such things , yea , obstructest and slightest such good , wholesome and requisit things , thy freedom is naught , dark , perverse , out of the truth , and against the perfect law of love and liberty . qu. but must i conform to things whether i can receive them or no ? ought i not to be left to the grace and spirit of god in my own heart ? answ . to the first part of the question , nay ; to the last , yea. but now let us consider what is the reason thou canst not receive them : is the fault in the things themselves ? are they inconsistent with truth , or will not the truth own or assent unto them , or is the fault in thee ? that is to say , is it thy weakness , or thy carelesness ? if thy weakness , it is to be born with , and to be informed ; if thy carelesness , thou oughtst to be admonished ; for it is a dangerous principle , and pernicious to true religion , and which is worse , it is the root of ranterism to assert , that nothing is a duty incumbent upon thee , but what thou art perswaded is thy duty ; for the seared conscience pleads his liberty against all duty , the dark conscience is here unconcerned , the dead conscience is here uncondemned , unless this distinction be allowed of , that there may be an ignorance or an insensibility from inability or incapacity , or a dark education , and an ignorance and insensibility , from carelesness , disobedience , prejudice , &c. so that though thou art not to conform to a thing ignorantly , yet thou art seriously to consider , why thou art ignorant , and what the cause of such ignorance may be ; certainly it can't be in god , nor in his gift to thee ; it must then needs be in thy self , who hast not yet received a sense for or against the matter , about which thou art in doubt . to the second part of the question ; ought i not to be left to the grace of god in my own heart ? ans . that is of all things most desirable , since they are well left that are there left ; for there is no fear of want of unity , where all are left with the one spirit of truth ; they must be of one mind , they can't be otherwise . so that to plead this against unity , is to abuse the very plea , and to commit the greatest contradiction to that very doctrine of scripture , viz. that all should be guided by the grace and spirit of god in themselves ; for the end of that doctrine is , certainty . they shall all know me , saith the lord , from the least to the greatest . and i will give them one heart , and one way , that they may fear me forever , for the good of them , and of their children after them , jer. 32. 39. and i will give them one heart , and i will put a new spirit within you ; and i will take the stony heart out of their flesh , and will give them an heart of flesh , ezekiel 11. 19. and the multitude of them that believed were of one heart , and of one soul , acts 4. 32. is not this unity too ? i will restore unto you a pure language ; they shall be of one heart and of one mind , and great shall be their peace . therefore i must say to thee , friend , what if thou wilt not be left with the grace and spirit of god in thy self , nor wait for its mind , nor be watchful to its revelations , nor humble and quiet till thou hast received such necessary manifestations , but pleadest against the counsel of the spirit of the lord in other faithful persons , under the pretence of being left to his spirit in thy self ; by which means thou opposest the spirit to the spirit , and pleadest for dis-unity , under the name of liberty ; i ask thee , may not i exhort thee to the practice of that i am moved to press thee to the practice of ? if not , thou art the imposer , by restraining me from my christian liberty ; and not only so , but away goeth preaching , and with it the scriptures , that are both appointed of god for exhortation , reproof and instruction . qu. but are there not various measures , diversities of gifts , and several offices in the body ? answ . true ; but therefore are not the members of one mind , one will and one judgment in common and universal matters , especially relating to the family and church of god ? and indeed there can't be a falser reasoning than to conclude discord from diversity , contrariety from variety . is there contrariety of bloods , lifes , feelings , seeings , hearings , tastings , smellings in one and the same body , at one and the same time ? no such matter : experience is a demonstration against all such insinuations . so that though it be granted , that there is diversity of gifts , yet there is no disagreement in sense ; and though variety of offices , yet no contrariety in judgment concerning those offices . well saith the holy scriptures of truth , there is but one god ; the lord our god is but one lord ; there is but one god and father of all things ( that are good ; ) and there is but one lord , one faith and one baptism ; and his light , life and spirit is at unity with it self in all ; what comes from the light , life or spirit in one , it is the same in truth and unity to the rest , as if it rise in themselves : this is seen in our assemblies every day , and will be throughout all generations in the church of god , among those that live in the lowly truth , in which the pure sense and sound judgment stands ; god is not the god of confusion , but order : every one in his order is satisfied , hath unity and true fellowship with whatever comes from the life of god in another ; for this precious life reacheth throughout the heritage of god , and is the common life that giveth the common feeling and sense to the heritage of god. degree or measure in the same life can never contradict or obstruct that which is from the same life for the common benefit of the family of god. the lord is the vnmeasurable and incomprehensible glorious being of life , yet have we unity with him in all his works , who are come to his divine measure of light and truth in our own hearts , and live therein ; and shall we not have unity with that which proceeds from a fellow creature ? in short ; the saints way is in the light , wherein there is neither doubts nor discord ; yea , they are children of the light , and called light , and the lights of the world ; and can it be supposed that such should disagree and contradict each other in their exteriour order and practice in the church before the world ; oh , the blessed seamless garment of jesus ! where that is known , these things can never rise . but yet again , the just mans path is not only a light , but a shining light , brightness it self : certainly there can be no stumbling . it is also said , that light is sown for the righteous ; then the righteous shall never want light upon any occasion : and saith that beloved evangelist and apostle of our lord jesus christ , they that walk in the light have fellowship one with another , 1 john 1. whence it is easie to conclude , they that go out of the fellowship , go out of the light ; but if they that walk in the light , have fellowship one with another , what shall we say of those that plead being left to the light to justifie their not having fellowship one with another ? and which is yet worse , who suppose people may conscientiously and justifiably dissent within themselves , and that by reason of the variety of the degrees of the spirit and grace that are given of god unto them ; as if the lesser degree may dissent from the greater , because of its not being able to comprehend it . and to make this principle more authentick , such tell us , this is the antient principle of truth ; and object , how will you else be able to maintain the quakers principles ? the fallacy of all which , lieth ( as i said before ) in not rightly distinguishing between diversity and disagreement , variety and contrariety ; for this diversity hath concord , and this variety hath unity : and it is a blindness that hath too much of late happened to some , by going from the one life and spirit of our lord jesus christ , first to fall into disagreements , and then plead for it , under the notion of diversity of measures . i would ask all such persons , who arrogate to themselves such a peculiar knowledge of the antient principles of truth , or the quakers first principles ; 1st , whether they believe there be a christian body ? 2dly , whether this body hath a head ? 3dly , whether christ be not this head ? 4thly , whether this head be without eyes , ears , smell and taste , and this body without sence and feeling ? if not , whether this head seeth , heareth , smelleth , tasteth differingly and contrarily to it self ? and whether this body hath a contrary feeling at the same time about the same thing ? and if it be true , that the church of christ , redeemed by his most precious blood to live to him , see with the same eye , hear with the same ear , speak with the same mouth , live by the same breath , and are led by the same spirit , where is this disagreement , contrariety or dissent about the things of his church ? qu. but the members of christs church in the primitives had different apprehensions ; as the apostles , and the people gathered by them . answ . pray let me know who they were , and in what cases ? qu. the persons were paul and peter , and those christians that differ'd about meats ; and the scripture is plain in the case . answ . the difference between peter and paul [ in the acts ] testifies the weakness of peter , and the place justifies paul's reproof of his too great compliance with the jews in some of their rites ; which makes against liberty of various practices in the church of christ , and not for indulging them . that instance about the difference of christians as to meats , &c. has nothing in it to the end for which it is alledged ; for this related not to church-order or communion , but private and personal freedoms , what each might do with respect to themselves ; that is , they might make laws to themselves , in things that only concern'd private persons , and it centred there ; here , what i will eat , when i will eat ; things to my self , and for my self , as a man having power over my own appetite : this liberty in things private , personal and indifferent , makes nothing for dissenting about church matters in things of communion and society , and that also are not indifferent , as to eat fish , or eat flesh , or eat herbs , plainly is : but necessary ; as to be careful and orderly about the external business of the church : these are no jewish rites , nor shadowy ceremonies , no meats nor drinks that are private and personal , where weakness ▪ is apt to mistake ( that were an unnecessary and an vnchristian yoke to bear ) but things comely , orderly and of good report , that tend to purity , peace and diligence in things acceptable to god , and requisit among his people in their temporal christian capacity . and herein the apostle paul exercised his godly authority ; and we find that not only those that opposed themselves to it , as thinking , he took too much upon him , ( demanding a mark of christs speaking in him ) are in scripture branded with contention . but the true believers , that had in themselves a mark of christs speaking in him , were of one mind , and avoided such as were given to contention ; for it was not the custom of the churches of christ . thus were christ's people of one heart , in things relating to their communion . yet a little further ; they that have the mind of christ , are of one mind ; for christ is not divided : they that have christ for their head , have one counsellor and prophet , one seer and bishop , they disagree not in their judgments in things relating to him , and the good of his church ; they have one and the same guide ; for the one spirit , into which they have all drank , and by it are baptized into one body , leads them all . now to every member is a measure of the same spirit given to profit with ; and though every member is not an eye , nor an ear , nor a mouth , yet every member hath unity with the eye , with the ear , with the mouth in their proper and respective acts , and they one with the other : the eye sees for the mouth , the mouth speaks for the eye , and the ear hears for both ; this variety hath no discord , but in this diversity of gifts and offices , each member is sensible of the other , and moves and acts by one and the same life , spirit and guidance , which is omnipresent proportionable to every member in its distinct office. it must be granted , that there are helps in the church , as well as that there is a church at all ; and the holy ghost has compared those helps ( as is before mentioned ) to several members and senses of mans body , as an eye , an hand , a foot , hearing , smelling , &c. all then cannot be the eye , neither can all be the hand , for then they would confound their office , and act disagreeably to the ordination of the great orderer of his church . and if i will not comply with him that god hath made an eye , because i am not that eye , or an hand , because i am not that member my self , nor a party to the action , or performance of that member , i resist the lord , though under pretence of resisting man for the lords sake . and truly , this is the rock that some of our own time , as well as persons of former ages have split upon ; they have not been contented with their own station in the body , they have not kept to their own gift , nor been taken up with the duty of their own place in the church . if he that is a foot would be an hand , and the hand covets to be an eye , envying others their allotted station , through highth of mind , and walking loose from the holy cross , there can be no such thing as concord and fellowship in the church of christ . furthermore , since the spirit of the lord is one in all , it ought to be obeyed through another , as well as in ones self ; and this i affirm to you , that the same lowly frame of mind that receives and answers the mind of the spirit of the lord in a mans self , will receive and have unity with the mind of the same spirit through another , and the reason is plain ; because the same self-evidencing power and virtue that ariseth from the measure of the spirit of truth in ones self , and that convinceth a man in his own heart , doth also attend the discovery of the mind of the same spirit , when delivered by another ; for the words of the second adam , the quickning spirit through another , are spirit and life , as well as in thy own particular ; this is discerned by the spiritual man that judgeth all things , although the carnal man pleadeth , being left to his freedom ; and it may be talks of being left to the spirit in himself too , the better to escape the sense and judgment of the spiritual man. it is my earnest desire , that all that have any knowledge of the lord , would have a tender care how they use that plea against their faithful brethren , that god put into their mouthes against the persecuting priests and hirelings of the world , namely , i must mind the spirit of god in my self ; for though it be a great truth that all are to be thereunto left , yet it is as true , that he whose soul is left with the spirit of truth in himself , differs not from his brethren that are in the same spirit ; and as true it is , that those who err from the spirit of truth , may plead , being left to the spirit in themselves , against the motion and command of the spirit through another , when it pleaseth not his or her high mind and perverse will ; for a saying may be true or false , according to the subject matters it is spoken upon , or applyed to ; we own the assertion , we deny the application : there lies the snare . 't is true , the people of god ought to be left to the guidings of the spirit of god in themselves ; but for this to be so applied , as to disregard the preachings or writings of christ's enlightned servants , because by them applied properly to the preaching or writing of false prophets and seducers , will by no means follow . i say the doctrine is true , but not exclusively of all external counsel or direction ; therefore false in application , where men are allowed to have had the fear of god , and the mind of his spirit , and are not proved to have acted in their own wills and wisdom , or without the guidance of the spirit of god , about the things of his church and kingdom . qu. but though this be true , which hath been alledged for heavenly concord , yet what if i do not presently see that service in a thing , that the rest of my brethren agree in ; in this case what is my duty and theirs ? answ . it is thy duty to wait upon god in silence and patience , out of all fleshly consultations ; and as thou abidest in the simplicity of the truth , thou wilt receive an understanding with the rest of thy brethren about the thing doubted : and it is their duty , whilst thou behavest thy self in meekness and humility , to bear with thee , and carry themselves tenderly and lovingly towards thee ; but if on the contrary , thou disturbest their godly care and practice , and growest contentious , and exalts thy judgment against them , they have power from god to exhort , admonish and reprove thee ; and ( if thou perseverest therein ) in his name to refuse any further fellowship with thee , till thou repentest of thy evil. qu. but lest i should mistake , when thou speakest of true liberty , that it stands in being made free by the truth , from all vnrighteousness , dost thou mean , that no other persons ought to have the liberty of exercising their dissenting consciences , but that force may be lawful to reduce such as are reputed erroniously conscientious ? answ . by no means : it were a great wickedness against god , who is lord of the souls and spirits of men , and ought to preside in all consciences , who , as the apostle saith , is the only potentate , and hath immortalety . for though i give the true liberty of soul and conscience to those only that are set free by the power of christ , from the bondage of sin and captivity of death , yet do i not intend , that any person or persons should be in the least harm'd for the external exercise of their dissenting consciences in worship to god , though erronious ; for though their consciences be blind , yet they are not to be forced ; such compulsion giveth no sight , neither do corporal punishments produce conviction : this we above all people in our day have withstood , in speaking , writing and suffering , and blessed be god , continue so to do with faithlness . for faith is the gift of god , and forced sacrifices are not pleasing to the lord. qu. but according to thy argument , it may be my fault , that i have not the gift of faith ; and upon this presumption , it may be , thou wilt inflict some temporal penalties upon me . answ . no such matter ; for such kind of faults are not to be punished with temporal or worldly penalties ; for whether the errors be through weakness or willfulness , not relating to moral practice , all external coertion and corporal punishment is excluded . for the weapons of our warfair are not carnal , but spiritual . qu. but what then is the extent of the power of the church of christ , in case of schism or heresie ? answ . the power that christ gave to his church was this , that offenders , after the first and second admonition , ( not repenting ) should be rejected : not imprisoned , plundered , banished or put to death ; this belongs to the whore and false prophet : oh! all these things have come to pass for want of humility , for want of the antient fear , and keeping in the quiet habitation of the just : the truth in you all shall answer me . and this i affirm , from the understanding i have received of god , not only that the enemy is at work to scatter the minds of friends , by that loose plea , what-hast thou to do with me ? leave me to my freedom , and to the grace of god in my self , and the like ; but this proposition and expression , as now understood and alledged , is a deviation from , and a perversion of the antient principle of truth ; for this is the plain consequence of this plea , if any one ( especially if they are but lately convinced ) shall say , i see no evil in paying tythes to hireling priests , in that they are not claimed by divine right , but by the civil laws of the land. i see no evil in marrying by the priest , for he is but a witness . furthermore , i see no evil in declining a publick testimony in suffering times , or hiding in times of persecution , for i have christ ' s and paul ' s examples . i see no evil in worshipping and respecting the persons of men ; for whatever others do , i intend a sincere notice that i take of those i know , and have a good esteem for . lastly , i see no evil in keeping my shop shut upon the worlds holy-days and mass-days ( as they call them ) though they are rather lewdly and superstitiously than religiously kept ; for i would not willingly give any offence to my neighbours . and since your testimony is against imposition , and for leaving every one to the measure of the grace which god hath given him , not only , no man hath power to reprove or judge me , but i may be as good a friend as any of you , according to my measure . and now , here is measure set up against measure , which is confusion it self — babel indeed : this is that very rock both professors and prophane would long since have run us upon , namely , that a way is hereby opened to all the worlds libertines , to plead the light within for their excesses ; which indeed grieves the spirit of god , & was severely judged by our friends in the beginning , and is still reproved by them that keep their habitation , though some are become as wandering stars through their own pride , and the prevalency of the hour of temptation that hath overtaken them ; whereas had they kept in the channel of love and life , in the orbe and order of the celestial power , they had shined as fixed stars in the firmament of god forever . and from the deep sense that i have of the working of the enemy of zions peace , to rend and divide the heritage of god , who under the pretence of crying down man , forms and prescriptions , is crying down the heavenly man christ jesus , his blessed order and government , which he hath brought forth by his own revelation and power through his faithful witnesses . this i further testifie , first , that the enemy by these fair pretences strikes at the godly care and travail that dwells upon the spirits of many faithful brethren , that all things might be preserved sweet , comely , virtuous , and of good report in the church of god. secondly , that there never was greater necessity of this godly care than at this day , since we were a people , wherein the cross by too many is not so closely kept to as in dayes past , and in which there is not only a great convincement , but a young generation descended of friends , who though they retain the form their education hath led them into , yet many of them adorn not the gospel with that sensible , weighty and heavenly conversation as becomes the children of the undefiled religion , and the seed of that precious faith which works by the love that overcomes the world. and the lord god of heaven and earth , that hath sent his son christ jesus a light into our hearts and consciences , to whose search and judgment all ought to ( and must ) bring their deeds , & render up their account , beareth holy record , that for this end hath he moved upon the spirits of his servants , and for this good end only have his servants given forth , recommended , and put in practice those things that are now in godly use among his people , whether in this or other nations , relating to men and womens meetings , and their divers and weighty services . and further ; in the fear of the almighty god , i shall add , that heavenly peace and prosperity dwell with those who are found in a holy and zealous practice of them ; wherefore i warn all , that they take heed of a slight and obstinate mind , and that they have a care how they give way to the outcry of some , faisly entituled , liberty of conscience against imposition , &c. for the end thereof is to lead back again , and give ease to the carnal mind , which , at last , will bring death again upon the soul to god , and the living society of his children . and indeed , it is a great shame that any who have ever known the truth of god in the inward parts , and the sweet society of brethren , especially those who were early in the work of this blessed day and heavenly dispensation , should so far depart from the fear and awe of the lord , as to use such unsavoury , as well as untrue expressions ; this is very far from that meek spirit of jesus , and the first love , which they pretend to have so singularly kept in , which beareth all things , suffereth all things , and endureth all things , and teacheth to keep the word of patience in the hour of tribulation ; nay , but this is judging of spiritual things with a carnal and prejudiced mind , stumbling at the matter , for the sake of the persons through whom it comes , not eying nor weighing the spirit the thing arises from , but the person by whom it is spoken , which darkens the eye of the understanding , and blinds by prejudice the mind that should discern , taste and judge ; from whence many mischiefs have sprung to the courch of christ in divers ages : nor is it the least evil this spirit of strife is guilty of , even at this day , that it useth the words , liberty of conscience and imposition against the brethren , in the same manner as our suffering friends have been alwayes accustomed to intend them against the persecuting priests and powers of the earth , as if it were the same thing to admonish and reprove conceited , high-minded , loose or contentious persons in the church , as to compel conformity in matters of faith and worship , by worldly violence upon the persons and estates of conscientious dissenters : o such iniquity god will not leave unreproved ! this , dear friends , i send amongst you , as a token of my true love , in the revelation of the free spirit of our god and father , who have ever been a friend to true liberty , as in the state according to law , so in the church according to scripture , and as it standeth in the truth of jesus , that makes them who love it free indeed . let us all keep low , and remember the rock from whence we were hewn , and dwell in a tender and reverent sense of the daily mercies and providences of the lord , looking well to our own growth and prosperity in his heavenly way and work , then shall the desire of our hearts be more and more after him , and the remembrance of his name , and with our love to god , will our love encrease one towards another , helping and aiding one another : and i no ways doubt , but god that has brought us out of the land of aegypt , and out of the house of bondage , and delivered us from the mouth of the lyon , and the paw of the bare , will preserve his people from this uncircumcised spirit that is not in covenant with god , nor under the yoke of his holy royal law of true spiritual liberty ; for they that keep and walk in the light of jesus , are fenced from the power of this crooked serpent , that seeks whom he may betray ; nor are any stung by him but the unwatchful , the lisseners and hearkeners after his jealous whispers , and detracting insinnations : they are such as make their dwelling in the earth , where his region is , and where he creeps and twists , who is earthly , sensual and devilish , and so is all the wisdom that comes from him . my dear friends , keep , i pray you , in the simplicity of the truth and cross of jesus , and wait for your daily bread , and to be daily renewed from the lord ; look to your increase about eternal riches , and be sure to lay up treasure in heaven , that fadeth not away , that your faith and hope may have eternal foundations , which the cross occurrences of time and fears of mortality cannot move ; and beware of that loose and irreverent spirit , which has not those in high esteem among you , that are faithful in the lords work , and that labour in his blessed word and doctrine : i plainly see a coldness and a shortness on this hand , and be the pretence as it will , it is not pleasing to the lord : they that love christ , his servants are dear to them , and they bear a tender regard to their tryals , travails , spendings and sufferings , who seek not yours , but you ▪ that you may all be presented blameless at the coming of the great god , and our saviour jesus christ , that so the gospel ministry and testimony may be held up with holy fervent love and godly esteem , to the keeping under every raw and exalted mind , and whatever may slight and turn against it , lest god that has richly visited us with his fatherly visitations and day springing from on high should remove his blessing from amongst us , and place his candlestick amidst another people . be wise therefore , o friends ! for behold , he is at the door that must have an account of your stewardship : be watchful , keep to your first love and works , that so you may endure to the end , and be saved : and having overcome , you may have right to eat of the tree of life , which is in the midst of the paradise of god. the god of peace , who hath brought our dear lord jesus from the dead , and vs with him , more abundantly enrich you all with wisdom and knowledge , in the revelation of himself , through faith in his son , by whom in these last dayes he hath spoken to us , who is the blessed and only potentate , king of kings , and lord of lords , who only hath immortality ; to whom be honour and power everlasting . amen . your friend and brother in the tribulation and salvation of the enduring kingdom of our god , william penn. warninghurst in sussex , the 20th of the 9th moneth , 1681. pseudeleutheria. or lawlesse liberty. set forth in a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord major of london, &c. in pauls, aug. 16. 1646. / by edvvard terry, minister of the word, and pastor of the church at great-greenford in the country of middlesex. sept. 11. 1646. imprimatur. john downame. terry, edward, 1590-1660. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a95657 of text r201136 in the english short title catalog (thomason e356_11). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a95657 wing t781 thomason e356_11 estc r201136 99861687 99861687 113828 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a95657) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113828) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 57:e356[11]) pseudeleutheria. or lawlesse liberty. set forth in a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord major of london, &c. in pauls, aug. 16. 1646. / by edvvard terry, minister of the word, and pastor of the church at great-greenford in the country of middlesex. sept. 11. 1646. imprimatur. john downame. terry, edward, 1590-1660. [8], 34 p. printed by thomas harper, and are to be sold by charles greene, at his shop in ivie lane, at the signe of the gun., london, : 1646. the first word in the title is printed in greek characters. annotation on thomason copy: "octob: 8th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bible. -o.t. -psalms ii, 3 -sermons. liberty -religious aspects -early works to 1800. sermons, english -17th century. a95657 r201136 (thomason e356_11). civilwar no pseudeleutheria. or lawlesse liberty.: set forth in a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord major of london, &c. in pauls, a terry, edward 1646 22182 33 70 0 0 0 0 46 d the rate of 46 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-08 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ψευδελευθερια . or , lawlesse liberty . set forth in a sermon preached before the right honourable the lord major of london , &c. in pauls , aug. 16. 1646. by edvvard terry , minister of the word , and pastor of the church at great-greenford in the county of middlesex . the law was not made for the righteous man , but for the lawlesse and disobedient , for ungodly , and for sinners . 1. tim. 1. 9. ye shall keepe my statutes and doe them , i am the lord . levit. 20. 8. submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be to the king as supreame , or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well . 1. pet. 2. 13. 14. some mocked : and others sayd , we will heare thee againe of this matter . act. 17. 32. imprimatur . sept. 11. 1646. john downame . london , printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold by charles greene , at his shop in ivie lane , at the signe of the gun . 1646. to the deservedly honoured , sir gilbert gerard , baronet , and sir john franklin , knight knights for the county of middlesex , in this present parliament . right worshipfull , there is no condition whatsoever , can priviledge a folded arme : for if idlenesse had beene better then labour , our first parents had never beene put into the garden to dresse it : but they must labour then in their innocent estate , because they were happy : and so much more must every one of us in his sinfull condition ; get up and be doing , that he may be so . the church of god is a garden enclosed , so cant. 4. 12. otherwise called , the vineyard of the lord of hosts , isaiah 5. 7. now , laberandum in vinea , labourers are for this vineyard , where they shall ever finde , never want worke : they therefore which dare be idle and loyter heere , are worthy to be cast out . the apostle compares the church of god to a building , ep. 2. 20. the beauty whereof hath ever beene such a great eye-sore to all ungodly men , that their mouthes of wickednesse have still extended themselves wide against it , crying of it , as they of jerusalem , psa. 137. 7. rase it , rase it ; and their hands of violence lifted up , to downe with it , downe with it , even to the foundation thereof . the case being thus , he is not worthy to be esteemed a member of the church of god , who labours not with the very utmost of his endevours , one way or other , to uphold , defend , maintaine , enlarge this building , to keepe this vineyard from waste , this fabricke from ruine , which could not possibly continue , were it in the power of men or divels to destroy it . and if ever distractions , dissentions , divisions , threatned the wel-being of a church and state ( as they alwayes doe ) the church of god in this kingdome , at this time , is in very much danger ; wherein a generall liberty is taken , in matters which concerne religion , by people ( of what spirit i know not ) to doe what they please , not what they should . our malady we see , and cannot chuse but complaine of ; and if there be not a speedy cure thought on to apply unto our hurt , the whole kingdome may shortly take up that saying , and make particular application of it , prudens , sciens , vivus , vidensque pereo . for my selfe being lately called to that publicke place where this sermon was delivered , i thought it my duty to fall upon some subject that might have relation to our present times and distempers . in which you may please cleerely to behold the necessity of government , as well in church as state , then , how generally it is disaffected , and by whom : esteemed the heaviest of all burthens : who therefore doe what they can to throw it off : which meditations , as they then passed through the eares ( as i feare ) of many who then heard them : ( for this i am sure of , that abundance of this spirituall seed every where miscarries ) so they now most humbly desire leave to take the boldnes , that through yours , they may passe into the hands of others , that may consider them at leysure and upon better advantage . vox audita perit , litera scripta manet . that which we only hear may easily slip from us ; when as that we read , & may read againe , in probability may stick by us . and the lord in mercy make this thus successeful . for surely there were never any people under heaven that enjoyed and wanted more instruction then we doe : when we seriously consider how that almighty god hath laid wide open before us the books of his revealed will , of his mercies , of his judgements : yet though we have been taught abundantly by precepts , we have not learned : been prest upon by mercies , we have not regarded : and chastned too by the keenest , the sharpest of all temporall judgements , we have not been taught ▪ doubtlesse , the body of this kingdome was exceedingly corrupted , when it could not live , unlesse it bled , as it hath abundantly done , and yet the cure is not perfect , nor ever shal be , till reformation make up that breach , which ungodlinesse hath troden downe . now there is no reformation to be hoped for , without religion : and no life , no power of religion , without government , to order it , guard it , encourage it . which church-government , that great councell ( of whom your very worthy selves are a part ) have resolved speedily to establish . the city of london are ready to taste , and like , and entertaine it . we in the country do exceedingly want it , and the present want of that most desired issue of your great labours , is ready to fill us with as much impatiency , as poore rachel expressed for want of children , gen. 30. 1. now the lord send it , and settle it throughout the whole kingdome , and make all those that shal be called , to act in this great work , like joshua , who when he was appointed to be a leader and a governour of the people , deut. 34. 9. was full of the spirit of wisedome : and fill them full of the spirit of zeale too , for the house of god , that gods glory in the increase of his church , may be ever before their eies , ever in their aime . and the lord make us who are ministers of the word , in a speciall maner to apply our selves unto all those , with whom wee shall have to deale in all love , and meekenesse , and tendernesse , and prudence , that so good and so great a worke , be not quite mar'd by an ungodly , indiscreet or carelesse handling . and the lord give us arguments to perswade those that have long continued in blindnesse , and consequently have beene ignorant of the necessary truths of god , now to encline their eares unto wisdome , and to apply their hearts unto understanding , pr. 2. 2. that they may be while they are in a capacity of helpe , entreated to suffer god through jesus christ , to save their soules : and let god arise and have mercy in building up his sion amongst us , that after our eclipse , he may appeare unto us in glory . there was never yet any good and great worke carried on without much opposition . from which , if that worke of church-government , so seriously and long debated by you , had beene exempted , i should have joyned with those that had most questioned it . but now a great and effectuall dore is opened unto you ; god having so blessed the way you have resolved to goe , that he hath given it a free entrance into the hearts of many of his people ; and you have many adversaries ; and it cannot be otherwise , so long as there are such a number amongst us , who are like bad wares , which are for darke shops , or like unto bleare-eyes , that cannot endure the light . most worthy sirs , i dare not flatter you , and i shall not , if i tell you that it hath been ever my thoughts , as the thoughts of very many more , who have best meanes to know you , that you have done your parts in this great worke . the advantage of whose prayers , you shall never want to carry you on , in it , through it : and then whatsoever the successe be , you may wash your hands . the lord who only can , most graciously assist , and abundantly recompence the unwearied paines of you all . i have this only to adde , in relation to your particular selves , that if my deare and tender respects unto you , cannot , your pardon may excuse him for this boldnesse , who is , your worships , in all christian observance edward terry . to the reader . reader , ever since the world hath been planted with two different seedes , all the words and actions of men have been exposed unto severall interpretations , as this following sermon expected , and found ; ( which occasioned this preface ) at which if they who tooke most exception , could but know , how tender i am of thinking amisse , much more , of saying or doing any thing that may justly grieve the spirits of any who truely feare god : he would enter into consideration , whether i in reprooving , or he in meriting just reproofe deserved most blame . it would trouble any one who hath not quite lost himselfe , to consider how these present times have distracted a very great number amongst us by variety of opinions : many of which though they agree in the maine , ( when a great number goe very much further and doe not ) so quarrell and contend about the list and fringe of christs garment , as if they meant to rend in peeces that seamelesse coate which must cover our nakednesse . alas christ hath suffered abundantly for us already ; why then deale we so injuriously with him , as to teare open his wounds afresh by sad oppositions , as if he were now to be divided twixt paul , and apollo , and cephas , which thing the apostle reproves and complaines of , 1 cor. 1. 12. amongst whom , some were taken with st. pauls ministry , some with apollo , some with cephas , admiring one of them to the prejudice of the rest . and there were some that said i am of christ . and what were these ? but people of severall factions in the church of corinth , the last of which ( though we may parallel them all ) were of the very selfe same minde , that many amongst us ; are growne such perfectists , that they esteeme themselves above all ordinances , and therefore shamefully neglect them : so depending ( as they say ) upon christ , that they care not for any preacher in the world , they regard them not , they refuse to heare , or pray with them , especially if they be orthodox , or rightly principled . god hath sent forth abundance of light and truth , psal. 43. 3. truth sufficient to establish , annd light sufficient to guide us ; and it would be very sad , if an over curious search after new light , should put us out of the way , the old way , the good way , 〈◊〉 6. 16. and so make us to hazard the losse of old truth . alas , what would we have ? what doe we expect ? a new christ , a new passion , a new resurrection : what would we be ? members of a glorious church that hath neither spot , nor wrinkle , nor any such thing , ephe. 5. 27. we must wait for that hereafter ; why in the meane time doe so many sad quarrells , sharpe contentions arise amongst us ? when we have , said and done what we can knowing , beleeving , doing , or faith , & practise well studied that they may be known , include in them a christians whole duty here . and doubtlesse a number shall one day finde , ( if ever they returne againe unto themselves ) themselves most miserably deluded , that have hoped to finde , some other , some nearer , and more safe and certaine way to heaven , then that by which all the holy men of god have passed , then that , which hath been pointed out unto us , by the lives of the saints , and enlightned for us by the flames of the martyrs . yet it is most notoriously manifest , that there are too too many amongst us , that prescribe a shorter passage to heaven , then any of those worthies have sound , by removing all those blocks and rubs which the law of god casts in a christians way thither , to make it more difficult : which doctrine if it were as true as it is plausible , he were worthy to perish without party , that would not close with it : but this i am sure of , that not any one of those holy men of god mentioned in the sacred story before the comming of christ , nor any since , whose praises are in the gospel , have made it appeare unto the world that there is any such way to be discovered : that blessed apostle himselfe , who was such a chosen vessell , who had such abundance of revelations , 2 cor. 12 7. was never acquainted with this ; if he had , certainely he would never have complained so much , so often of the law which gives such a strength to sin and such a sting to death , 1 cor. 15 56 he would never have so complained of that body of sin , of that body of death which was in him . and therefore reader , let me entreate thee now before thou leave me , to have the patience seriously to consider of , these following particulars . first , and in a speciall manner to take heede of spirituall pride , that great sin which banes thousands , by sad and severall mistakes , in entertaining a floating knowledge , for true wisdome ; a distempered heate , for true zeale ; conceits and conceivings about religion , to be true religion indeede . oh how doth this pride swell , bladder , puffe up thousands like empty vessells , to make a great sound ; putting low and base esteemes upon others ; like the people of china , who boast that themselves only have two eyes ; when all the people in the world beside , have but one . know thou , that the most excellent christian in the world is most humble ; and that a good man is first in another mans , last in his owne commendation . secondly , know that there is a naturall aptnesse , and propensity in all , to set up idols in their hearts and heads , ezek. 14. where they are hardly discovered , and whence not easily remooved , which they doe not only love , but dote on , and therefore they hug , and dandle those deformed issues of their owne braines , as women doe the children of their bodies , and esteem , what ever others thinke of them , as the crow their bird most faire , woe unto them saith the prophet , that call evill good , and good evill ; that put darkenesse for light , and light for darkenesse , and woe unto them that are wise in their owne eyes &c. isaiah 5. 20. 21. because wisedome presumed on , and drawne from the broken cisterne of a mans owne braine , is in the reputation of god , and hath as great an woe before it in that chapter , as the sins of covetousnesse , or oppression , or drunkennesse . thirdly , take this for granted before hand , that there is very much deceit in appearance , if not , our blessed saviour had spared that precept in the seventh chapter of iohn v. 24 not to judge of things according to appearance , but to judge righteous judgement . because many things that appeare , are not what they appeare to be : because satan that he may the more certainely deceive , can transforme himselfe into an angel of light 2 cor. 11. 14. lastly , in all thy undertakings before thou conclude of any thing , order thy actions , and thy resolutions by those words in the nineteenth of judges the last verse , first , consider , secondly , take advice , thirdly , speake thy minde , or resolve what to doe : or as that scripture is rendred in the former translation 1 consider , 2 consult , 3 give sentence . first , seriously consider of the thing in question ; for inconsideration , and prejudice were never made for competent judges . consider of things whether they be true or false . now for the triall of truth ; antiquity must ground , and bottome it : the un-erring word of god must balance and trie it : and the lives and practises of all the holy men of god , whom god hath proposed to us for examples must ratifie and confirme it , and this scrutinie must be most impartially carried . first , truth is grounded upon antiquity ; it was from the beginning , for there are no new divine truths , quod verrum antiquum , quod falsum recens . secondly , the word of god must ballance and trie it , and therefore trie before thou trust . beleeve not every spirit , but trie the spirits whether they be of god , 1 ioh. 4. 1. repaire to the law and testimonie &c. isaiah 8. 20 prove all things , hold fast that which is good , 1 thes. 5. 21. loane not to thine owne understanding , pro. 3. 5. but beleeve how that others who labour to get the knowledge , the right interpretation of gods revealed will declared in his word ; first , from god by prayer ; secondly , from men by conference ; thirdly , from bookes by reading ; and are further able to reade the holy scriptures in that language wherein they were first written , may be able ( to speake no more ) to give the sense of a scripture as well as thou , that canst but , or happily scarce reade it in the english . for thy further and better instruction therefore : secondly , consult not with men only of thine owne opinion , but with others also : for if we will see things aright , we must sometimes make use of other mens eyes , as well as of our owne ; for in our owne there may be some defect , and we know that pore-blind , and blood-shot , and squint-eyes cannot see well , the last looking over , or besides the object , and the other two cannot well discerne things as they are . and thirdly , when thou hast wisely considered , and carefully consulted , then resolve : and that thou maiest so doe , to the quiet and comfort both of thy selfe and others , know that the wisedome which is from above is first pure , then peaceable , jam. 3. 17. and therefore follow peace and holinesse , heb. 12. 14. never think thou art too good , too upright , too holy , too religious , ever in the right use of all good meanes , seeke , labour , strive , study , covet to be better , for this is a justifiable covetousnesse , 1 cor. 12. 21. and follow peace too , every one striving to exceed one another in love , for this is a godly emulation . thus have i inserted something by way of preface before these following meditations : if this , or they shall prove any way usefull , i have my reward : if otherwise , my very hearty desires to cast in my mite , by offering some word in season amongst those many ( by much more worthy ) that have made themselves publicke , shall be my comfort . thine , as far as thou art a friend to truth , and peace , ed. terry . psal. 2. 3. let us breake their bands asunder , and cast away their cords from us . this psalme is davids , for so the apoostles tell us acts 4. 25. that god by the mouth of his servant david said ; why doe the heathen rage , and the people imagine a vaine thing ? &c. and this psalme was pen'd by david ( as is most probably conceived ) after his victory over the philistines , who gathered themselves against him , when the people had made him king in the roome of saul . and now that we may make as much of this psalme our owne this day as may help us to the cleerer understanding of this text , i beseech you take notice , that the three first verses in it , are a narration of the attempts of many wicked men against the kingdome of david as the type , and against christ too , as the antitype , or person typified in this psalme . the carriages , projects , attempts of these wicked unruly men , who would cast off subjection ; are exprest here in the first verse by way of interrogation , why doe the heathen rage , and the people imagine a vaine thing ? & c ? the prophet admiring their folly , in going about that , which was impossible for them to effect , why doe they rage ? or come tumultuously together as men in an uproare ( for so the originall word implies ) noting their pride and fiercenesse , as in horses from whom the metaphor is taken , which neigh and rage before they rush into the battel . but why ? to what purpose is all this ? when god who can , will maintaine davids right , as he most thankfully acknowledgeth , psal. 9. 4. thou hast maintained my right , and my cause &c. he must be king , though he have many enemies , not only amongst the meanest , but mightiest to oppose him ; whose attempts , studies , power , pollicies , rage shall prove to be of none effect , for when they conceive mischeife , and travell with wickednesse , they shall bring forth a lie , as it is psal. 7. 14. for christ shall confound them , he shall first scorne and laugh at their attempts v. 4. ( god speaking there after the manner of men ) for god will make them to know how that they which reckon without him , must reckon againe . he will speake to them in wrath , vexe them in displeasure , as it is verse 5. or he will handle them roughly ( for so t is in the originall ) breaking them in peeces like a potters vessell verse 9. their wound shall be incurable , their ruine irrecoverable , like the breaking of an earthen vessell , once broken , never to be repaired . yet notwithstanding this their associating and leaguing together , their animating and encouraging one another in this evill way , is positively laid downe in the 2 ▪ and 3 vers. of this psal. in the 2 verse illustrated from the persons conspiring ; kings and princes , i and the people to , as verse 1. and secondly by the persons against whom they doe conspire , the lord and his anointed , encouraging one another in this their rebellion , as if there were no power either in heaven or earth , to contradict them , as you may observe in the words of my text , they saying let us breake their bands asunder &c. the words i have read unto you are words of mutiny and discontent , which as they are spoken here , i would have looked upon and considered , as mariners behold some sea-markes , not to steere too , but from them , for feare of rocks or sands they discover , for there is nothing directly held forth in this text for a christians imitation , but caution . in which there are two words which need some explication , and they are bands and cords which here signifie the same thing . let us breake their bands asunder and cast away their cords from us , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} musar which signifies bands , comes from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} jasar which signifies to chastice , properly it is put for discipline and correction and so it signifies bands , by which the unruly are hampered and tamed . here by a metaphor it signifies , and is put for lawes ; as the lawes of god , published by david , or the lawes of christ , published by himselfe , and his apostles ; the lawes published by the lord and his ministers whom he useth in his rule and government . the words in this text containe in them a resolution , and the thing resolved on , which you may consider together in this following paraphrase . let us breake their bands asunder , and cast away their cords from us , thus encouraging one another in their rebellious attempts , as if they had said , neither the lord nor his anointed shall raigne over us , and howsoever they thinke to impose upon us their lawes and ordinances , that with these , as with strong bonds and cords , they may fetter us ; yet let us , which is the thing they resolve on , bestirre our selves , and play the men ; let us shake off the yoke of such servitude , and wholy reject their government , for who are lords over us ? this text is rich and full , and may fitly be compared unto ezekiels roule , mentioned in the 2 chap. of his prophesies , ver. 10. that was written within and without , that which is written without , or that which this scripture by necessary consequence first holds forth unto us , is this , that . obs. 1. good lawes are as bands , and cords for discipline , to keepe people in obedience . secondly that which lies within the text , is first for the generall this ; that , obs. 2 rebellious spirits affect nothing so much as lawlesse liberty , to do what they please without controll . hence it is that they here consult of breaking these bands . for being restrained , obs 3. these spirits thinke themselves in bondage , or as prisoners in bands when they are required to yeeld obedience unto equall and just lawes . therfore they would cast away these cords , that they may not restrain them . and lastly that these rebellious spirits may be loose at liberty , to do what they please , not what they should . and that they may effect their desires in this obs. 4. rebellious spirits animate , and hearten , and stir up , and encourage one another , in this ungodly enterprize , to cast off all subjection . let us breake their bonds asunder , and cast away their cords from us . thus for the ground-worke of this mornings exercise , have i presented unto you , what this text holds forth to me . the observations , as i conceive , are proper , naturall , pertinent , and perspicuous from this scripture . and my discourse shall be plaine to ; so that if any be come hither this day , for the vanity and froth of wit ; ( as i know how that these quesie times pester every great congregation , with some such hearers ) if any be come to this place at this time , as pamperd bellies use to go to feasts , where nothing can please the wanton palat , but some odde sawce , or new invention : i am not provided for the entertainement of such . but for you , beloved , that are come hither to heare , that you may learne , learne , that you may know , know that you may beleeve and do ; beleeve and doe , that you may live . favour me so much , as to afford me your most diligent attention , while by gods most gracious assistance , i shall take a further view of the particulars i have observed ; and first of the first , obser. 1. good lawes are as bands and cords for discipline , to keepe people in obedience . good lawes are the nerves and sinewes of common-wealths , which hold altogether ; the want whereof , like to great depopulations , lay all things common . they are as mounds unto vineyards , as bounds to seas ; or as walls and bulworks unto frontier towns , to keep all in safety . hence it is , that princes and magistrates , in relation to their places , which are to defend the people in all their just rights , are called the shields of the earth . the want of whom , he that reads the third chapter of isaiahs prophesies , may finde in that which followed , when god threatned to take away the mighty man , and the iudge , and the prophet , and the prudent , and the ancient , &c. but what was the consequence of this ? the text tells us , v. 5. the people should be oppressed every one by another , every one by his neighbour , &c. for what were those else , whom god there threatned to remove , but the very stayes and strengths of jerusalem and judah ? and so of all cities , and nations , of all publike and politike bodies wheresoever . and he which runnes , may further read , how that this people of israel , as they enjoyed many comfortable , so they were acquainted to with many sad and dismall times . and if ye seriously consider their story , ye shall finde that it was never worse with them , then when there was no king in israel , but every one did that which was right in his owne eyes , jud. 17. and however it may be true , that the government of man over man , came first from sin , ( as i finde it excellently observed ) first , because god gave soveraignty unto adam over fishes , and birds , and beasts , not over reasonable creatures made to his owne likenesse . secondly , because the first righteous men we read of , were shepheards and heardsmen , over beasts , not kings over nations . and thirdly , because the name of servant , or underling , was never imposed in scripture , till noah denounced it against his accursed sonne , cursed be canaan , a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren , gen. 9. 25. yet the nature of mankinde standing as it doth , corrupted so farre , that without the head of authority , we could not live , nor converse together ; god therefore in infinite wisedome , hath appointed this means for the suppressing of those many , and those intollerable injuries and violences , which otherwise we should be subject unto . and therfore reason . 1. first , for order sake , there must be government ; a superiority and an inferiority , a command and a subjection , a mastery and a dominion in every order of men specially designed . the body politike is very fitly compared unto a naturall body ; which must not be all head , or hand , or foot , but distinguished into superior and inferior parts , for every member to doe its particular office . the heart or soule sitting in the middest of the body , as a king upon his throne , and according to the dictates of the heart , the tongue speakes , the eyes looke , the feete move , the hands stir , &c. now a body politike may most fitly be resembled to this naturall body , wherein there are parts , as the apostle speakes , more and lesse honourable , 1. cor. 12. yet all tending to the mutuall decency , service , and succour of the fame body . the aegyptians made an eie and a scepter , the embleme , by which they figured their government : a scepter for jurisdiction and power ; an eie for watchfulnesse and discretion . and certainely a kingdome without order and government , is like the body of that fayned giant polyphemus , without an eie , or rather like a body without an head : or , ( which most fitly resembles it ) like that confused chaos before the creation , where heighth and depth , light and darkenesse were mingled together . in the beginning therefore when heaven and earth were first made , god established a superiority and rule , in other creatures after their kinde , and afterwards in man . so gen. 1. 16. god made two great lights , the greater to rule the day , and the lesser light to rule the night : he made the starres also . and one starre to differ from another in glory , 1. cor. 15. 41. and presently after , when he had created man , he invested him immediately with imperiall authority to subduethe earth and to rule in it , v. 28. and to what other end is it called the host of heaven , gen. 2. 1. but to shew , how that metaphor is taken from an army , where there must be superiority and subordination , command and obedience , without both which , it cannot subsist ? for if the spirit and soule of obedience be taken away , what can follow but ataxie and confusion ? reason 2. secondly , there must be government , and discipline , for necessities sake , to curbe and restraine all tumultuous and heady spirits , all offensive and disordered persons , whether in church or common-wealth . the lawes of god were first written in the fleshy tables of mans heart ; but sin did either blot or wear them out thence . then the wisedome of god thought fit to write them upon tables of stone , that they might be lasting , durable permanent . but these lawes of god thus written , and commended , and commanded unto man , where slighted , and neglected , and forsaken by him , and therefore irenaus well observes in his first booke against heresies , that therefore god appointed kingdomes and men to rule in them , because man forsaking god , did wax feirce , lawlesse , masterlesse , and being not sufficiently awed by the feare of the lord , god therefore put upon them the feare of man , that fearing humane lawes , they should not devoure , destroy , consume one another as the fishes of the sea , and the beasts of the wildernesse , and the fowles of the aire doe . and for this reason there is an absolute necessity of lawes , to curbe , and restraine , and to keepe people under obedience : for were it not for these our beds would not be suffered to lie under us ; our meate would be pulled out of our mouths , our clothes would be torne off our backes ; rapine and violence , would destroy us . vse . now for application , this being so , as it must needs be granted to be truth , what just cause have all people , who live under good lawes to blesse god for them . to one who asked the question why the city sparta had no wals , t was answered , that the citizens had good weapons in their hands , unanimity in their hearts , and to both these good lawes to order them . we want no weapons , and these sad times , have made almost every one amongst us a man of war . and would to god that we had just cause to boast of unity , and mutuall agreement amongst our selves . but for good lawes , certainly we of this nation , have as great cause to be thankfull , as any people under the cope of heaven , ever had . and oh that we had as just cause to prayse god for their due execution likewise ! but alas we have not . oh justice ! how faintly doest thou draw thy breath , while thou sufferest so many desperate sinners , and so many dangerous seducing schismaticks , to march boldly by thee , and not bidst them stand ? alas how doth the whole land stinke of that beastly sin of drunkennesse , that sin which robs a man of himselfe , and leaves a beast in the skin of a man . that sin which is like the serpent that stings two waies , for it kills the body , and slaies the soule too , yet how doe those tents of wickednesse , those thrones wherein satan dwells , those unnecessary tipling houses , which so multiply transgressors , and transgressions amongst men , increase amongst us ? how doe pride and luxury strive for the upper end of the table ? how doth the very breath of most desperate swearers , and blasphemers even poyson the very aire of the kingdome wherein we live ? and how doth the stone out of the wall , and the beame in the chamber , cry out aloud against oppression ? and how hath the error of religion made many amongst us so wanton , that they know not what to have , nor what to hold ? surely as the prophet isaiah complaines isai. 24. 20. the transgression of the earth ( of this earth whereon we live ) lies heavy upon it . and now o justice how doest thou degenerate from thy selfe , while thou sufferest thy sword for want of drawing to rust , or else for feare , or for some other ●ie respects to be lock't up in the scabbard ? i am not come hither to declame against the administration of justice in this honorable city ( this city so renowned for exemplary government the world over ) though i must tell you that if i knew any just cause to invite me hereunto , i should not spare . but this i am sure of , that there is an intollerable , an unanswerable fault some where , when so much wickednesse goes unpunished , when so many errors , schismes , heresies , some of which destroy , as the rest doe blast the profession of religion , are suffered amongst us , though we have lifted up our hands unto the most high god in a solemne league and covenant to the contrarie . or if they meet with any rebuke from some , it is but such a one , as that too-too much indulgent ely ( who brought up his sonnes to bring downe his house ) gave his sonnes 1 sam. 2. 23. saying why doe you so , or such things ? a strange thing in ely to punish the thefts , rapines , sacriledge , adulters , incests of his sonnes with why doe you so ? what was this but to shave that head which deserved to be cut off ? doubtles ( as i find it excellently observed to my hand ) it is with sins in the soule as with humors in the body , a weake dose doth but stir , and anger , and more dangerously disperse them , not purge them out . so that t is certenly a great violation of justice , not to proportion the punishment to the offence . to whip a man for murther , or to punish the purse for adultery or incest , to burne treason in the hand ; or to award the stocks for burglarie is to patronize evill instead of avenging it . of the two extremes rigor is more safe for the publique-weale , because the over punishing of one offence keepes many from committing the same . elies sonnes did thus wickedly while they acted a part in religion . and are not there some amongst us , who under specious pretences to advance , persist in courses that undoubtedly in conclusion if god prevent it not , will undermine roote out religion from amongst us ? religion i say then which nothing should be mor deare unto us , yet this is knowne , and suffered , and if it receive any cheeck from some , it it such a one , as doth rather encourage , then daunt offenders , ubi nunc lex anglica ? dormis ? oh yee lawes of england what doe yee ? where are yee ? are yee asleepe ? i told you even now what great cause we of this nation have to blesse god for good lawes , and suffer me to acquaint you in the next place , how dearly in many respects a number in this kingdome have missed these last few yeares while destruction hath been amongst us , the benefits which otherwise might have been enjoyed , by the execution of those good lawes , if their current had not been more or lesse obstructed . i cannot deny but that while the sword of war is in a land it cannot chuse but marvellously clash with the sword of justice ; and many things will be done , and cannot be avoided while it continues under such a sad condition , and in regard the sword hath beene in the hands of many of such ill principled hearts : i speake not of all , for there be many whom god hath stirred up personally to appeare in this his great worke , who deserve all honour , as well for their piety as valour ; but of some , the very refuse and dregges of mankinde , in whom that old proverbe is verified , armatis divum nullus pudor : that they feare neither god nor man , as you may observe in their most debauched lives , in doing what they please , and in their hellish language too , whose mouths are full of cursing and bitternesse , which they belch out , setting their mouthes even against heaven ; for they seldome take that sacred dreadfull name of god , into their most desperate prophane lippes , but when they blaspheme that name , which should not be once mentioned , but with awfull reverence : or when they desire god to damne , to refuse them . now by the way , let me adde this , that if god should ratifie that in heaven which they desire ( miserable wretches as they are ) against themselves on earth , and say ex ore tuo , from thine owne mouth will i now condemne thee ; oh! how sadly miserable would their condition be ? nemo miserius misero , non miserante seipsum : who can be more miserable then those , which will not be mercifull unto themselves ? yet besides all these , give me leave to speake it , though it be a very sad , a very horrible truth , that divers things have beene done ( or if not , very many in this kingdome deserve to be punished for crying and complayning without just cause ) by some others of those , who have most shamefully abused that trust reposed in them by our most deservedly honored parliament , that needed not , that ought not , that should not have been done . things which no language can excuse ; things , which scarce any act of oppression in former times can parallell . very horrible things have beene committed in the land . — pudet haec opprobria nobis , et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli ? the consideration whereof should put colour in our faces , and cover us with shame , if we be not past , beyond a blush , when wee consider that many griping evills might have been , and have not beene prevented , or because boldly acted , have not beene most severely , most exemplarily punished . and therefore it is high time for us , who are the lords remembrancers , to speake by the pound and talent , to reprove in words of weight , for the gentle spirit of eli is not sufficient to amend children that are past grace ; and therefore we must crie aloud , speake out , speake home , speak all , though we lived in times that would hamper us in those bands and cords in my text , for our plaine and impartiall dealing . now that things have beene so , we may sit downe and sadly complaine : but why they have beene so , we need not much to wonder , when we consider the next particular in this text : that , obs. 2. rebellious spirits affect nothing so much as lawlesse liberty , to doe what they please , without controll . rebellious spirits , who are they ? such as cast off subjection , such as breake the yoke , burst the bands , as the prophet speakes , ier. 5. 5. the yoke , the bands , which should restraine , regulate , order them , and all because they affect nothing so much as lawlesse liberty . lawlesse liberty , and what is that ? when men doe what they please , not what they should ; notwithstanding all restraint of lawes and government to the contrary . this too , too much belov'd liberty , without doubt is marvailously affected by the corrupt nature of man . t is a sin of a very ancient growth , for it tooke its first rise from the very first transgression . in the garden of eden , amongst those many plants which god made , some for ornament , and some for use , some for sight , and some for sent , and some for taste : not farre from the goodliest trees of life and knowledge , grew the bitter root of disobedience : i call it so , because the forbidden fruit grew on that tree , of which our first parents tooke and tasted , though they were commanded not so much as to touch it , gen. 3. 3. the taste whereof did not only infect themselves thorowout , but the corrupt nutriment thereof , did also convert it selfe into the whole body of their succeeding linage . mee thinkes there is very much in that first story of disobedience , to illustrate this point : when our first parents in their estate of holinesse , who had power in them to obey , as well as disobey , and god had told them that of every tree in the garden they might freely eat , the tree of knowledge only forbidden , gen. 2. 16. 17. and though there was no comparison betwixt the maker , and the murtherer of mankinde , the father of truth and the father of lies , betwixt a god and a divell : and the one had forbidden but one tree , and had fenced it ( as it were ) with a double hedge of a double death , temporall , eternall ; yet when the serpent came to the woman , with a meere contradiction to the voyce of god , ye shall not surely die , gen. 3. 4. how credulous and forward was shee to entertaine his suggestion ? our first parents tooke their fall by their owne wilfull disobedience , and we fell in them , ro. 5. 19. their persons infected their nature , but our nature ever since infects our persons . ne mali fiant times , nascuntur : we are borne bad , as well as become so ; our sin sticking more close to our nature , then our skin doth to our flesh . and it is no marvell now , if our nature so marvellously corrupted , be ready to break every branch of the tree of good , which god commands , and of the tree of evill , which god forbids ; this sinfull corruption being like a violent stream , which the longer and further it runnes from the fountaine , runnes with the greater violence . after the flood when the people began to multiply , they grew heady , exorbitant , violent , unruly , little lesse then mad , for they went about an impossible worke , to build a towre whose top might reach to heaven , gen. 11. and god there sayth of them , v. 6. that they would be restrayned in nothing they imagined to doe : that is , if they were let alone : therefore almighty god caused their tumultuous action , then begun in pride , to end in confusion . in whose example that rebellious spirit which is in every one by nature , is drawne out to the very life . and doubtlesse , were it not for these bands and cords in my text , and for those hookes and bitts which god hath put in the jawes and nostrils of men , they would be more unruly , more untamed , then all the creatures of the world beside . man being estranged from the wombe , is ready to goe astray as soone as he is borne , ps. 58. 3. being of a disobedient and a gainsaying spirit . there is a pertinent story to this purpose , which valerius ( as i remember ) relates of a roman , who had very long , and voluntarily confined himselfe within the walls of rome , and with very much content , but afterwards when he was commanded , not to goe forth the gates of that city , that place which before was his paradise , now by reason of that word of restraint , became his prison . and , reason . it must needes be thus , because rebellion and disobedience is ●●naturall as kindly to man in generall , as the very flesh and bones he carries about him . adam left it as a patrimony , as an inheritance unto all his posterity ; and eue gave perversnes in her milke , every one naturally harbours a rebell in his breast . nitimur in verita● , which causeth him to thinke forbidden fruit most faire ; forbidden pleasures most sweet ▪ forbidden waies most secure . this made the blessed apostle himselfe sadly to complaine rom. 7. 23. of a law in his members rebelling against the law of his mind . i see a law in my members , that is sin ruling like a law in my members , in the faculties of my soule and body , or like a law governing , and ruling my actions . rebelling against the law of my minde , that is against that renued spirituall part in me , which like a law too commands me another way . vse . i shall not adde much by way of inference or use in the application of this particular , because that which i might here insert , will fall into that which followes from this text . but i beseech you give me leave before i proceed , to let fall a very sad complaint ; and to leave a most just reproofe behind me . a complaint , and reproofe of some particulars which former times were scarcely acquainted withall . a complaint and reproofe of the preachings , and printings and actings of thousands at this time in this kingdome , a very lively comment , on this particular in my text . bo●●deus ad qu● tempora reservati sumus ! good god in what times doe we live , when so much lawlesse , unwarrantable , unjustifiable liberty , is taken by men , to doe what they please without controll . oh how hath the pulpit been abused , ( since the hedge hath been downe about our church ) by a liberty , which without doubt , posterity will not beleeve , could be taken at such a time at this ; when he that pleaseth consecrates himselfe , when the lowest among the people , without any lawfull call , or commission , take upon them to be publique teachers of others : for an outward call or commission i am sure they have none , and if they have an extraordinary and an immediate call from god , which would manifest it selfe in more then ordinary guifts , let them make this appeare , and we will hold our peace ; and moreover , we will reverence them , and lay our selves at their feete , as they in the fourth of the acts and 34. 35. verses when they had sold their possessions brought the money and laid it downe at the foote of the apostles : but till they can make this appeare , i know not with whom more fitly to compare them , then with those vagabond jewes , ●●●ists , which tooke upon them great matters , to dispossesse those which were troubled with evill spirits acts 19. 13. and there were seven sonnes of 〈…〉 which did so verse 14. and the evill spirit answered and said to them , jesus i know , and paul i know , but who are yee ? the devils could easily espie the want of commission in the sonnes of sc●va ; when they adjured him by the name of jesus whom paul preached , saying , jesus i acknowledge , and paul i know , but who are ye● ? as if he had said , your warrant is not good , your 〈…〉 are not strong enough to remove me . and doubtlesse there are no such chaines of authority , no such linkes of iron to binde the nobles and princes of the earth , and to restraine devills , as in those tongues , which god hath armed from above , and enabled , and set apart , and sent cut in his service . or these which before we named are like those mockers of the true prophets ( for they want no slighting nor reviling tearmes for them ) those mockers mentioned jer. 23. 25. who call the people together and tell them they have dreamed , they have dreamed when they deliver dreames indeed . now as pauls spirit was stirred up at athens , so should the spirits of all godly , honest , and orthodox ministers and people be now stirred up in england , when we doe further consider how that all those ancient and damnable heresies , recorded by irenaeus , and epiphanius , which we hoped had been long since buried in forgetfullnesse , are rack't up againe out of their corruption , and preached by some , and applauded by others , and defended by more . and no marvel , for they are a people in generall ( to give a breife character of them that shall doe them no wrong ) of proud , uneven , unquiet , untractable , unpeaceable , uncharitable spirits differing and dissenting much amongst themselves , carried away headlong by the violence of their owne wills , which they improperly and by misconceiving call their consciences , whose wills are very much too hard for their understandings , which makes them so wedded to their owne conceivings , that you may assoone remove rocks from their places , as these from their conclusions , and therefore nor fit to be disputed withall ; being like mil-horses , in the evening just there , where they began their morning circuit : having two generall all replies for all objections , as if you proove a thing plainely by scripture , their usuall answere is , that you interpret this or that scripture so , but they conceive of it otherwise , or you apprehend so or so of such a question in dispute , but they think otherwise . like petilian the rayler who when austin had confuted him , from the authority of all the ancient fathers , answered , omnes patres sic , ego autem non sic if all the fathers thinke so , i 'le thinke otherwise . so that as lactantius wrote of some idolaters in his time , that they feigned what they pleased , & then feared what they feigned : so these conceit what they like , and then beleeve themselves bound to justifie their wild conceivings , which hath caused such a multitude of strange opinions amongst us , that we of this nation are in very great likelihood to come into the proverb , that if a man cannot find his religion in poland , nor amsterdam , let him seeke for it in england . in the second place , oh the boldnesse and liberty of the presse , if wee consider those odious pamphlets it often squieseth out . there was a pamphlet of ancient date , but , yet in memory , which did beare the name of martin-mar-prelate . and we had a pampleter of late who named that most deformed issue of his idle and crazed braine , martin mar-priest , and we have had a martin-mar-prince too , as any one might lately observe , who could have the patience to reade , that greatest pretender to wit , amongst all our penniworths , now happily silenced as i hope , who in his most odious , and scurrilous pamplets would often force in some occasion , to trample upon majestie . and we have a martin-mar-people to , he , i meane , whatsoever he be , who was the author of that ( i know not what bad enough to call it ) intituled by that most desperate incendiary , the authour , a remonstrance of many thousands , which he afterward calls , your sovereigne lord the people : which damnable and seditious pamphlet alone , hath enough in it , ( if god did not restrain the fury and madnesse of the multitude ) to set the whole kingdome on fire . as if the spirit of nero had possest the breasts of some amongst us : encouraging them to fire the kingdome , as he did the city of rome , and then to make themselves mirth before the flames . and to these , what a number have we had beside , who in severall printed papers , have endeavoured to convey unto the people ( who want a spirit of discerning ) many most dangerous , lying , and seducing doctrines , to pervert and undoe the simple . but lions will teare , and serpents will sting , and dogges will barke and bite , and venemous plants will poyson , let us say what we can or please , to the contrary . but as david sometimes asked in the like case , ps. 120. 3. so will i. what shall be given , or what shall be done unto thee , thou false tongue ? the prophet answers himselfe in the 64. psalme , that their tongues which they whet and sharpen like swords , shall fall upon themselves . a fooles mouth is his destruction , saith salomon , pr. 18. 7. and if any of theirs we have named , bee so in conclusion , ( which repentance forbid ) they may thanke themselves . in the mean time ; let us not marvell at any thing lawlesse libertines either say or doe , when we seriously consider the third observation in my text . that , obs. 3. rebellious spirits thinke themselves in bondage , or they esteeme themselves as prisoners in bands , when they are required to yeeld obedience unto equall and just lawes . therefore they will breake those bands that restraine them , cast away those cords that hamper them . they will breake them , if they can , their will shall not be wanting to doe it ; so that if they cannot break them at once , they will unfold their linkes and twistings , ( for so the originall word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} natha● , heere englished to breake , signifies ) so that , as i sayd , if they cannot breake them at once , they will ravell and untwist them , and so breake them by degrees . thus violating the civill sanctions of man , and the equall , righteous , just commands of god . the ordinances of man which contradict not the lawes of god , to which we are commanded to yeeld obedience ; for so the apostle exhorts , 1. pet. 2. 13. 14. submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lords sake , &c. and the equall , righteous , just commands of god , to which is required sincere , constant , and universall obedience ; i shall not be ashamed while i have respect unto all thy commandements , saith david , ps. 119. 6. as if he had sayd , i shall be ashamed , or i shall come to shame , if i have not . the glory of any church or state , is gods presence in it ; for when god is gone , all is gone , the glory is gone , quite departed . the holy ordinances of god manifest his presence , especially where the word and sacraments are with all faithfulnesse offered , and with all thankfulnesse received , submitted to , and improved by the people to their particular advantages . this purity of worship puts an inward beauty upon the church which is all glorious within ; as administration of good laws by government , to keep all in safety and order , a lustre and glory which is outward upon it . now there is nothing more manifests the truth of religion , and the excellency of a government , then the generall opposition they both meet withall in the world . these rebellious and refractory spirits we have named , are sufficient to prove this , if we enlarged no further . but we will adde something more , where first let mee remember you of a passage you have often heard , act. 28. 22. where the blinde iewes call the true professors of the doctrine of salvation , a sect that were every where spoken against : an hundred false religions may live together in peace , but against the truth , the whole world hath been stirred up , because that alone beats downe the empire of the devill : many lies may concurre and agree together , but never can falshood agree with truth . in rome at this day all religions are tolerated but the true , under the shadow of the popes owne chaire . and it was wont to be an ancient proverbe in that city , that is must needs be good which nero persecuted ; he was such a cruell bloody monster , a very prodigie of mankinde : so it may be more truly sayd of those most holy commands of god , that they must needs be good , because the divell and all wicked men so unanimously oppose them ; so , of government , ( for it is a very great conviction to me ) that the church government resolved on to be established in this kingdome , and now establishing , ( and the lord speedily settle it ) , is a good government , that hath very much of god in it : many cleere footsteps for it in the word of god , which other wayes now contended for have not ; and is the government which god would have , which god will set up and maintaine ; because it is so much slandered , contradicted , resisted , by a number amongst us , who would be left to their liberty ; who because , they have now too too long gone loose , cannot endure to thinke of being strait laced . this i am sure is true in experience , that the longer it is before a colt be backt , the more unwillingly by farre , at the first , doth he endure his rider : and the longer it is before a bullocke comes to the yoake , the more hardly is he brought to it , and the more at first he struggles and strives with it . and doubtlesse , the longer a people goe under reines let loose , the harder will it be by farre to curbe and restraine them . the law , saith the apostle , was not made for a righteous man , but for the lawlesse and disobedient , for the ungodly and sinners , &c. 1. tim. 1. 9. for the lawlesse and disobedient , sayth the apostle , and because it curbes and restrains them , therefore they esteem themselves in bondage , or as prisoners in bonds , being required to yield obedience unto it . for , reason 1 this is the principall reason why all rebellious spirits think thus , because good lawes meet , and crosse , and contradict , and oppose them in their evill wayes , in their unjustifiable courses , because they meet them and reprove them , and set in order before them , the things that they have done , as it is ps. 50. 21. in every commission of evill , in every omission of good , in every , even the least fayling in duty whatsoever : they shake the secure man out of his seat : they disturbe the filthy persons upon their beds of lust , who undoe one another by their filthy embracements : all shameles prostitutes , who sell their soules with their bodies , dealing with all those they pretend to love , as monkeys and apes sometimes doe with their little-ones , they kill them with kindnes : they tell these who thus stretch themselves upon the bed of lust , that though they sleepe securely there , their destruction sleepes not , their damnation slumbers not , ●● in 2. pet. 2. 3. they awake the drunkards , crying out , ioel 1. 5. awake yee drunkards , weepe and bowle , &c. they debase proud ones , foretelling their fall , luc. 18. 14. every one that exalts himselfe shall be abased : they startle the bold prophane swearers , with the weight of their guilt , exo. 20. 7 : they acquaint oppressors with those screech owles of woe , which cry aloud from the beames of their chambers : and they tel the covetous who are like the mole , that bury themselves under every clod of earth , or like the barren wombe , or unsatiable death , that will never be satisfied , of enough mould in the grave , and of enough fire in hell : they meet with formall professors of religion , who make religion nothing but a complement , and they tell them that of all tempers in religion , a luke-warme temper is the worst . because thou art neither hot nor cold , but luke-warme , i 'le spue thee out of my mouth , sayth the spirit to the church of laodicea , re. 3. 16. that is , i will make thee who art but a church in shew , to be no church at all , it being all one in the account of god , to deny the faith , and not soundly and sincerly to professe it : they unma●ke the double faced hypocrites , who only act religion , play devotion , who are all for shew , and nothing for substance ; making religion a cloake , and they tell them , that as religion is the best armour in the world , so it is the worst cloake ; and whosoever put it on for no other end , it shall in conclusion do them no more good , then that disguise which ahab put on , in which he perished , when he fought with the syrians at ramoth gilead , 1. ki. 22 : they convince blinde errors , by cleere and orthodox truths : and tell them that receive not the love of the truth that they might be saved , that for this cause , god shall send them strong delusion that they might beleeve a lie , that they might be damned , who beleeve not the truth &c. 2 thes. 2. 10. 11. 12 : they cast downe imaginations and every high thing which exalts it selfe against god , 2 cor. 10. 5. in a word , they meet with sinners at every turne , and because they doe so , these cannot away with them ; and therefore may be fitly compared unto that fiery meteor , which causeth thunder the more streightly it is wrapt , and bound up in the cloud , it breaketh forth with the greater violence and noise . or they are like the troubled sea when it cannot rest , to which the prophet compares them , isaiah 57. 20. foming and raging most against those truths of god which oppose them most ; as the tempestuous sea doth against those rocks and bankes , and bounds , which hinder its course , and keep it in . vse . breifely now for application of this point . i shall addresse my speech unto every loose , lawlesse libertine in the world , and first desire to let him know , that there is no liberty but servitude in sinne ; no liberty but in the freedome from sin , and secondly , they whosoever they be , that cast off gods yoke , whose service is freedome , and yeeld obedience unto the commands of satan ( for every one in the world serves one of these two masters ) they are meere bondslaves unto him they serve , for all the services that the devill imploies his servants in , are , ( whatsoever men may thinke otherwise of them ) no better then a very toilesome drudgery a very base bondage . heare the truth of this in some particulars , as in the sin of covetousnesse , wherein ahab may be our example , who , because he could not possesse naboths vineyard according to his coveting desire , it troubled him so , that he was heavy and sad , and spiritlesse immediately upon it , 1 ki. 21. we may observe the like in that sin of envy which solomon tels us is the rottennesse of the bones prov. 14. 30 a sin that is plagued by it selfe , that hath much justice in it as one well observes , for it eateth up the heart & marrow of her master , as he desireth to eate up the heart of another . and againe — surgunt de nocte latr●nes . the theife wakes while the true man sleepes , and is more troubled to breake open , than the true man is , to guard his house . the not adolterer , the filthy uncleane person useth the twilight , the evening , the blacke and darke night , prov. 7. 9. that he may compasse his lust , while the chast man sits quietly in his house . how did the unnaturall lust of amnon vex him till he had obtained his desire , so that he fell sick for his sister t●●●●●r , and after he had satisfied his unnaturall appetite , he was as sick of her as he was before for her : he hated her exceedingly saith the text , his lust ended in loathing , so that the hatred wherewith he hated her , was greater than the love wherewith he had loved her 2 sam. 13. 15. what fruit had yee in th●se things whereof yee are now ashamed saith the apostle to the romans ? rom. 6. 21. for as sin makes men past shame that they may commit it , so it brings shame if the sinners conscience awake after the committing thereof . see this farther in that most beastly sin of drunkennesse , how it causeth woe , and sorrow , and contention , and babling , and wounds , pro. 23. 29. nay who can count the hurts that by drunken distempers come both to the body and soule ? first to the whole body , especially to the head , and stomach , and liver , and those more noble parts , as also the rheumes , gouts , dropsies , palsies , apoplexies , inflammations , and other distempers hence arising . oh how doth the excesse of wine , and any other strong liquor , fire the bloud , casting the body into feavers & c ? and secondly how doth it inflame the soule too , filling that with lusts as hot as hell ? so that drunkards shall one day be forced to confesse what they will not now beleeve , as it was spoken in another case 2 ki. 4. 40. oh there is death in the pot . and therefore the greeke poet spake wittily , that if the head-ach were to be before the wine ; men would be sober : if those sad consequences which oftentimes follow beastly distempers , were to be endured before hand ; people would not be drunke . and if those most filthy and loathsome diseases , the just consequence of incontinency , were to be suffered before these acts of filthinesse were committed , people would be chast : yee heare what oftentimes befalls those two brethren , as one of the ancients calls them drunkennesse , & lust , saying , nunqua● ego ebrium putavi castum , drunkennesse and chastity being incompatible : yee heare how it s often with these two sworne servants of the devill , whereas the sober , chast , temperate man who desires to possesse his vessell in holinesse at the apostle speaks 1 thes 4. 4. to glorifie god in his life , feeles , knowes none of those things . you may helpe me with your meditations herein ; for the like may be said of many other worker of darkenesse , which the devill imploies his servants in , serving divert lusts as the apostle speakes tit. 3. 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being as slaves to lusts engaging them to every sin ; one lust drawing a wretched sinner into one sinfull course , others ha●ing and pulling him into other evill waies , making poore wretches thus miserably distracted and seduced , as it is jer. 9. 5. to weary themselves to commit iniquity , or to moile and toile to goe to hell . how have many miserable people been content , meerely led by the instigation of the devill , and enflamed by him ? the devill who is most tyrannicall , where he is most obeyed , to submit unto commands that have been most heavy , hatefull , yea most unnaturall , as those who caused their sonnes and daughters to passe through the fire to molach levit. 20. 3. i could aboundantly inlarge , i le only ad this , that if satan have had such power to perswade poore , mis-led , seduced creatures to submit themselves unto such unreasonable imposi●ions , n●● thinks every one who hath not quite lost himself should be more readily induced to yeeld a most cheerefull obedience unto god his most holy , righteous , equall , just commands whose commandements are not grievous 1 iohn 5. 3. to put their neckes under that yoke which rebellious spirits here in my text throw off , because his yoke is easie , his burthen is light , mat. 11. 30. and that thy heart may not be hardned , that thou maiest not be quite undone by the deceitfullnesse of sin , observe but this one rule when ever thou art tempted unto any thing that is evill , to view the tentation on both sides , to take notice as well of the certaine bitternesse , as of the apparent sweete that is in sin , which sin is fitly resembled by those locusts mentioned in the 9 c. of the rev. who had the faces of men , and the haire of women , but to these , they had the teeth of lions , and the tailes of scorpions , and there were stings in those tailes . the devill , when he tempts a man unto any thing that is evill , presents nothing unto the sight of man , but what may please , content his corrupted nature , those most fearefull and sad consequences of sin , as death , hell , judgement , and everlasting separation from the presence of god , the devill keepes out of sight , that the misery of a wretched sinner may not be knowne till it be felt , not felt till it cannot be possibly avoyded . and to conclude this point : let all be exhorted , who wilfully rebell against the just commands of god , to read their sinnes acted in the examples , and smitten too , upon the backes of others . how was it with ahab who cast off god , and joyned himselfe to idols , as the prophet hosea phraseth it ? hos. 4. 17. t is sayd of him , 1. kin 21. 20. that he sold himselfe to worke wickednesse in the sight of the lord , but afterward he lives to rue , to repent his bargaine . no sooner had pharaoh asked that bold blasphemous question , who is the lord that i should obey his voice , to let israel go ? ex. 5. 2. but presently the frogs , the lic● , the flies , the caterpillars , which the prophet calls gods great army , ioel 2. 25. rise up in armes to tell him , and these poore , weake , despreable creatures , will not give proud pharaoh over , till they have humbled him , and magnified their maker . pharaoh and all aegypt might heerese● , how weake they were , and what in impotent power they served , when they could neither resene themselves , nor yet be delivered from the incursions of frogs , lice , and flies . there is a very memorable story , which i dare affirme for truth , that many yeares since , i brought from the easterne india , where i lived at the court of the great mogol , for more then two yeares . the story is this : there was a great cavalier and nobleman of that court , that was much in credit with that king ; and that he might keepe that favour , esteemed it , the highest point of religion to flatter the king , which made him a great neglecter and contemner of god . upon a time this wretched man sitting in dalliance with one of his women , she pluckt an hayre from his breast , his nipple , in wantonnesse , i conceive without the least thought of doing him hurt ; the little wound , that small and unexpected instrument of death made , presently began to foster , and in short time after , become a cancer incurable . when the poore wretch saw that he must needs die , he uttered these words , which are very well worth the recording and remembring : who would not have thought , ( sayd he ) but that i , who was bred a soldier , should have died in the face of mine enemy , either by a sword , or a lance , or an arrow , or a bullet , or the like instrument of death , but now too late i am forced to confesse , that there is a great god above , whose majesty i have ever despised , who needs no bigger a lance , then an haire to kill an atheist . oh , let us further collect out of those many menaces and threatnings denounced against this sin in the booke of god , what their end is like to be , that obey not the truth , but obey unrighteousnes , that obey not the gospel of god . and what in conclusion this sinne is like to cost , and when we haue cast up our whole reckoning , we may borrow those words to put at the foot of our accompt , which abner spake to ioab , 2. sam. 2. 26. bitternesse in the end . and lastly , let the resisters of lawfull authority , that will not submit unto gods deputed lawfull substitutes heere on earth , read the story of corah and his company , iud. 16. swallowed up quicke by the earth : the earth opening its mouth wide against them , that had so opened their mouthes wide against moses . and let them looke over the story of zimri , 1. kin. 16. who slew the king his master , and then sate upon his throne ; but hee enjoyed his so ill-purchased honour but a little while . the triumphing of the wicked , sayth iob , is short , iob. 20. 5. so this wretched man found it : for when he had reigned not seven yeares , nor seven months , nor seven weekes , but seven dayes : as in the roman story there is mention made of one caninius , who when after much adoe hoe had obtayned the consulship , he then enjoyed it but seven howres : so when this wicked zimri had reigned but seven dayes , he set on fire his usurped palace , and burnt himselfe in the flame . and looke upon absolon , who rose up against the king his father , against the loynes from which he fell , and see how he sped afterward , 2. sam. 18. and looke upon achitophel who was guilty of the same crime , and see what became of him , 2. sam. 17. in one word , let me remember all ( who cast off subjection , who doe their utmost endeavour to breake or throw off those bands and cords heere , ) of everlasting chaines under darkenesse , which will hamper them to purpose heereafter . yet notwithstanding this , and much more that might be added , to this purpose ; obs. 4. wicked men animate and hearten and stir up one another to cast off subjection . let us breake their bonds asunder , and cast away their cords from us . in that wicked cariage of the sonnes of iacob towards their brother ioseph , you may cleerely see this truth . in the 37. of genesis , ioseph dreames , and tells those his night-visions unto his brethren : they interpret them and say , v. 8. shalt thou indeed reigne over us ? shalt thou have dominion over us ? thou one of the yongest sonnes of our father ? shalt thou ? and for this they hated him , sayth the text . ioseph went foorth to seeke brethren , in the 14●● . but he found murtherers : for as soone as ever they perceive him comming towards them , they say one to another , v. 19. behold this dreamer commeth , come now , let us stay him . so soone as ever they see their brother ; all their eyes , and tongues , and hearts , and hands are against him , and they presently forget themselves , not only to be brethren , but men ; for they take their brother , and they cast him into an uncomfortable pit ( as if they meant to bury him alive ) and then sit downe to eat bread , v. 25. with the lamentations of their brother in their eares , nor once remembring by their owne hunger , what it was for their brother ( as he might have done ) to famish for want of food . and what was the reason of this their most unnaturall , and more then bruitish cariage towards their brother ? you had it before , their great feare of being afterward in subjection to him . thus the philistines animate , and hearten and encourage one another , 1. sam. 4. 9. saying , be strong and quit your selves like men , ô ye philistins , that ye be not servants unto the hebrewes . the scriptures are full of expressions to this purpose , so that if wee needed further testimony for the confirming of so cleer a truth ; i could invite you to looke into the 83. psalme , from the beginning of the 2. to the 9. verse , where you shall finde a number of people of such unruly spirits , as this observation in my text takes notice of , consulting with , or consent , or with one heart , leaguing themselves together , and making confederacies , a● edom , and the ishmaelites , moab and the hagarens , gebal , and ammon , and amalek , the philistines , with the inhabitants of tyre , &c. but what to doe ? to take crafty counsell against the people of god , to consult against his hidden ones , v. 3. and who are these hidden ones ? gods deare children , whom god hides and will protect . hee hides them as men hide jewels , and other pretious things , keeping them in the safest places where they may be secured . but , however , first they consult together against them , and then they speake out their thoughts , v. 4. saying . come let us cut them off from being a nation . and certainly , there were no living for any good man in the world , if the divell and his cursed instruments , could do but halfe so much mischiefe as they would . god holds forth his people as lights to the world ; these wicked ones in stead of walking by their light , doe their uttermost to extinguish it . god sets them forth as examples to the world , by which these men might learne to order their conversation right : but they are so farre from being guided , governed , ruled by them , that they had rather deny them their being , then make them their example . come say they , let us cut them off : esteeming them unworthy of any place in the world , for whose sake the world was first made , and for whose sake it hath beene ever since continued ; for were it not for those few righteous , that are intermingled with these many wicked on the earth , the world could not stand . all wicked and ungodly men in the world owing their lives , their liberties , all the good things they doe enjoy heere , unto these few , whom they scorne , oppose , and persecute . now what may be the reason why tumultuous , heady-minded mem , doe thus combine and animate one another in a spirit of opposition , to cast off subjection ? reason 1. first , because all wicked rebellious spirits are led by the same evill principall , to cast off obedience , and therfore keepe and flock together , as beasts of the same herd , or , as birds of the same feather do : and they act together likewise , like companions in mischiefe , and brethren in evill . and therefore the prophet michah compares them to briars , mich. 1. 4. and the prophet nahum to thornes , nah. 1. 10. folded and claspt , and twisted , and interwoven one within another , to doe mischiefe . hence that monstrously wicked abimelech , who knew not how to obey as he ought to have done : and therefore drew the bloud of seventy of his brethren to make way for his usurped government , is compared to a bramble , jud 9. 14. a right bramble he was indeed , who grew in the base hedge-row of a concubine : a bramble that scratcht and drew bloud to purpose . reason 2. secondly , because all wicked men who throw off subjection are guided by the same spirit , the spirit of the divell , who rules , sayth the apostle , in the children of disobedience , eph. 2. 2. and ever since the divell and wicked men received their doome , to be chayned for ever heerafter under darknesse ; they cannot endure to think of bands or cords , or any other thing beside , that may restraine them . vse . now to make use of this ; and first let me tell you for instruction , from that which springs from the bitter root of stubbornesse , disobedience , and refractorinesse in this text ; this honey , this sweet , may be extracted . as , if it be so that wicked men can thus animate , and hearten , and encourage one another in the wayes of evill ; every one heere assembled may now prevent me & say , that what we have hence observed inferres and inforceth upon us a lesson for our imitation ▪ to follow those we have named , in their diligence , & eagernes , & joint consent in acting ; as to leave them in the evill and obliquity of their actions , to be as active in good , as they are in evill . to instance in some particulars : how many separatists goe on violently , in an unwarrantable course , as cyprian wrote to cornelius of five schismatickes that had taken shipping , and sayled to rome , with their mart of lies , as if the lord of heaven , who rideth upon the cherubims , could not overtake them . what stone doe these leave unturned , what thing doe they leave unattempted ? per mare , per terras , per saxa , per ignes : as christ spake of the pharisees , mat. 23. 15. compassing sea and land to make proselites , or some of their owne profession . the idolaters at ephesus , as if they had been the sonnes of noise and tumults , cry up their baggage diana , for the space of two houres together , act. 19. great is diana of the ephesians , quasi vocibus cultum ejus reparaturi , as chrysostome on that place : as if they meant with their loud outcries , to hold up her honour , and to blow up all opposition against her with her very breath . and thus the idolatrous preists of baal cried long from morning till noone , and loud too , saying oh baal helpe as 1 ki. 18. and the inhabitants of samaria feared , and mourned , and made much adoe for their idol . likewise hoses 10. 5. to the like purpose micah complaines judg. 18. 24. yee have stolen away my gods ; and what have i more ? or what have i more to lose ? let me tell you in a word by the way , that these were proper gods to rely on , that could not secure themselves . o excellent●m insaniam ! as chrysostom observes upon this passage , were thy gods such ones that a man might steale them ? o notable folly ! to rely upon such helps , gods per antiphras●● , for the workeman made them and therefore they are not god , hoses 8. 6. for if the fire spare them , rust , or rottennesse , or time will consume them . but the morall of micah his speech is good , for the losse of god is the losse of all things , who never forsakes us till he be first forsaken by us ; so the enjoying of a sweet communion with god , is the enjoyment of every good thing beside , but this by the way . the prophet david makes mention of some that hasten after another god psal. 16. 4. festinant they hasten with speed , or as tremelius and junius reade it from the originall , dotant , they endow them with guifts , or they give a dowry to them , there is nothing so costly which they will not bestow , which they will not willingly cast away upon their idols , which caused the israelits being tainted with this sin , to strip their wives , & sonnes and daughters of their ear-rings to make a molten image , exod. 32. they thinke nothing too much , too hard to doe , to endure for them , and therefore they did not sticke to sacrifice their children unto them : what tedious pilgrimages doe some papists trudge barefoot , and how doe they afflict their bodies with whippings , watchings , fastings ? and i have observed this among heathens that they impose many sharpe and voluntary penances upon themselves , far above all those : the romanists boast of as some of them will put massy fetters of iron upon their leggs , and then as fast as they are able , goe hundreds of miles barefoot , upon the ground ( very hot and parching in those climes ) to visite the sepulchers of their deluding saints . others will voluntarily fast till nature be almost quite decaied , & there be some who sequester themselves from the world , and live remote upon the tops of hills , the residue of their lives , sometimes many yeares : after which retirement , they never suffer the razor to come againe upon their heads , and they let their nailes grow like birds claws , as it is written of nebuchadnezzar , when he was driven from the society of men , dan. 4. 33. and further these votaries being thus retired will sterve rather then stirre from their cells , and therefore they are releeved by some that live neerest to them . thousands there be in those parts that will rather chose to dye like the mother and her seven sons mentioned in the 2 mac. and 7. chap. then eate or drinke any thing their law forbids them : such meate and drinke as their law allowes them , they take only to satisfie nature , not appetite ; hating gluttony , and esteeming drunkennesse , as indeed it is , a second madnesse , and therefore use but one word in their language for a drunkard and a madman . the mahumetans , what occasion soever they have either by pleasure or profit to divert them , will pray five times every day . and the pharisee could tell us lu. 18. 11. that he was no extortioner , nor unjust person , nor an adulterer &c. now let us put all this together , and then let us hold up our heads if we can for blushing , and heare our owne shame , receive our just reproofe , which is the second thing i shall infer from hence . 2. vse of reproofe i say when we consider the unity , agreement , accord , that is in wicked men , their teaching , animating , stirring up one another , in whom there is unitar , contra unitatem , conspiracy , agreement in error , in evill ; and so little unity , agreement amongst us for truth . how dare we in matters of god , so flag and faint , and dissent as we doe , ferventissimi in terrenis , in coelestibus frigidissimi : shewing nothing but heate and earnestnesse in earthly , nothing lesse ? in heavenly things ! shall schismaticks , hereticks , pharisees , papists , turkes , infidels , idolaters of all kinds , solicite bad causes with such earnestnes ; and we , the cause of god , so faintly ? they were wont to say of cowards in rome , that there was nothing roman in them ; and may it not be as fitly applied unto many of us who professe our selves christians ? there is not that christianity in us which may bring comfort to us ; if there were , we should be more remisse in our owne quarrels , more fierce and forward in the cause and quarrell of god . oh how doe a number amongst us even shame the religion we professe by professing of it ! what a sad thing is it to consider , that a pharisee should be chast , and a christian filthy : that an heathen should be temperate , sober ; and a christian drunken : that a mahumetan should pray five times every day , and he that professeth himselfe a christian , scarce voluntarily goe to god in prayer , five times in a weeke , a moneth , a yeare : that they who professe themselves christians should come short of them that come short of heaven ! the morality of millions of heathens may shame us , their lives condemne ours : the nations which call not upon the name of god are more righteous then we , who have justified the jewes , and turkes , and heathens . our idolatrous and ignorant fore-fathers shal rise up in judgement and condemne as , for they followed what they knew , but we know the will of god , and follow it not . considerare pudet quantus ferver quae cura &c. was the complaint sometimes of jerom that he was ashamed to consider , how solicitous many were in temporall , and how sluggish we in spirituall things : he was ashamed to thinke , how that so many thousands should drive like jehu furiously in the waies of evill , superstition , error , idolatry , profanenesse , and the like ; and we in the waies of god , goe a snayles pace , like the egyptians in the sea , when their chariot wheels were off , exod. 14. 25. that evill men of all sorts , should have their tonguet bent like bowes for lies , as the prophet speakes jer. 9. 3. and we not valiant for the truth , shewing no courage for it , as if we durst not owne the cause of god . dormis tu petre ? was an heavy check our blessed saviour gave st. peter , marke 14. 37. sleepest thou peter ? are the high preists consulting ? are the souldiers ●anding themselves ? is the son of god neere his betraying ? and sleepest thou , peter ? and , is there an ayming at the head of authority now , an endeavour by some to lay all even and levell ? is there a striking at religion , in an endeavour after liberty therein ? which liberty threatens us , which liberty hath already extreamly hurt us ; — saevior armis , libertas nocuit ; — which liberty if it be permitted , continued , will undoubtedly undoe us : and shall any disciple of christ , that hath beene taught of him , bee now so sleepy , slothfull , sluggish , as if the matter in hand concerned him not ? let us not beleeve that any would be ever contented to die for christ , that will not speake for him : that they would ever bee willing to affoord christ their blood , who will not doe so much as lend him their breath . now for a corollary or conclusion . it was an excellent commendation that quintilian sometime gave of vespasian the emperour , that he was patientissimus veri , most patient in hearing truth : let his commendation be , ours . the life of preaching is application , and the life of application , is the applying of truths unto our particular selves . and therefore that we may be now yet more particular , in bringing home the truths we have heard , into our severall bosomes : first , do rebellious spirits cast off the yoke ? aime at nothing so much as destructive liberty ? let us be exhorted to submit unto it , to yeeld obedience unto all the holy , equall , righteous , just commands of almighty god , and say with the apostle , howsoever they may seeme crosse and contradictory unto us ; that the law is holy , and the commandement is holy , and just , and good , rom. 7. 12. and let us write this truth amongst those things we would most remember , that jesus christ never was , never wil be a saviour to any , unto whom he is not a lord . further , let us submit our selves unto every ordinance of man , for the lords sake , &c. as before it was urged from that in the 1. pet. 2. 13. secondly , is there such an unity , an agreeing , a love , a liking amongst many we have named to compasse their evill ends ; let us take up heere in the first place a further sad , and a very just complaint , of the dis-union , mis-agreement , censoriousnesse , uncharitablenesse , rash judging and condemning , that so swells up the breasts of many amongst us , who professe themselves christians , yet they want charity for them , for whom christ had blood ; who , because we cannot assent unto them in all their mis-grounded opinions , therefore they cast us off , away , as filthy ragges . oh love i thou duty and ornament of christians , thou glory of saints , thou delight of god , where art thou ? how art thou gone ? how art thou departed from us ? where shall we seeke thee ? where shall we finde thee ? surely in owne hearts , or else woe be to us . and secondly , though difference in opinion hath so banished love from many amongst us , that they cannot afford us a good word ; yet we may not deale with them as they deale with us : but learne to know , that if love be of god , as s. john speakes , 1. jo. 4. 7. and every one that loveth is borne of god , and knoweth god : so he that loves not , knoweth not god , as it followeth in the next verse . and if love be the fulfilling of the law , as the apostle tels us , ro. 13. 10. if the whole law be abridged in that duty of love ; then the want of love must needs be the violating , the breaking of all the commandements of god . thirdly , let us learne hence , what the prophet david exhorts us to in a like case , ps. 109. 28. though they curse , yet blesse we . and though they hate , yet love we . let us love their persons , and any thing beside we see of god that is lovely in them , whatsoever they may thinke of us , though we may not , we must not , by any meanes close with them in their opinions . in all our demeanour towards them , carrying our selves as joshua did to achan , josh. 7. who retayned the affections of a father , while he was executing the office of a judge . fourthly , let us be exhorted to make much of that most excellent grace of the spirit , love : love to god , love to one another . le ts make much of love : for t is love which conveyes all mercies to us . let us lay hold on it , as the patriarchs did apprehend the promises , most elegantly set out by the apostle , heb. 11. 13. by a metaphor of saluting , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they saluted them , they kissed them , they hug'd them , they embraced them . so let us doe this grace , that findes such little , such cold entertainment from many , from most . this grace of love , which god himselfe so liketh , that he calls himselfe by the name of love , 1. ioh. 4. 8. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : fellow after charity , saith the apostle , 1. cor. 4. 1. the originall word is very emphaticall : for it signifies to pursue , or follow a thing eagerly ; it implies in it a singular love to the thing we follow , which makes us take any paines about it ; to follow a thing as having it in chase , the metaphor being taken from hunters , who will not leave what they pursue , till they have taken it . thus must we follow after love and charity , that we may have it , and harbour it , and exercise and lastly , let us labour after unity , as first unity and agreement amongst our selves . secondly , unity in the profession of the true religion we professe , as unity in doctrine , and unity in discipline , which would marvellously unite our hearts together . there is but one lord , one faith , oxe baptisme , one god and father of all , saith the apostle , eph. 4. 5. 6. all in unity . and god is the god of order , not the author of confusion , 1. cor. 14. 33. the body of a church or state is then strongest , when the multitude of believers have but one heart , and one soul amongst them all . as he that observes the cariage of the primitive christians , shall finde this word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which signifies one consent , one heart , one mind , in the 4 first chapters of the acts , often applied unto them . which unity in the truth of religion , is the firmest band twixt man and man , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the very knot and tie of all communion and consociation . on the contrary , as division of tongues in the eleventh of genesis , hindred the building up of babel , then : so division of hearts hinders the setling and building up of the church now . and as plankes and timbers joyned together make a ship , but disjoyned , shipwracke : and as connexion of stones and timber make an house ; dissipation , a ruine : so , unity and agreement of christians build up a church , as dissension puls it downe . and as they say of bees , that when there is a stirre and strife amongst them , it is a signe that their king is about to remove and leave the hive ; so strife , schisme , dissension in religion , to the hazard of it , is a signe that god either hath , or is about to leave a people . one of the maine scandals the iewes take from the carriage of christians , is their dissention and disagreeing one with another : which they interpret to proceed from want of unity of truth in the foundation of christian religion , by which they are startled and scared from the gospel . and some papists have sayd of us , ( and i would there were no truth in it ) what one preacheth in the morning , another contradicts after dinner : and what peace and accord can there be in that house , say they , where the husband is a calvinist , the wife a lutheran , the servant an oecolampadian ? &c. and what settlement can we expect , while one is a brownist , another an anabaptist , another an antinomian , another a seeker ? and all these happily under one roofe : another an everything , another a nothing . what can we looke for lesse then confusion , ( as a most grave , learned , orthodox , eminent man , famous in his generation , observed ) while we have doctrine against doctrine , prayers against prayers , faith against faith , religion against religion ? the most fearfull consequences of which destructive waies were written in the murthers , massacres , tragedies , wasts , somtimes committed in france and both the germanies : and the reason , the pretence of all that caused those their so great miseries , only that which immediately before we named . the anabaptists in the upper germany , as sleidan reports , framed an imagination to themselves , that by the will of god , the ancient magistracy must be quite rooted out from the earth . and said ( and happily they beleeved it too ) that they had speech with god , who enjoyned them to kill all the wicked in the land , and to constitute a new world consisting only of the innocent : what slaughter and havock this caused , what profusion of bloud betwixt the nobles and commons , germany then felt , and smarted for ; and histories will relate to all posterity . the president whereof may make the world take heede , how they be drawne by fanaticall spirits , into these or the like desperate and damnable courses . and if this hath been the fruite of such dangerous destroying waies , let any one be judge that hath not lost his understanding , whether it be fit , for every subject in a realme , ( for if it be granted to some , it would be in justice to deny it unto others ) to be priviledged in his house ; to have a god to himselfe , a priest to himselfe , a worship to himselfe , as micah had in mount ephraim , and whether it be fit for people to preach and beleeve , and obey and pray , as themselves please . but what may be done in this case , may some one say ? the minds of private men are as free as emperours , every one is a king in his owne house as telemachus said ; and nothing is so voluntary as religion : yee may shift the bodies of men from place to place , but yee cannot change their minds , advice may doe more then threatning , and faith commeth rather by perswasion , then compulsion ; i answer , first we must speake to the conscience by good counsell , by faire meanes , by forcible-convincing arguments ; but if the eare of conscience be stopt up against us , if perswasions prove unprofitable , if exhortations , convicting arguments carried on in love and mercy will not serve the turne ; we must then speake to the eare of the body , to their inheritance , to their liberty . let the body tell the conscience i am afflicted , the inheritance i am diminished , liberty i am restrained for thy sake , i tell yee , that these have been arguments , which have done much good ; as austin affirmes of the donatists , and circum●ellions in africa , that being terrified by paines , they began to enter into consideration with themselves , whether they suffered for conscience , or for obstinacy . but it may be againe objected that some have not been bettered hereby , he answers this objection , ideo negligenda est medicina , quia nonnullorum est insanabilis pestilentia ? shall we therefore reject physick , because the sicknesse of some is incurable ? i confesse that a man should not suffer for a meere default in his understanding , but if the fault be in his will , it alters the case , and without doubt a number even now among us mistake their will for their conscience , which may easily be done , for they lodge both in the same soule , & therfore they may be easily taken one for the other : now as the rectified good will of man must not be without fruit : so the stubborne depraved will of man must not scape without punishment , the voluntary default of a mans will being the just cause of all his suffering , clavis sapientiae frequens interrogatio questioning is the key of knowledge , he that never askes , cannot attain to knowledge , and he that ever askes shall never receive satisfaction . when people are become such scepticks , that they will question every thing , and receive satisfaction in nothing ; doubt whether the sun have light , or the fire heate , or the like doubts in other things , which should not be questioned , such must be regulated . tertullian is of the same minde with austin , that it is meet that hereticks and schismaticks too , should be compelled to doe their duties , if they will not be perswaded to doe them . i say compelled , if allurements and perswasions will not serve the turne , they must not alwaies be entreated , he that hath a phrensie must be bound ; he that hath a lethargy must be prickt up ; and they which strengthen themselves in error or schisme , & diffuse them amongst others , to the prejudice of church or state , must be violently pul'd out of them . undoubtedly the sword was never appointed , for authority , only to make a shew before it , and therefore that magistrate is worthy to be disarmed , who beares the sword in vaine . and the keyes were never left unto the church , to be worne as golden keyes for honour , or ornament , or to be kept in the pocket , but to let in some , and to lockout others as occasion is offered . these things command and teach saith the apostle to timothy 1 tim. 4. 11. in the beginning of that chapter , there is mention made of some that in the latter times should depart from the faith giving heede to seducing spirits , speaking lies in hypocrisie . now that which was contrary to this the apostle must command and teach ; command {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the very selfe same word that is used acts 5. 40. which the captaines , and officers , and high-preists used , when they commanded the apostles they should not speake any more in the name of jesus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they commanded them , it is a word of authority which judges use upon the bench , for men to hearken , or not to hearken to , at their perill . so st. jude speakes of some that did separate themselves , not having the spirit , jude v. 19. and such must be saved with feare {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} save them by feare , discipline , censures , for so i conceive that place is properly interpreted , for feare is there opposed to compassion , of some have compassion v 22. putting a difference twixt them that erre of weaknesse , or unavoydable ignorance , and them that doe it out of wilfullnesse , and perversnesse , the first must be dealt more gently withall , others must be more roughly handled . saved by feare v. 23. pulling them as a brand out of the fire , wherein otherwise they would be unavoydably consumed . i beseech you let me not be mistaken , in that i have now delivered , insector vitia , non homines : i know it is a very great act of injustice , to be angry at the offender and not at the offence , i assure you therefore tis mens faults not their persons which here stirres me up to make complaints . i shall ever desire to be most tender of those in whom i can discerne any impressions of god . and i know it had been better for me that i had never been , then that i should live , to condemne the generation of the righteous . and for my part , my witnesses are in heaven and in my owne breast , that so farre as i can know my heart , i doe not wish to live a minute longer , then i shall unfainedly desire to honour those that truely honour god . and ever since it hath pleased god to reveale himselfe in any measure to me ; i could love religion in russet , in raggs , as well as in the gayest dresse : and shall labour , by gods grace , while i live , to give most respect , where i finde most goodnesse . but when the error of religion turnes mens braines , and so makes them to fight against the truth of it ; i cannot chuse but complaine : i know that zeale is good , excellent good , and hath its due deserved commendation both of god and man , and cursed be they that goes about to extinguish that holy fire , that zeale which is well grounded , well ordered ; grounded upon knowledge , and carried on with discretion . but i know that there is as much difference twixt zeale , and zeale , as there is betwixt religion , and superstition , and therefore to be carried on violently either by a mis-grounded or a mis-governed zeale , may be cursus celerrimus , but praeter viam , a swift violent motion , but quite out of the way . fourthly , are those rebellious spirits we have named so resolved in their waies , that they leave no meanes un-attempted to bring their devices to passe ( as before we observed ; ) o let us now labour to be as wise , as active in our generation as they can be in theirs . and oh that we had been so , oh that we would be so . t was jehu's question 2 ki. 9. 32. who is on my side who ? it may be now the lords ; when the mouth of wickednesse is opened so wide , when the mists of error thicken so much ; and when the wings of schisme spread so far over us ; and there is not that endeavour which ought to be , which might be , to dispell those mists , to clip those wings , and to stop that mouth : qui non vetat peccare cum possit , jubet , we are guilty of every sin , which we might , and doe not prevent . if we had wrought wisely , as we might , as we should have done ; we should have dealt with schismes and divisions while they were growing on us , ( which , because we did not , have done us already such apparant mischeife ) as wise men doe with snakes , vipers , venemous creatures , they stay not till they have stung or bit them , but they crush and kill them before-hand , that they may neither bite nor sting . it is a sad thing to dally and foole with dangers , especially those which are spirituall , till by our connivence they strike through the life of our religion . it was therefore very good counsell which demosthenes sometimes gave unto the athenians that they should not expect till evill came , but prevent it : we should be wary before the wound , and meet with diseases that we would not have take hold on us : be apprehensive before-hand of danger , taking all evills that they may not much hurt us , at the very first bound , that our providence in this case may prevent our too late repentance . yee know how that it is much easier to quench a fire-brand then a great fire ; and to put out a great fire on the hearth , then that which is far lesse in the top of a chimney . and the lord rouse us up out of that spirit of slumber into which we are fallen , that we may not be like the smiths dog , whom neither the hammers above him , nor the sparkes of fire falling round about him , can awake . and lastly , let us all resolve to be as active for god as any other in the world can be against him . they say in philosophy , that the foundation of naturall life is feeling ; so no feeling , no life ; and so the want of spirituall feeling argues a want of spirituall life : in which respect that may be applied unto many , what st. paul speakes of the wanton widow mentioned 1 tim. 5. 6. that they are dead while they live ; being so un-apprehensive , so un-affected , so insensible of what may trench upon god and his cause . t is an observation in nature that the more quick and nimble the sense of feeling is in a man , the better is his naturall constitution : so our tendernesse , our sensiblenesse of gods honour or dishonour , above all other things , expresse the goodnesse of our spirituall temper . and doubtlesse it is now high time for all that feare the lord , to speake often one to another as they did mal. 3. 16. to stirre up one another unto a godly jealousie , over gods whole cause , his worship , his church , his children . it was a brave resolution of tully when he was consul of rome , which he uttered in his first oration against catiline , intelliges me acrius vigilare ad salutem , quàm te ad pernici●us reipublicae . thou shalt know that i will be more wakefull for the safety , then thou canst be , for the destruction of the commonwealth : so should every member of the church , especially those whose places make them more publike , resolve , to be more vigilant for the setling , flourishing , enlargement of the church , then others can be malicious for the ruine thereof . t is an high commendation that moses gives to levi deut. 33. 9. who said of his father , and mother i have not seene them , neither did he acknowledge his brethren nor his children ; his neerest naturall relations giving place to his spirituall , and so should ours : and as that was the ground of his ; so will it be a ground likewise of our highest commendation . vbi de religione , ibi quoque de vita agitur , as philo judaeus excellently spake , our very lives ( i and our soules too ) hold upon our religion , and therefore we must act for religion , for that which concernes gods glory , the churches and our owne eternall good , as we would act for life : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is a word vsed in the 13 of luke the 24. which hath very much in it , for it implies thus much , that when we deale either with god , or for god , we must strive as wrestlers doe for mastery , or , as combitants doe for victory , or else , as a man strives and struggles for life , having the pangs of death upon him : pro aris & focis was the ancient proverbe ; first for gods rights , and after , for our owne . and therefore it is very well observed of aeneas , how that though he were eminently renowned for his deare respects to his father ; yet when the city of troy was sack't wherein he then was , he first rescued , and exported {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . first his gods , and then his father . the morall , the lesson taught from which story is exceeding good : that we must first , for-most with the neglect of every thing beside , appeare for god . to which purpose , the carrage of moses is most observable , a very meeke man , above all the men that were upon the face of the earth , for the spirit of god gives him that testimony , numb. 12. 3. which made him not to regard , in not taking notice of , but trampling as it were upon all injuries done unto himselfe , as if they had not been done , as you may observe exod. 17. and in other places , yet when god was dishonored ; he shewed himselfe to be a man of another spirit , in vindicating his cause , as you may reade at large in the 32. of exod. and thus our blessed saviour ( of whom moses was a type ) how most contemptuously was he vsed while he was upon earth ; as we reade in his story : and , how willingly did he give his cheeke to the smiters , and his back to the scourges ; and when he was most shamefully reviled , he held his hands , yea and he held his tongue too , for he reviled not againe , 1 pet. 2 23. but , when he saw the temple dedicated to the honour of his father , prophaned ; he laies about him , in overthrowing the tables of the money-changers , in casting them out that bought and sold there , nay whipping and scourging all out thence joh. 2. 15. of which carriage of our blessed saviour , all the evangelists take speciall notice . o now let us looke upon their examples , and get this instruction from them , to be very forward in the cause of god . and let every one of us who desire the happinesse of the church and state wherein we live ; labour to act wisely , religiously and boldly in our proper spheares , whether we be magistrates , ministers or people , let 's resolve by god his asistance against all sinnes , which , if we take not heede , will undoubtedly destroy us : and against all schismes too , that may , if we be not wary , unavoydably undoe us : and against every evill beside that may hinder either our present , or our future happinesse ; to pray them downe ; to preach them downe ; to smite them downe , and to live them downe . i could aboundantly enlarge , but i am in a sermon , not in a treatise : and therefore that i may not be farther injurious to your patience , i will abruptly breake off as in the midst of a sentence . finis . jus populi, or, a discourse wherein clear satisfaction is given as well concerning the right of subiects as the right of princes shewing how both are consistent and where they border one upon the other : as also, what there is divine and what there is humane in both and whether is of more value and extent. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56187 of text r13068 in the english short title catalog (wing p403). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 168 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56187 wing p403 estc r13068 11914448 ocm 11914448 50891 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56187) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50891) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 230:e12, no 25) jus populi, or, a discourse wherein clear satisfaction is given as well concerning the right of subiects as the right of princes shewing how both are consistent and where they border one upon the other : as also, what there is divine and what there is humane in both and whether is of more value and extent. parker, henry, 1604-1652. [2], 68 p. printed for robert bostock ..., london : 1644. attributed to henry parker. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng prerogative, royal -early works to 1800. liberty -early works to 1800. a56187 r13068 (wing p403). civilwar no jus populi. or, a discourse wherein clear satisfaction is given, as well concerning the right of subiects, as the right of princes. shewing parker, henry 1644 31937 15 50 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-05 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion jus populi . or , a discourse wherein clear satisfaction is given , as well concerning the right of subiects , as the right of princes . shewing how both are consistent , and where they border one upon the other . as also , what there is divine , and what there is humane in both : and whether is of more value and extent . claudianus ad honorium . tu civem , patremque geras , tu consule cunctis : non tibi , nec tua , te moveant , sed publica damnae . in private matters do a brothers part , in publick be a father ; let thy heart be vast as is thy fortune , and extend beyond thy self , unto the common end . published by authority . london : printed for robert bostock , dwelling in pauls church-yard at the signe of the king head . 1644. jus populi . or , a discourse wherein clear satisfaction is given as well concerning the right of subjects , as the right of princes . &c. the observator ( so he is stiled at oxford ) writing against our parasiticall court-doctors , who think they cannot be meritorious patrons of royalty , without shewing themselves anti-patriots , or destroyers of publick liberty , grounds himself upon these three main assertions . 1 princes derive their power , and prerogatives from the people . secondly , princes have their investitures meerly for the people benefit . thirdly , in all well-formed states the laws , by which princes claim , do declare themselves more in favour of liberty then prerogative . much art , force , and industry has been used to destroy these fundamentals , wherein though the royalists have not been prevalent in the judgement of wise men , yet something must further be replyed , for the weaker sort of peoples sake , lest multitudes of opponents should sway them , and effect that by number , which cannot be done by weight . man ( saies the apostle ) was not made of the woman , but the woman of man : and this is made an argument why the woman should pay a due subjection to man . and again , man ( saies the same apostle ) was not created for the woman , but the woman for the man ; this is made an other argument to inforce the same thing . there cannot be therefore any to pick rules more properly pressed then these : nay without offering some contradiction to the spirit of god , we cannot reject the same form of arguing in the case of a people , and their prince : especially when we do not insist onely upon the vertue of the efficient or finall cause , but also upon the effect it self , and that form of law , which was ( as it were ) the product of both . let us now then re-examine these three grounds , and seek to give further satisfaction to others , by inlarging our discourse , where our adversaries have given a just occasion . if we can make it good that princes were created by the people , for the peoples sake , and so limited by expresse laws as that they might not violate the peoples liberty , it will naturally follow ; that though they be singulis majores , yet they are universis minores ; and this being once made good , it will remaine undeniable , that salus populi is suprema lex : and that bonum publicum is that which must give law , and check to all pretences , or disputes of princes whatsoever . to make appear thus much , let us begin with the origo or first production of civill authority . 1 the royalists take a great deal of superfluous pains , and quote many texts of scripture to prove that all powers are from god : that kings are anointed by god : and that they are to be obeyed as the vicegerents of god . if we did oppose or denie these clear truths , no fraud were to be suspected in those that alledge them : but when we do expresse no kind of dissent from them herein , and when they have too generall a sense , as our dispute now runs , we must conclude that there is some secret fraud wrapped up , and clouded under the very generality of these asseverations . for t is not by us questioned whether powers are from god or no ; but whether they are so extraordinarily from god , as that they have no dependence upon humane consent . neither do we raise any doubt , whether or no kings are anointed by god ; but whether that unction makes them boundlesse , and their subjects remedilesse or no , in all cases whatsoever . neither do we dispute whether monarchs are gods deputies , or no , and so to be observed ; but whether limited monarchs , and other conditionate , mixed potentates may not chalenge the same priviledge . to shew then more ingenuity towards our antagonists , we will be more clear in dividing , and distinguishing , and we will decline generall expressions , as often as just occasion shall require . in the first place therefore we desire to take notice that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or potestas is sometimes taken for order , sometimes for jurisdiction : and these termes alwayes are not to be confusedly used . if adam had not sinned in paradise , order had been sufficient alone without any proper jurisdiction : it may well be supposed , that government , truly so called , had been no more necessary amongst men on earth , then it is now in heaven amongst angels . government is in truth that discipline or method which we exercise in promoting , inabling , rewarding persons of good desert in the state , and whereby we prevent , suppresse , punish such as are contrarily affected . and as government has laws to guide its proceedings , so it is armed , with power and commission for putting those laws in execution . it s plain therefore where there is no supposition of sin , order will be prevalent enough without formall jurisdiction : for as there needs no additionall rules , besides those which creation imprinted , so there needs no additionall power to attend those rules . if we look up to heaven , we see that preheminence which one angel has above another is farre different from that command which princes obtain here on earth over their vassals : we apprehend it as an excellence , that pertakes of more honour , then power , and that power which it has appertaining is rather physicall then politicall . if we descend also to survey hell , we shall find some order observed there too , but no proper government used ; for as law is uselesse where there is no sin , so it is also improper or impossible where there is nothing but sin . wherefore something of primitive order is retained below amongst the damned legions for the conservation of their infernall kingdome , but there is little resemblance of our policy in that cursed combination . we may then acknowledge that order is of a sublime and celestiall extraction , such as nature in its greatest purity did own ; but subjection , or rather servile subjection , such as attends humane policy amongst us , derives not it self from nature , unlesse we mean corrupted nature . besides in order there is nothing defective , nothing excessive , it is so universally necessary , and purely good that it has a being amongst irrationall creatures , and not onely states , but even towns , villages , houses depend upon it , and as it was existent before sin , so it must continue after sin ; but government , as it had no being without sin , nor has no being but amongst sinfull men , so even amongst men it is not without its defects and inconveniences . we must not expect more then a mixture of good and evill in it , and if we will refuse the burden of it , we must withall deny the benefit of it . nulla lex satis commodo est ( saith cato ) id modo quaeritur si majori parti & in summa prodest . wherefore it is now sufficiently apparent , that order does more naturally refer to god as its author then jurisdiction does , and that it also conveyes nothing in speciall to kings , inasmuch as the benefit of it is generall , and extends to families , as well as states , and to popular states as well as monarchies . as to government also we must in the next place observe three things therein very distinguishable . the constitution of power in generall must be sever'd from the limitation of it to this or that form ; and the form also must be sever'd from the designation of it to this or that person . the constitution or ordinance of jurisdiction we doe acknowledge to contain {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but this excludes not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it may be both respectively , and neither simply : and st. peter seems to affirm as much of the humanitie , as st. paul does of the divinitie of the constitution . in matrimony there is something divine ( the papist makes it sacramentall beyond royall inauguration ) but is this any ground to infer that there is no humane consent or concurrence in it ? does the divine institution of marriage take away freedome of choice before , or conclude either party under an absolute degree of subjection after the solemnization ? is there not in conjugall jurisdiction ( notwithstanding the divine establishment of it ) a strange kind of mixture , and coordination , and may not the spouse plead that divine right as much for a sweet equality , as the husband does for a rigorous inequalitie ? inferior matrona suo sit blanda marito , non alitèr fuerit foemina , virque pares . there may be a parity even in the disparity of the matrimoniall bond , and these two contraries are so farre from being made contrary by any plea of divine institution , that nothing else could reconcile them ; and if men , for whose sakes women were created , shall not lay hold upon the divine right of wedlock , to the disadvantage of women : much lesse shall princes who were created for the peoples sake , chalenge any thing from the sanctity of their offices , that may derogate from the people . besides even government it self in the very constitution of it is so farre from being injoyned as divine upon any persons ( not before ingaged by their own , or their ancestors consent ) or from being necessitated by any precept , or president in scripture , that we rather see an instance of the contrary in the story of lot and abraham . certainly there was in nature some majority or precedence due either from lot to abraham , or from abraham to lot , ( for the rules of order are no wayes failing ) and yet we see this is no sufficient inforcement to subject either of these patriarks to the others jurisdiction . when discords arose amongst their servants , they might have been qualified and repressed by a friendly association , and either one or both joyntly or by course might have had the oyer , and terminer thereof . yet so it was , that they rather resolved upon a dissociation , and this could not but have been a great sin against the divine right of government , if any such had been originally imprinted in nature , or delivered by command from god , as of more value then common liberty . t is true it proved afterwards fatall to lot , that he did disjoyne from abraham , and it had been farre more politick and advantagious for both of them perhaps , if they had incorporated one with another : but the question is not whether it was prejudiciall , or no , to esteeme the priviledge of an independent liberty before the many other fruits and advantages of a well framed principalitie : but whether it was sin against god , or no , and a transgression against the constitution of power , to pursue that which was most pleasing , before that which was likely to prove more commodious . i conceive that freedome being in it self good , and acceptable to nature , was preferred before government , which was also good , and more especially commendable , but god had left the choice indifferent , and arbitrarie , and therefore there was no scandall or trespasse in the choice . i speak not this to unsettle any form of government already founded , and composed , nor against the constitution it self , or intention of framing associations : t is sufficient for my purpose , if it be proved , that before such foundation or composition every man be left free , and not abridged of his own consent , or forced by any law of god to depart from his freedome , and i am sure this example of abraham , and lot does evince thus much , unlesse we think good to charge them both as enemies to the politick constitution of power , and will needs introduce a perpetuall yoke of authority upon all men whatsoever , whether pre-obliged by consent or not , which seems to me very uncharitable . but enough of this , i passe now from the constitution it self , to the determination of power to such a line , or such a person , electively , or hereditarily : and this also is an act wherein we do not deny gods ordinary interposition , we onely deny , that the peoples freedome of choice , or consent is at all drowned thereby . gods chusing of saul particularly , is no generall denyall of humane choice ; we may rather suppose that that coronation was an act of divine providence , then of any speciall command . for as god remitted the matter to the decision of lots , so it is undoubted that he guided the event of those lots , as gently , as he guides all other second causes , without violenting the nature of them . so the scepter of judah though it was prophetically intayled upon davids posterity , yet the individuall person or line of that race was not alwayes specified by god . the order of primogeniture was broken in solomon , and there was no certain rule left as often as that order was to be altred , or inverted , to whose choice or discretion it should be left . after the captivity there was also interruption in the lineall course of dissent , and by whom the successive right was then convayed , is uncertain , but in probabilitie either the people , or some other humane hand was the pipe of that conveyance . we shall not need to prosecute this further , our adversaries do grant us , that the election of princes is not now so extraordinarie , and divine as it was amongst the jews , and the scripture it self is clear , that even those jewish princes which god pointed out by lots , or anointed by his prophets were yet establisht , and invested by the people . and therefore in the first delivery of the law by moses , before any king was resolved upon by the people , god prescribed to them in this manner : quando statues regem super te , &c. when you shall think fit to set or erect a king over you , you shall chuse that man whom i shall designe . and the same word statuere is divers times elsewhere used in scripture , so that though god did never interpose in any other nation so eminently about the making of kings , as in judea , yet even there he did commend the person , the people did chuse ; or if he did chuse , the people did statuere , viz. give force and sanction to the same . it remains now that we try what there is of god , and what of man in the limitations , or mixtures of authority . t is a true and old maxime in law , qui jus suum alienat , potest id jus pactis imminuere . and hereupon grotius takes a good difference betwixt imperium and imperii habendi modum , and as for the manner or qualification of rule , that he accounts so meerly humane , that if the king seek to alter it , he may be ( as he acknowledges ) opposed by the people : nay he proceeds further , and cites barclayes authority , who was the violentest assertor of absolute monarchy that ever wrote ) to prove that kings may have but a part in the supremacy of power , and where they have but such a partiall mixt interest they may not onely be resisted , but also deposed for forfeiture in case they invade the other interest . the same author also affirms , that states may condition with kings to have a power of resisting , and that the same is a good condition , though the royalty be limited by no other . if this be so , surely the founding or new erecting of authorities at first , and the circumscribing the same after by consent , is so farre from being gods sole immediate act , that it is , as far as any act can be mans proper and intire act : for except we allow that god has left it indifferent to man to form government as he thinks most for his behoof , we must needs condemne all forms except one , as unlawfull : and if we grant indifference t is all one , as if we left it to second causes . but soft to call kings ( saies one loud royalist ) derivatives of the people , it is to disgrace them , and to make them the basest extracts of the basest of rationall creatures , the community . if we fix an underived majestie in the community as in it first seat , and receptacle ( where there is not one of a thousand an intelligent knowing man ) this is ( if not blasphemy ) certainly high treason against god and the king . this is oxford divinitie . god reproves kings for his anointed peoples sake , these reproach the people for kings sakes . these are the miserable heralds of this unnaturall warre , having mouthes as black as their hands are crimson : but let the man fall to his arguments . a world of reasons ( saies he ) may be brought from scripture to prove that kings are independent from all , and solely dependent from god . but for brevities sake take these . 1 to whom can it be more proper to give the rule over men , then to him who is the onely king truly and properly of the whole world ? answer . to none more proper : there shall be no quarrell in this ; provided you will no more except kings then subjects from this generall subjection . 2 god is the immediate author of all rule and power amongst all his creatures above or below , why then should we seclude him from being the immediate author of government and empire amongst men ? answer . we seclude him not . we onely question whether he be so the immediate author of our constitutions , as he is of primitive order , or whether or no he so extraordinarily intervene in the erecting of governors , or limiting of governments , as to strangle second causes , and invalidate humane acts . 3 man in his innocence received dominion over the creatures immediately from god ; and shall we deny that the most noble , and excellent government over men it from god , or say it is by humane constitution ? answer . god did not create so vast a distance betwixt man and man , as betwixt man and other irrationall creatures : and therefore there was not at first the same reason of subjection amongst the one as the other . yet we except nothing against order , or a milde subjection amongst men : we onely say that such servility as our adversaries would novv fain patronize in gods name , vvas never introduced by god , nature , or any good men . 4 they who exercise the judgement of god must needs have their power to judge from god ; but kings by themselves and their deputies exercise their judgement from god . ergo . answer . the prince of orange , or the duke of venice may as well plead thus , as the king of spaine , or the emperour of germany . besides , according to this rule , quod quis per alium facit , facit per se : the state may as truly say , it exercises judgement by the king , as the king may that he exercises judgement by his inferior courts . lastly , if this be pressed upon supposition , that the king is judge next under god without any dependence from the state , it begs the question : if it be pressed , only to prove , that the king ought to be so independent , 't is vain , and frivolous . 5. kings are the ministers of god , not only as to their judiciary , but as to their executory power , ergo , their charge is immediately from god . they are called gods , angells , &c. so in the church , preachers are the embassadors of god , and this makes their function immediately divine . answ. the judiciary , and executory power flowes from the same source , this shall breed no dispute : and as for all the glorious attributes of majesty , and irradiations of sanctity , and divinity which the scripture frequently applies to kings . first , we must know they are not only appropriated to kings as they are absolute , and solely supreame ; but to all chiefe governours also though bounded by lawes , and restrained by coordinate partners . secondly , they are many times affixt to kings , not quatenus kings , but quatenus religious and just kings ; these sacred expressions applyed to ahas or jeroboam , doe not sound so tunably , as when they point at david or josiah . thirdly , the people and flock of god sometimes communicate in termes of the like nature , not only priests and prophets were annointed as well as kings , but the whole nation of the jewes was called holy , and dignified with that which the ceremony of unction shadowed only . priests were not kings , nor kings priests , but the children of god are both kings and priests : the scripture expresly calls them a royall priesthood . fourthly , that sanctity , that divine grandour which is thus shed from above upon princes for the peoples sake , in the judgement of wisemen does not so properly terminate it self in the means as in the end . 6. if the grace inabling kings for their imployment be only from god , then consequently the imployment it selfe , ergo . answer , if god by inspiration did inable all kings extraordinarily , and none other but kings , this were of some force : and yet this proves not that kings are more , or lesse inspired by god , as they are more or lesse limited by man . howsoever wee know by woefull experience that the major part of kings are so farre from being the best judges , the profoundest statesmen , the most expert soldiers , that when they so value themselves they prove commonly most wilfull , and fatall to themselves and others ; and that they ever govern best , when they most relye upon the abilities of other good counsellors and ministers . 7. where soveraigne power is , as in kings there is authority and majesty and a ray of divine glory , but this cannot be found in the people , they cannot be the subject of it either jointly , or severally considered ; not singly , for all by nature are equall : and if not singly : not jointly ; for all have but the contribution of so many individuals . answ. what ridiculous things are these ? if majesty and authority accompany supremacy of power , then it is residing at geneva aswell , as at constantinople ; or else we must take it for granted that there is no supremacy of power , but in monarchies . all men will explode this : but suppose the crowne escheated in a monarchy , will you say because all have but the contribution of so many individuals , therefore there is no more vertue in the consent of all , then there is in the vote of one ? must the wheeles of government never move againe except some miraculous ordinance from heaven come to turne , and actuate them ? must such a fond dreame as this confound us in an eternall night of anarchy , and forbid us to wind up our weights again ? how poore a fallacy is this ? you cannot subject me , nor i you , nor one hundred of us one hundred of other men but by consent , it follows therefore that all of us joyntly consenting cannot subject ourselvs to such a law , such a prince such a condition . 8. potestas vitae & necis , is only his who only gives life : ergo , kings which only have this , can only derive this from god . answ. this destroyes all government but monarchicall , this denies all aristocraticall or democraticall states to bee capable of doing justice or proceeding against delinquents , what can be more erroneous or pernitious ? the power of life and death in a legall sence is committed to man by god , and not to kings only . for if the crowne of england were escheated , the community even before a new restauration of government , during the inter-regnum , might joyne in putting to death murderers and capitall offenders , and perhaps this it was which cain stood in feare of . nay it may be thought ex officio humani generis , they ought to prosecute all the common disturbers of mankind . and if this without some orderly tribunall were not lawfull , or possible to bee done , yet what right or power is there wanting in the people to erect such a tribunall ? grotius tells us , that as man is the generall subject of the vis●ve facu'ty , though the eye of man be its particular seat , so the whole body politick is the generall subject of authority , though it bee more intimately contracted sometimes into such a chaire , such a bench , such an assembly : and if it be so after government setled , it is much more so before . 9. the actions of kings aswell of mercy , as justice , are owned by god , and therefore when god blesses a people , hee sends good kings ; when he scourges them , he sends evil kings . answer . if god be said to send evill kings , and to harden them for our punishment in the same manner , as he sends good kings &c. we must acknowledge the hand of god in these things , but not as over-ruling secondary causes : when the lot is cast into the lap , the event is from the lord , but it does not alwayes so fall out from the immediate sole causality of god , so as the second cause is forced thereby , or interrupted in its ordinary operation . wherefore if the immediate hand of god does not violent such hidden contingent effects , sure it is more gentle to more rationall and free causes : and where the effect is evill , we must not make it too causall . 10. god is stiled a king and represented on a throne , therefore let us not make him a derivative of the people also . answer . demand what security you please for this , and we will give it . 11. kings , priests , prophets were anointed , but no fourth thing : and since priests and prophets are sacred by immediate constitution , why not kings ? answer . wee have instanced in a fourth thing , upon which the unction of god hath been powred , if not visibly yet spiritually , if not in the externall ceremony , yet in the internall efficacy . we do not deny also but kings are sacred by immediate constitution , as well as priests : but we deny that kings only , or absolute kings only excluding other conditionate princes , and rulers are thus sacred ; and as for priests , they are not so properly a power as a function : neither doe i perfectly understand how farre they disclaime all humane dependence in their functions , nor is the dispute thereof any way pertinent in this case . 12. disobedience to princes is taken as disobedience to god , and therefore god sayes to moses and aaron , they murmure not against you , but me . answ. cursed for ever bee that doctrine that countenances disobedience to magistrates , much more such disobedience against such magistrates in such things , as that was which god so severely chastised in the israelites : our dispute at this present is not about obedience , but the measure of obedience ; for if the kings will be the sole rule thereof , wee cannot disobey god in obeying the king , but this we know is false : and if any other rule be either in the law of god or man , to that we will conforme in our actions , and to that we ought to be confin'd in our disputes . 13. the last result is , priests and kings have their offices if not personall designations , immediately and solely from gods donation , and both ( as to their persons and functions ) being lawfully invested with sacred power , are inviolable . answ. we need not doubt , but this great ostentatious undertaker , and this wide , gaping promissor , was some cathedralist within orders , he does so shuffle priests and princes together . he will needs have princes as inviolable as priests , but hee could wish much rather , i believe , that priests were as unpunishable as princes . he doth admit princes to have their offices as immediately from god as priests , but then his intent is that priests shall claime a power too as independent as princes , caecus fert claudum , &c. if kings will bee but as willing to carry bishops as they are to guide kings , 't is no great matter whether any body else have legs to walk , or eyes to see . but what if we grant ministers to have persons as inviolable as magistrates , and magistrates offices as sacred as ministers : what doth this prove against limited monarchy , how doth this devest the people of god of all right and liberty ? thus we see he that answers one argument , answers all : for wee doe not deny gods hand in the crowning of princes , we know the scripture is expresse in it , and wee know there is a necessity of it , as there is in all other human things ; and yet this is al they can say for themselves . all that we wonder at is , that since the scripture doth every where as expresly also mention the hand of man in making and chusing of kings , and since there is no more ascribed to god for inthroning them then is for dethroning : that our adversaries will take no notice at all of the one , as well as of the other . it is plain in iob 12.18 . that god looseth the bond of kings , and girdeth their ioynes with a girdle : and many other proofes may bee brought , that god giveth and taketh away scepters . wherefore it jeroboam an usurper and seducer of the people doe as truly hold his crowne from god , as rehoboam , if nebuchadnezar may as justly require subjection from the jews under the name of gods vicegerents , as josiah ; if cyrus be as truly invested from heaven as judas machabeus ; if rich. the third have a person and office as sacred , and inviolable by divine right , as his nephew edward the fifth whom he treacherously murdered : and if we cannot affirme that god is a more active or efficacious cause , or more overaweth , and wresteth inferiour agents in the one , then the other , it behoves us to be as cautious how we impute to god , that which is mans , as how we impute to man , that which is gods . kings raigne by god , 't is confest : but ( kings ) there is used indefinitely for all supreame commanders , as well limited as unlimited , as well those which have a greater , as those which have a lower stile then kings , as well usurpers and such as ascend by violent meanes and uniust titles , as lawfull princes that enter by a faire descent and election : and so likewise the word ( by ) is taken indistinctly , it may as well signifie that efficacy of gods hand which is ordinary , and stands with the freedome of naturall causes , as that which is extraordinary , and excludes any humane concurrent causality : and we have given reason , why it should intimate the first , but there is no reason given why it should intend the second . but the royalists will now object , that if power doe flow from a humane naturall principle ( rather then a divine and supernaturall one ) yet still this proves not that publick consent is that only principle . nimrod was a greater hunter of men , and doubtlesse that empire which he atcheeved , was rather by force then consent ; and t is apparent that many other princes have effected that by their owne toyles , which they never could have done by meer merit or morall inducements . 't is not to be imagined that nimrod or any other by meer personall puissance without the adherence of some considerable party , could subject nations ; or lay the foundations of a spreading empire : neither was any conquest ever yet accomplisht without some subsequent consent in the party conquered , as well as precedent combination in the party conquering , or concurring in the act of conquest . normandy and england were united by armes , but not meerly by armes , for the acquisition of england was compast at first by the voluntary aydes of the normans , and upheld afterwards by the voluntary compliance of the english . the maintaining of dominion is altogether as difficult as the purchase , and commonly is of the same nature : if nothing else but the sword had placed william in the chair , nothing else but the sword perpetually unsheathed could have secured him & his posterity therin , but it was not normandy that was ingaged against england , it was william that was ingaged against heralt , no sooner therefore was that personall dispute ended , but william was as well satisfied with the translation of heralts right , as england was willing to transferre the same upon him . without some rightfull claime william had been a robber , not a victor , and without the consent of this nation either declaring or making that claime rightfull , the robbery would have lasted for ever , and yet no title had ever accrued thereby . wherefore if there must be a right of necessity to make a difference betwixt robbery , and purchase ; and if that right can never bee justly determined by force without consent either precedent , subsequent , or both : nor no prince was ever yet found so impious or foolish as to decline the same : the plea of conquest is but a weak absurd plea , for ( as it is well observed ) by a learned gentleman , conquest may be a good meane , or it may be a remote impulsive cause of royalty , but an immediate formall cause it cannot be , neither can gods ordinance bee conveyed , or a people in conscience ingaged by any other meanes then consent of the people , either by themselves , or their ancestors . our adversaries to involve us in a base thraldome boast of three conquests in this iland , and yet neither of them all was just , or totall ; or meerly forcible , without consent preceding , or following . 't is a law amongst swordmen ( and it hath no other sanction ) arma tenenti , omnia dat , qui justa negat . try us by this law ; and what could either the saxon , dane , or norman pretend against this whole nation ? if the crowne was unduly withheld , that could beget but a particular quarrell betwixt the usurper here and him that was pretender , on the otherside . this was no nationall injury , and yet even no such manifest desseisin can be proved against us . besides , if the whole nation had transgressed , yet the whole nation was never wholly subdued , nor scarce any part of it altered by conquest , all our conquerours themselves did rather loose themselves , and their customes , and their laws to us , then assimilate us to themselves . anglia omnibus regunt & nationum temporibus iisdem legibus , & consuetudinibus quibus nunc regitur continuò regebatur : we know by what an authenticall hand this was written . war-like incursions of foraine armies prevail no more usually upon great states , then the influxes of rivers do upon the ocean , so farre they are from making the maine fresher , that they themselves become brackish in attempting it . we see the norman here being in the full pride of his great victory , was in danger to have received a fatall check from the inhabitants of kent ( one county of this realme ) had he not prudently betaken himself to a milde way of treatie , and composition . and if the conquered remain in such condition , what justice is that , which ingulphs not onely them but the conquering nations also , and their posterities in the same vassalage under one insulting lord ? the natives here now are not distinguishable , nor ever were in point of freedome from those which entred by force amongst them ; and shall we think , that the same hand which wrested away our liberty in favour of one man , would do it with expence of its own also ? to use more words in this pretence of violent acquisition , were to attribute too much to it , if you relye upon any agreement and condescension of this nation , produce the same , and the true form thereof , and that shall purchase you a good title ; if you relye upon meer force , the continuation thereof to this day ought not to conclude us in a plea of this nature . t is no reason we should be now remedilessely opprest , because our ancestors could not defend themselves against your oppression . let us come now to another objection : for the royalists will still say , if the people be the true efficient , primary cause of soveraignty , yet the party constituting is not alwayes better then the constituted . still the rule is deniable , quicquid efficit tale est magis tale . for the better ventilation of this truth , we shall distinguish betwixt natural and moral causes ; for in morall causes this rule does not so constantly hold , as in naturall . you will say , that in naturall things , it does not alwayes hold ; for a spark may raise farre greater flames then it self ; and wine may intoxicate or work that in another , which it has not in it self . i answer . the spark that inflames other combustible stuffe , and so dilates it self into a greater flame , works not as a cause onely , but as an occasion also ; and we shall more truly imagine that it is multiplied , and that it gathers new strength from other concauses , then that it spends it self , or effects something more vigorous , and perfect then it self : so wine , it makes not drunk , as it is it self drunk ; because drunkennesse proceeds not from wine immediately , but from other neerer causes . wine heats the veines , annoyes the stomack with humors , and the brain with fumes , and these are the immediate causes of drunkennesse ; the proper work of wine is heat , and so it ever has a heat as intense in it self , as that which it self causes elsewhere , and without the accession of other joynt causes , it cannot produce a greater degree of heat , in another thing then it reserves in it self . as to ethicall causes ( if they may be truly called efficients ) t is confest , forasmuch as they work voluntarily and freely , they may in their influences depart with more , or lesse vigor as they please . authoritie , land , honour , &c. may be passed either absolutely , or conditionally , and the conditions may be more or lesse restraining as the agreement provides , according to the intent of the grantor , expressed by instrument , or otherwise . in our case then we are to inquire whether supreme signiory , or command be to be reputed amongst naturall or morall things , and i conceive it is of a mixt nature , proceeding from principles partly ethicall , and partly naturall . the honour and splendor of monarchs ( two main ingredients of dominion ) are after a physicall manner derived , the more glorious and noble the people is , the more glorious and noble the chief of the people is ; and this honour and glory is such as flows from the people without wasting it self , in the act of flowing . in the like manner puissance , and force , it has a naturall production from the people ( and this is another principall ingredient of empire ) the more strength there is in such or such a nation , the more strong is he who commands that nation : and yet that puissance which by perpetuall consent passes into the supreme commander , does not so passe from the people , but that it retains its ancient site , and subject of inherence . wherefore honor and power though they be so great requisites in the composition of princes , yet we see they have a naturall efflux ; and as honor is in honorante not in honorato , so potestas is in potestante ( as i may use the word ) not in potestato . the woman is coruscant by the rayes of her husband , borrowing resplendence like the moon from the suns aspect , without losse or diminution to the fountain and cause of that coruscance . in the same manner also princes derive honour and power from their subjects , yet drain not at all the scource which derives it : tanti est rex , quanti est regnum : as the people increases , or impairs , so does the prince ; and we must not expect the contrary . if then a prince be in value or excellence superiour to that community from whence all his power and honour deduces it self ( which can find but hard entertainment in our thoughts ) yet t is not because the fountain has evacuated it self in that deduction ; for we see the effect ( even after its production , for i speak not of its former entity ) is such here , that it has aristotles condition in it ; it does utrique inesse , it has a residence in both parties , it invests the grantee without devesting the grantor . to do the office of a protector , is the most proper , and therefore the most excellent , and incommunicable prerogative of a king , yet even that power by which he is made capable of protecting , issues solely from the adherence , consent , and unity of the people ; and so issues , as that the people suffer no exhaustion in the busines . neverthelesse , it must be granted , there is something of royalty which springs from a morall principle , but that is the commission , or indeed that form of qualification by which one prince differs from another in extent of prerogative , and in respect of this principle the people does more or lesse straiten it self in point of liberty . this of all other rayes of majestie is most immediately streaming from the consent of the people ; but if a nation by solemne oath , or otherwise has ingaged it self to submit to the will of a prince absolutely , affirmatively reserving no priviledges , but tacitly renouncing all immunities except onely at discretion , i shall not seek to destroy such agreements . i onely say such agreements are not the effects of nature , and t is not easie to imagine how right reason should ever mingle with such a morall principle , as gave being to such an agreement , especially when it renders the prince , who for honour and power has his perpetuall dependence upon the people , yet more honourable and powerfull in reputation of others then the people , and that by the expresse grant of the people . howsoever ( not to make this any part of our quarrell ) let such acts of communities be demonstrable positive , and unquestionable , as particular convayances of lands , &c. use to be , and it shall not be denyed , but the effect in these politicall affairs may be more such , then that impoverisht cause , which emptied it self to make it such . yet sure such acts are very rare , prescription is the great plea of princes , and they themselves must be judges of that plea , the grand signior himself has nothing but prescription to damne his subjects ( if they be to be accounted subjects ) to the base villenage of arbitrary rule . but you will say to such causes , as remain more vertuous then their effects , there is another condition also requisite , they must not onely utrique inesse , but they must admit of degrees also , that the effect may be lesse then the cause , as the water heated is lesse hot then the fire . and you will say , if the peoples power be not totally involved , then they remain still , as well superior to the parliament as to the king . and if it be , then why not inferior to the king , as well as to the parliament ? as for degrees , there is nothing more known and assented to by all : all men must take notice , that prerogatives of princes differ almost in all countreys ; and since this difference flows from different commissions , which princes do not rightly grant to themselves , it cannot but issue from the people , and from an act of the people which is graduall in it self . for the other objection , we say t is not rightly supposed that the people and the parliament are severall in this case : for the parliament is indeed nothing else , but the very people it self artificially congregated , or reduced by an orderly election , and representation , into such a senate , or proportionable body . t is true , in my understanding , the parliament differs many wayes from the rude bulk of the universality , but in power , in honour , in majestie , in commission , it ought not at all to be divided , or accounted different as to any legall purpose . and thus it is not with the king , the king does not represent the people , but onely in such and such cases : viz. in pleas of a common nature betwixt subject and subject . wherein he can have no particular ends ; and at such or such times , viz. when there is not a more full and neer representation by the parliament . and hereupon the supreme reason or judicature of this state , from whence no appeal lies , is placed in that representative convention , which either can have no interests different from the people represented , or at least very few , and those not considerable : but i shall have occasion to be more large hereafter upon this , and therefore i now supersede . 2 i come now to the finall cause of government . the scripture is very pregnant , and satisfying ; that the proper end of government was the good of the governed : and that the people was subjected to dominion for their happinesse , and tranquillity ; and not that the prince was elevated for his pomp , or magnificence . as for the prince , the law of god is most expresse in that , he is not to make his advancement any ground of lifting up his heart above his brethren : he is injoyned to that comportment which suits with a brother , not a lord : and to be so farre from lifting up his hand insultingly , as not to be inflated in his thoughts vain gloriously . and for the people , they are called gods flock , and the sheep of his pasture ; and therefore it is said in the 78. psalme , that god chose david to feed his people . our adversaries therefore though they seldome speak of the people but under the notion of the ruder multitude , and seldome name the multitude , but with termes of derision , yet they will not wholly disavow this , and therefore they would fain divide with us , and have a co-ordination of ends in the businesse . they will acknowledge that power was ordained , ut nobis bene sit , according to jeremy ; and ut tranquillam & quietam vitam degamus oum omni pietate , & sanctitate , atque etiam extrema honestate ; according to timothy : and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to st. paul : and pro bono publico , according to aristotle , and all sound phylosophy : but still they say , this end , is not the sole end , the power and honour of the governor is an end co-ordinate withall , or at least not meerly subordinate . this we can by no means admit , though by the word governor be intended , the best regulated governor that can be ; much lesse if an arbitrary governor , or one that abuses his power be here understood . for though government be a necessary medium for the preservation of man considered in a lapsed condition , yet this or that form of government , is not alwayes so much as a medium : arbitrary jurisdiction is so farre sometimes from being a blessing , that it is a very pest to the people of god . and if it arrive not at the efficacy of a true medium , how can we imagine it an end in any respect whatsoever ? neverthelesse if there were not fraud in royalists , when they speak of the power , and honour of princes generally , if they did not under those termes comprehend that arrogant tumor or grandour of mind which is incompatible with brotherly demeanour , and so is precisely forbidden by god , we should not so curiously distinguish at this present betwixt a mean , and a sole or meer mean . but now it behoves us to be very strict , and therefore to use the words of cicero upon this , eo referenda sunt omnia , iis qui praesunt aliis , ut ei qui erunt eorum in imperio sint quam beatissimi . this seems a hard saying to our royalists , must princes do nothing at all but in order to publick good , and are they bound to promote such as live under their command to all possible good , ut sint quam beatissimi ? this goes very farre ; this makes the power , honour , of supreme rulers so meerly subservient , and subordinate to the publick good , that to compasse that at any time , nay or to adde any scruple of weight unto the same , it is bound wholly to postpone or deny it self . vt gubernatori cursus secundus , medico salus , imperatori victoria : sic moderatori reipub. beata civium vita proposita est : so in another place sayes the same author , and this we may suppose he learn'd not onely out of the discourses of aristotle , and plato , as he was a phylosopher , but out of his state practise , as he was a noble senator and magistrate in rome . we read of multitudes of heathens , both greeks and romanes who had great commands , yet lived and died very poore , either by neg●●●●ting their own particular affairs , or by spending their own means upon the publick . and therefore as salvian saies of some of them to our shame , illi pauperes magistratus opulentam rempub. habe●ant , nuuc autem dives potestas pauperem facit esse rempub. adrian the emperour did often say both to the people , and in the senate of rome , ita serempub . gesturum ut sciret populi rem esse , non suam . and for this cause some princes have deserted their thrones , others have bitterly complained against the perpetuall miseries of soveraignty , as being sufficiently informed that to execute the imperiall office duly , was nothing else but to dye to themselves , and to live only to other men . this does absolutely destroy that opinion , which places the good of kings in any rivalty with the good of states . for if antonius pius could truly say , postquam ad imperium transcivimus , etiam quae prius habuimus perdidimus ; how farre distant are they from truth which makes kings gainers , and subjects loosers by their inthronization ? m. anton. phil. having by law , the sole , intire disposition of the publick treasure , yet upon his expedition into scythia , would not make use of the same without the senates consent , but professed openly , eam pecuniam , caeteraque omnia esse senatus populisque rom. nos enim usque adeo nihil habemus proprium , ut etiam vestras habitemus aedes . how diametrically opposite is this to that which our state-theologues doe now buzze into the kings eares ? they instead of giving the subjects a just and compleat propriety in the king , resigne the subject and all that he possesses to the meer discretion of the king , instead of restraining princes where the lawes let them loose , they let loose princes where the law restraines them . but our royalists will say , this is to make the condition of a king miserable , and more abject then a private mans condition . for answer to this i must a little anatomize the state of a prince . for a prince is either wise , and truly understands the end of his promotion , or not ; if he be not wise , then he is like a sottish prisoner loaden and bound with golden fetters , and yet is not so much perplexed with the weight , as inammor'd with the price of them . then does he enter upon empire , as if he went only ad au●eam messem , as stratocles , and dramoclidas had use to make their boasting in merriment ; but these vain thoughts serve onely to expose him to the traines of flatterers , and court-harpyes , till having impoverisht thousands to inrich some few , and gained the disaffection of good men to be abused by villaines , he never reads his errour till it comes presented to his eye in the black characters of ruine . the same wholesome advertisement commonly which first encounters him ( as that hand-writing did which appear'd to belshazzar in his drunken revells ) lets him understand withall , that all repentance will be too late . if the prince be wise , then does he sit amongst all his sumptuous dishes like damocles , owing his life perpetually to the strength of one horse haire : and knowing that nothing else saves his head from the swords point : then must his diadem seem to him as contemptible , or combersome as seleucus his did , who confidently affirmed that no man would stoop to take it from the ground , to whom it was so perfectly knowne as it was to him . and it was no wild , but a very considerate interpellation of some other sad prince , who being to put on the crowne upon his owne head amongst all the triumphant attendants of that solemnity could not but break out into this passion . o thou deceitfull ornament , farre more honourable then happy ; what man would stretch forth his hand to take thee out of the dust , if he did first look into the hollow of thy circle , and seriously behold the throngs of dangers , and miseries that are there lodged ? secondly , a prince is either good , and applies himselfe to compasse the end of his inauguration or not , if hee bee not good , then does he under the majesticall robes of a god , act the execrable part of a devill , then does he imploy all those meanes and helps which were committed to him for saving purposes to the destruction of gods people , and to the heaping up of such vengeance to himselfe , as scarce any private man hath ability to merit . how happy had it bin for tiberius , for nero , and for a hundred more , if they had wanted the fatall baites of royalty to deprave them , or the great advantages of power to satisfie them in deeds of lust , and cruelty ? neroes beginning , his quinquenium shewes us what his disposition was as a meer man ; but the latter part of his tragicall raign shewes us what the common frailty of man is being overcharged with unbounded seigniory . amongst other things which made caius appeare a monster and not a man , suetonius in the first place reckons up his ayry titles of pious most great , and most good &c. his impiety made him so audacious as to prophane these sacred stiles , and these , sacred stiles made his impiety the more black , and detestable . if the prince be good , then as sencca saies , omnium domos unius principis vigilia desendit , omnium otium illius labor , omnium delitias illius industria , omnium vacationem illius occupatio . and in the same chapter hee further addes , ex quo se caesar orbiterrarum dedicavit , sibi eripuit , & siderum modo , quae irrequieta semper cursus suos explicant , nunquam illi licet nec subsistere nec quicquam suum facere . 't is true of private men ( as cicero rightly observes ) ut quisque maximè ad suum commodum refert quecunque agit , ita minimè est vir bonus . but this is much more true of publick persons , whom god and man have by more speciall obligations , confined to publick affaires only , and for that purpose raised above their own former narrow orbe . o that our courtiers at oxford would admit of such politicks , and blush to publish any directly contrary ? then would these raging storms be soon allayed . but alas , amongst us , when the great counsell desires that the kings children may not be disposed of in marriage without publick privity , and consent , all our peace and religion ( being nearly concerned therein ) it is answered with confidence , that private men are more free then so . so when the election , or nomination of judges , commanders , and counsellors of state is requested , 't is answered , that this is to mancipate the crowne , and to subject the king to more exactnesse in high important affaires then common persons are in their lower interests . till machiavells dayes , such answers never durst approach the light , but now princes have learnt a new lesson ; now they are not to look upon the people as gods inheritance , or as the efficient , and finall causes of empire , but as wretches created for servility , as mutinous vassalls , whose safety , liberty , and prosperity is by all meanes to be opposed , and abhorred , as that which of all things in the world is the most irreconcileably adverse to monarchy . salust a heathen complaines of his times , that instead of the ancient roman vertues , they did entertain luxury and covetousnesse publice egestatem , privatim opulentiam . that which he complained of as the symptome of a declining state , we christians cry up as a rare arcanum imperii : to make the court rich , and keep the countrey poor as in france , is held the most subtile art of establishing a prince . trajan a pagan was an enemy to his owne safety further then it could stand with the safety of the state , as pliny writes ; and would not indure that any thing should be wisht for to befall him , but what might bee expedient for the publick . nay hee appeal'd to the gods to change their favour towards him if ever hee changed his affection to the common-wealth . yet clergy men now in holy orders , advise princes not only to preferre themselves , before the people , but even to propose the peoples poverty , as the best mean to their wealth , and the peoples imbroyling the nearest passage to their safety . cicero out of plato gives princes these precepts , so to provide for the peoples commodity , as in all their actions to have relation to the same , and utterly to forget their private advantage : and in the next place to extend their care to the whole body of the common-wealth , and every part of it . our divines on the contrary think they cannot speak more like themselves then by inverting this order : making the kings profit the sole scope of his aimes and actions , and the peoples either secondary thereunto , or which is worse inconsistent therewithall : and so farre are they from taking any consideration of the whole body , that if the major part bee not condemned to slavery , and poverty , they conceive the weale of the whole is exposed to great hazard . it is to be noted also , that we christians are not only degenerated in our politicks and become more unnaturall then gentiles , but even we also amongst christians which have been born under regular governments , doe more preposterously let loose the raines of soveraignty , then those gentiles which knew no such regulations . seneca under the roman empire sayes , non licet tibi quicquam tu● arbitrio facere . his reason is , magna fortuna , magna servitus . in england this would now be treason , if not blasphemy against god and the king , we must bee so far from saying that our king ( though hee pretend not to an absolute prerogative ) is a servant , that we must not say he is universis minor : wee must bee so farre from denying him an arbitrary power in any thing , that we must allow him an arbitrary dissent even in those things which the states of kingdomes after mature debate propose to him . maximus the emperour in his oration to his souldiers uses this expression : neque enim unius tantum hominis possessi● principatur est , sed communis totius ro : populi siquidem in ill● urbe sita est imperij fortuna : nobis autem dispensatatio tantum atque administratio principatus una vobiscum demandata est . who dares now avow at court that the whole nation of england hath a true interest and possession of this crowne , and that there is nothing therein committed to the king , but the office and charge to dispense , and manage the same together with the people , for the peoples best advantage ? that which was true at rome when there was neither religion , nor perfection of policy to bridle tyranny is now false , dangerous , trayterous in england , amongst the most civill , and knowing christians that ever were ; what can be now spoken more odious in the court of england , then this undeniable truth , that the king is a servant to the state , and though far greater , and superiour then all particulars ; yet to the whole collectively taken , a meer officer or minister ? the objections of our adversaries against this truth are especially these two . first , they say the end is not more honourable , and valuable then the means : and , secondly , it cannot be so in this case , because ( they say ) it is contradictory in sense , and a thing impossible in nature to be both a servant , and a lord to the same state . as to the first objection , whereas the example of our saviour is produced to prove , that some instruments may be of more dignity then those ends for which they are ordained : we answer , our saviour though hee did by his blood purchase our redemption , yet was in the nature of a free and voluntary agent , he was not design'd to so great a work of humiliation by any other cause then his owne eternall choice : and therefore since hee receives no ordination or designation from those whom hee came to redeem , nor had no necessary impulsion from the work it selfe of redemption , but was meerly moved thereunto by his owne intire {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , wee say he was not our mean or instrument , but his owne ; and whereas the example of the angells is next alleadged : we answer also , that their ministery performed unto men is rather a thing expedient , then necessary ; and it is not their sole or chiefe ministery , neither doe they perform the same as necessarily drawne thereunto by any motive from man , as being the immediate end of their ministery , but their service is injoyned immediately by god , and so god , not man is the true scope of their attendance . lastly , whereas it is prest , that the advocate is ordained for the client , the physitian for the patient , &c. yet it is frequently seen that the advocate is better then his client , the physitian then his patient , &c. we answer , every particular advocate or physitian is not to be compared with every particular client or patient , but it is true in generall that the skill and art of the advocate and physitian is directed in nature not so much for the benefit of him which possesses it , as of him which is served by it ; and therefore aristotle in the 2. phys. cap. 1. affirmes truly that the physitian cures himselfe by accident , as the pilot wafts himselfe by event , it being impossible that he should waft others , if hee were absent . in all arts that which is principally intended , is the common benefit of all , and because the artist himselfe is one part of the whole body , consequently some part of the benefit redounds to him . so after the same manner hee that sits at the helme of a state amongst others , steers the same for his own ends , but according to plato , and and cicero both , his maine aime , his supreame law , ought to bee salus populi ; it is a fit title for princes to be called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and wee know in a philosophicall understanding , the shepheard , though by kind farre more excellent then his charge , yet in quantum a shepheard , considered meerly in that notion with respect to his charge , is subordinate and bound to expose himselfe for his sheep . it is our saviours saying , and it was crowned with our saviours practise , bonus pastor ponit vitam pro ovibus . besides , advocates , physitians , &c. as they voluntarily choose their owne professions , perhaps intend their own private profit in the first place , the publick in the second , such is the perversenesse of humane nature ; but as the state designes , or authorizes them , that intends publick ends in the first place . i passe now to the second objection which maintaines lord and servant to be incompatible ; our tenet is , that kings may have supreame majesty as to all individuall subjects , yet acknowledge themselves subject to the whole state , and to that supreame majesty which flowes perpetually from that fountaine . in briefe , according to the old received maxime , the greatest monarchs in the eye of law , policy and nature , may be singulis majores , universis minores , they may obtaine a limited empire , or sub regno graviore regnum . our adversaries though they cannot disprove , yet they much disrelish this doctrine , they cannot say it is impossible ; for all democracies , aristocracies , mixt and limited monarchies make it visibly true : nor can they say it is incommodious , for there are more mixt and limited states then absolute ; and those which are mixt , and limited , are more civill , more religious , more happy then those which are not . these things are beyond all doubt , and debate . the question then is only , whether absolute princes , that is , such as have no persons to share in power with them , nor no lawes to circumscribe their power for them , be not as meer servants to the state , and as much obliged in point of duty to pursue its publick interest , as they are lords over private persons , and predominant over particular interests . many of the authorities before cited make good the affirmative , and many more may be alleaged to the same purpose : and the rule of finall causes , makes it beyond all contradiction , that there is a certain service annexed to the office of the most independent potentate . nefas est , ( sayes alexander severus ) à publico dispensatore prodigi quae provinciales dederant . he contents himselfe with the name of a publick steward or treasurer , and confesses that hee cannot mispend the common stock intrusted with him , without great sinne and injustice . maximus also ( as was before recited ) challenged no more in the empire then a kind of commission to dispense , and administer ( they are his owne very words ) the affaires of the empire with the state . and therefore seneca gives this admonition , that the emperour should make his account , non suam esse rempub. sed se reipub. and this was that service ( the very word it selfe is servitus ) which tiberius complained to be layed on his shoulders so miserable and burthenous , as sueton. writes in the life of tiberius . it was recorded in commendation also of nasica , that hee preferred his countrey before his owne family , and did account no private thing his owne , or worthy of his thoughts in comparison of those things , which were publickly advantageous ; ut enim tutela , sic procuratio reipub. ad utilitatem eorum , quibus commissi sunt , non ad eorum quibus commissa est , gerenda est : here the office of a magistrate is a procuration , he is taken as a guardian in socage , and the end of his office is the utility of those which are committed to his trust , not his owne . to conclude the lawes of the empire were very full , and cleer in this , and many more histories might bee brought forth to give more light and strength in the case , but there is no need of any . if any honest patriot neverthelesse think fitter to use the name of father then servant , i shall not wholly gainsay therein . my wish is , that subjects may alwayes understand their right , but not too rigorously insist upon it ; neither would i have them in private matters look too much upon their publick capacity : princes also may without indignity to themselves , at some times condescend to such acknowledgements of the peoples due , as is not so fit to be heard from any mouth , but their owne . happy is that king which anticipates his subjects in submitting his own titles , and happy are those subjects which anticipate their king in submitting their owne rights , and happy are both , when both thus comply at the same time . neverthelesse , if it may be ever seasonable to urge a verity with strictnesse , princes are not to be called fathers of their subjects , except taken divisim : but are meer servants to the people taken collectim . how erronious then are they , and how opposite to the end of government , which are so far from making kings servants to the people , that they make the people servants to kings ; whereas the lord doth not rule for the profit of his servant , but by the profit of his servant compasses his own . servile power is tolerated , because it tends to the safety and good of him that is subject to it ; but as aristotle holds , 3. pol. c. 4. the master in protecting his servant does not look upon his servants ends herein , but his own , because the losse of his servant , would be a losse to his family . therefore this kind of authority is not to be indured in a state , because it is incompetent with liberty , provided onely for slaves , and such as have no true direct interest in the state : whereas finis justi imperii ( as ammianus writes ) and as has been confirm'd by many other proofs : vtilitas obedientium aestimatur , & salus . but you will say , it is more reasonable that subjects should remain under the condition of servants , then he which has authority over those subjects , and is in place far above them . i answer : that end to which princes are destin'd , viz. the common good , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as one cals , or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as another cals it , or cura salutis aliena , as another cals it , is so excellent , and noble , that without the inconvenience of servility , they may be servile to it . the truth is , all things that are in the nature of means and instruments are then most perfect , and intire , when they are most fit , and conducible to accomplish the end for which they are prepared . so aristot. delivers in the 5. metaphys. and so averroes , and thomas thereupon . t is to quarrell against god , and nature , to except against that true and proper end which god and nature hath design'd to any person or thing . the greeks called excellence {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; and the romanes called it perfectio , because that is perfect , or consummate which approaches nearest to its end . t is not onely therefore to be said , that that is a perfect , or intire state , wherein the governor executes all things in order to the common good , but he also is a perfect , and intire governor , which bends all his actions to that purpose . for if we look up to almighty god , we must needs acknowledge that he is most truly represented and personated by such a deputy as refers all things to publick good . for god is goodnesse it self , and there is nothing more essential to goodnesse , then to be diffusive , and god has no end of addition or profit to himself in making heaven , or earth , angels or men . next if we look upon nations , they ever retribute most honour , and repay most dutie , love , and gratitude to such princes as are most free from particular aymes . that reigne which supports it self by terror is accompanied with hatred , and danger : but that which found it self upon love , is truly majesticall , safe , and durable . for in part the princes happinesse is involved in his subjects , and he does more partake in their flourishing condition , then they in his private advantages . if cicero can say , nistrum dicamus esse , quicquid bono principi nascatur : the prince may say as truly , principis est quicquid est omnium . therefore does aristot. 8. ethic. c. 10. maintain , that kings do not regard their own particulars , but the community of their subjects ; because there is a self-sufficiencie , and perfection in good kings whilest they cannot be said to want that , which their subjects have . queen elizab. by her publick actions doubted not to win her subjects hearts , and being possessed of her subjects hearts , she doubted not but to command both their hands and purses , and what else could she want to make her truly great and glorious ? next , if we look upon princes themselves , they have gallant , capacious , and heavenly souls , which know no bounds in their affections but the community it self , over which god hath placed them : but they are ever narrow of heart , poore of spirit , and weak in judgement , that prefer themselves , and their own profit , or rather a shadow of profit , before the whole flock of god , and that which is indeed reall , and substantiall glory . plato supposes that nature in the composition of common people used the courfest metall in the composition of souldiers , and the middle rank silver ; but in the production of chief commanders , the purest sort of gold . his meaning is , she infused higher and better principles , where the confined to greater and nobler ends . lastly , if we look upon the nature of the end it self , we shall see there is not that servility in it as is supposed , it differs toto genere from that preposterous end , which would make whole nations servile . for if it be slavish , and base , to have the true good or prosperity of millions postponed to the false good and prosperity of one man , sure it is directly the contrary , for one man to abdicate that which has but the shew of his single benefit in comparison of that which apparently is the true benefit of millions . servility and slaverie ( if it be rightly defined ) is that odious and unnaturall condition , which subjects and necessitates a man to a false end , or to such an end , as god and nature in his creation never did intend him for . now this definition does not agree with that condition of a prince , which subjects , and necessitates him to publick ends . let then all princes from hence learn to renounce machiavils ignoble , fordid principles , and let them industriously aspire to the true excellence and perfection of that publick divine end , for which they were ordained . let them think it more glorious , and better beseeming imperiall dignity , to be accounted the love , and delights of mankind , as titus was ; then the seducers of israel , as jeroboam was . let them zealously imitate augustus , who found rome built of brick , but left it all beautified with marble ; rather then nero who consumed both brick and marble with fire , and reduced all to ashes . let them follow that prince , who preferred the saving of one subjects life , before the slaughtering of a thousand enemies ; rather then such princes , as usually value the life of one traytor , before the peace and safety of divers kingdoms . to conclude , let the publick good of their subjects , ( being the true end of their royaltie assign'd both by god and man ) be the measure of their actions , the touchstone of their politicks , the perfection of their laws , the determination of their doubts , and the pacification of all their differences . we have now seen who is the architect , and what the true intent is of the architect . let us in the third place take view of some frames and erections to gain more light from the parts , and fashions thereof . and first let us take notice of such politicks as scripture affords from adam to moses ; and next from the introduction of the law till the incarnation of our saviour : then let us inform our selves of that empire under which christianity began first to spread ; and lastly , let us draw down to our owne times , and survey our owne fabrick . the first species of power , which had a being in the world ( for the word power is applyed diversly ) was maritall : and this we conceive to be something more then meer order , but not so much as jurisdiction ; for these reasons . first , the scripture saies , the man , and the woman were made one flesh , or one person ; and they were so conjoyned in their interests , that the love of son and father was not so strong , as this conjugall tye . this makes a coercive power improper , when man is to use it upon his own members : for man is not said justly to have any jurisdiction over his own parts , or members ; t is a kind of solo●cisme in nature . vbi tu caius , ibi ego caia , so said the old roman law , and god in the fifth commandement allowes the same degree of honour to the mother as to the father . secondly , if the husband have such a coercive power , it is so arbitrary that he may proceed to what degree of rigour he pleases , even to death it selfe ; for as hee hath no law to bound him , so hee hath no equallito controll him : nay , he is not judge only , but informer , witnesse , and executioner also : and nothing can bee more extreame , and rigid then this . thirdly , the wife ( admitting such a jurisdiction of the husband ) if in all cases remedilesse and destitute of appeale ; though there bee more bonds of duty , and awe , to restraine her from being injurious , disobedient and unnaturall to her husband , then to withhold her husband from abasing his authority , ( and this ought rather to exempt her , then him ) yet in this case , for him there is no controll , and for her there is no redresse . fourthly , there is no mention precept or precedent in scripture , to countenance any coertion of this nature , unlesse we will call that of divorce and repudiation so ; and that also seemes discountenanced by our saviour , except in case of adultery . fifthly , we see in all nations the power of husbands is regulated by the publick civill power ; which if it were from nature , before civill power it could not justly be repealed , nor merit to bee altered . contra jus naturale , non valet dispositio humana . when vashti the emperesse would not submit to the command of him who was both her husband and prince , a law was made to punish that contempt , and the like offences , and till that law was made , it was not thought fit that the jurisdiction either or husband or prince should be exercised against her . t is sufficient therefore that nature teaches wives to look upon their husbands interests , as their own , and their persons as themselves ; and to acknowledge them their lords , as god has indued them with more majestie , strength , and noble parts : and to be submisse as they were created of and for men : and if then nature prevails not , recourse must be had to an impartiall judicature , where either party may be indifferently heard : for there is no more justice intended to the one , then to the other , nor can injustice be more feared from the one , then the other . so much concerning maritall power , and to shew that nothing can be rightly extracted out of it , for the licensing of arbitrary rule in the state . wherefore i passe to paternall power . the second species of power which succeeded in the world , was that which parents have over their children : and this also we conceive to exceed meer order , but not to equall jurisdiction , or at least absolute jurisdiction ; for these reasons : first , because t is apparent , that in the family the power of the mother does participate with the power of the father , and by its mixture and co-ordination cannot but be some qualification to its rigour . secondly , take children before they are of maturity , and there needs no other scepter , but a twig to awe them ; and take them to be of full age , and then they spread into families themselves , and rise to the same command in their own houses , as they were subject to in their fathers . it were unjust also that parents should claime any jurisdiction to hold their children from marriage , or to usurp so over them after marriage , as they may not command in the same manner , as they are , or were themselves commanded . thirdly , nature with a very strong instinct breaks the force of paternall empire , by turning the current of affection rather from the father to the son , than from the son to the father : it rather makes the father , which is the root , convey sap to the son , which is the branch , than on the contrary : and therefore the naturall end of the father , is not his own good only , but his whole families , ( according to aristotle ) whereas , take him in the notion of a master , and so he regards his own good in the first place , and his servants in the second , only as it conduces to his . fourthly , if parents had an absolute jurisdiction over their children , even to life and death ; then children , which in the eye of policie , are sometimes many in number , and of more publike value then their parents , might be opprest without all meanes of remedie : and this may prove mischievous and unequall , and not fit to be referred to natures intention . fifthly , in all civill countries , where government is established , there are lawes to over-rule parents as well as children , and to provide for the safetie of children as well as parents : and where no government is yet established , there is no president of such jurisdiction . upon the murther of abel , if the right of a father had intitled adam to the same power , as the right of a prince useth to doe , adam ought to have arraigned cain at his bar , and to have required blood for blood . but we do not find that adam did claim any such power , or sin , in not claiming it : we find rather that the whole stock of mankinde then living , were the judges that cain feared : and there is reason why they should be more competent for such a tryall then the father himselfe . when there were no kings , no judges in israel , the people by common consent did rise up to vindicate common trespasses ; and god so required it at their hands . but if judgement should be left to parents only , much injustice might be expected from them , which is not so much to be feared from the people not yet associated : for the offence of the son is either against the father , or some other : if against the father , then is he judge in his own case ; and that is dangerous ; the father may be partiall to himselfe : if against another , then the father is a stranger to the plaintiffe , not to the defendant : and that is more dangerous , in regard that partialitie is more to be feared . the paternal right of adam might better qualifie him for rule , whilst he lived only amongst his own descendents , than any other pretence could any other particular person amongst his descendents : but it did only qualifie , not actually constitute : and since adams death , none but noah could pretend to the same qualification . the right of fathers is now in all fathers equall ; and if we doe not grant , that it is now emerged or made subordinate in all great associated bodies , by that common authoritie which extends over all , we must make it incompatible with common authoritie . 't is true , bodin is very zealous for paternall empire ; and he conceives , that the publique courts of justice would not be so full of suites , if this domesticall jurisdiction were not too far eclipsed thereby . but 't is well answered , that bodin , in this , doth not aime at the totall cure of contention in the state : his only ambition is , to ease the publique courts , and to fill private houses with more vexations and unnaturall contestations . the romane law was very rigid against children ; and bodin supposes that law was grounded upon the law of nature : but we know it never was received in all nations , neither is it now in force almost in any nation : and whereas bodin appeales to gods law , deut. 21. we desire no better determination ; for the very words of the law there , give the definitive sentence to the elders , and the execution to the whole city : the parent hath no part , but that of the witnesse , left to him ; neither indeed can any man be thought more unfit either to judge , or to execute , nay , or to be a spectator of the rebellious executed son , than the father himselfe . civilitie hath now so far prevailed even in the imperiall law it selfe , that parents may not causelesly abdicate or dis-inherit children ; nor is that held a good testament , wherein the sons name is totally omitted ; nor if ingratitude , or disobedience , or any other cause be alleadged against the son , is the father left solely to his own judgement in that cause . we doe allow , that parents are gods to their children , and may challenge great pietie from them ; and that , in nature , their offices of kindnesse are of grace , and not of duty ; whereas no office of the child is of grace , but of meere duty : yet this destroyes not law , or the interposition of publique authoritie . the fathers right in the son , is not so great as is the countries . cicero saith very well , patria una omnium charitates complectitur . the father therefore must not use his inferior right to the prejudice of a higher . nay , the father is not only restrained by law from acts of injustice , the same being in him more to be detested than in a stranger : but he is of duty to perform all such pious offices also , as the infirme condition of children stand in continuall need of . and this duty , though the child cannot challenge as proportionable to any merit in him , yet the state shall injoyne as necessary , and righteous , and altogether indispensable . nay , suppose our crown escheated , or suppose any body of men not yet associated ; yet still we maintain , the father ( not as animal sociatum , but only as animal sociale ) owes a preservation of his issue , for the common good of mankinde ; and cannot deny payment of the same , without great injustice to humane nature . we may conclude then , that this paternall rule being so far divided and limited in point of losse of life , libertie , or other properties , wherein there is a rivaltie or concurrence of a common interest : and so far clogged with pious duties and tender respects , will be very unapt to lend any testimonie for rigorous , boysterous prerogatives in princes . the next kind of power visible in the world , was fraternall : for the father being dead , the eldest son is supposed by some to have inherited his dominion , or at least to have attained to some superioritie over his younger brethren . much might be said to prove , that fathers did not transmit all their power to their eldest sons ; for so there had remained but one monarch in the world : and the story of abraham and lot sufficiently disproves this fond dreame . but take it for granted , and yet the same answers which make conditionate the power of the father , must in the same manner be applied to the power of the brother . philosophie tells , that the cement betwixt brother and brother , is in some respects more knitting than any other whatsoever : for the cement of love betwixt husband and wife , is equall , but not naturall ; the cement betwixt father and son is naturall , yet not equall ; but the obliging power of amitie betwixt brother and brother , is both equall and naturall : and this is no sure preparation for superioritie . majestas & amor non bene ●onveniunt . and therefore 't will be superfluous to answer any farther to this point . our next transition then will be from fraternall power to that of masters or lords , which from the greek we terme despoticall , from the latine , herile . this power gives the lord an absolute , arbitrarie interest in the slave ; and it cannot be called jurisdiction , because it proposeth no ends of justice in it selfe . a slave ( according to aristotle ) is he , who is so wholly his lords , as that he hath no propertie remaining in himselfe : he only lives , or hath a being to his lord ; but is as dead , nay nothing to himself . whatsoever may be acquired by him . whatsoever may accrue any other way to him , it rests immediately in his lord : and his person , his life , all that nature hath endowed him withall , is so his lords , that at discretion he may be beaten , tortured , killed , or libidinously used , &c. his very lord is not called his , as he is called his lords : for he is his lords absolute possession , as a horse , or any reall or personall chattell is : but his lord is his , only secundum quid , as he beares rule over him : in all other things the lord retaines his own state , person , libertie and right ; neither doth he refer to the slave , but in a limited respect . hereupon it is much controverted , whether servitude be agreeable to nature , or no ? and as naturalists doe generally hold it affirmative ; so our civilians are strong for the negative . wherefore for the stating of this , we must know , that servitude is largely taken by aristotle , and not distinguished from order in nature , or that power which man hath over sensitive and vegetable things , or that jurisdiction which intends publique good , and the distributing to every man that which is his own . this caused that error . we must understand also , that when lawyers maintaine all men to have been equall by nature , and free ; their meaning is , that no violent , noxious , unvoluntarie inequalitie , or restraint , had its introduction from nature . so the true question is but this ; whether that power of a lord , which is unlimited , over his slave , be in any kind profitable for the slave , good for the state , or expedient for mankinde , or no ? if it be , it may have a foundation in nature ; if not , it is otherwise . and whereas aristotle presupposes , that there are some men so servile by nature , and so nearely approaching to bruit beasts , that they cannot governe themselves , nor live but by the soules of other men : we may not reject this , yet wholly reject dominicall-power notwithstanding . for first , that dominicall-power which we oppose , is unnaturall ; it is such , as has no eye at all upon the good or conservation of the slave , or at least , none but secundary ; the very definition of it leaves the slave utterly disinherited of himself , and subject to his masters sole ends : now that which tends not to the preservation , is not naturall , but violent , and consequently , to be abhorred . secondly , there can be no condition of man so servile or brutish , as to require an arbitrary subjection : nature has not exposed infants to this rigour , no nor beasts , and therefore much lesse any that have a larger use of reason : this condition does make government absolutely necessary ; but absolute government it does not prove so much as expedient . thirdly , if this condition did justifie dominicall-rule as to that respect , yet this justifies it not generally , and as the world has ever hitherto used it , and as it is commonly understood : no generous minde , no knowing man , no polititian ought to be mancipated by this ground ; and yet we know well , slavery hitherto has observed no such distinction in the world . fourthly , servile government does not onely shew it self iniurious and violent in devesting the propriety of those which are subjected to it , but also the more publike and sublime propriety ; which the common-wealth , the society of mankinde , nay god himself has in the parties enslaved . if the lord may destroy his slave at pleasure , then he may destroy that , which in part is belonging to another : then the condition of a slave is worse than of a beast , or any inanimate cattels ; and this is most unnaturall , and publikely detrimentall . sic utere tuo , ne noceas alieno : sic utere privato , ne noceas publico . these are maximes that restrain men from the abuse of any other things ; nay , by these rules , no man may abuse himself : yet these restrain not from abusing slaves ; these deny not , but a lord may have a more confined power over his slave , than he has over himself . seneca would not admit , that the masters right in the slave should derogate from the right of himself in himself , much lesse of others ; therefore doth he most admirably expostulate , thus : servi sunt ? imò homines . servi sunt ? imò contubernales . servi sunt ? imò humiles amici . servi sunt ? imò conservi . his conclusion is , cum in servum omnia liceant , est aliquid quod in hominem licere communius velit . here is a difference observed between the nature of the servant and the nature of the man : if thou may'st tyrannize over him as he is thy servant , yet thou may'st not as he is man : if the misery of one capacity have exposed him to thy cruelty , the priviledge of the other capacity ought to recommend him to thy favour : if the more base relation of servant entitle thee to domineer , yet the more noble relation of man checks the insolence of that title . fifthly , arbitrary government does not onely rob slaves of that naturall interest which they have in themselves , and states of their publike interests which they have both above lords and slaves ; but it is often a very strong incentive to cause an abuse of that usurped interest . the story of vedius pollio may make this good , and suffice instead of thousands that might be produced . this pollio had a pond stored with lampries ; and as he kept the lampries for his own food , so his wicked use was to cast the bodies of men into the pond , to feed the lampries . augustus the emperour came by chance as a guest to his house ; and , during the entertaiment , a crystal-glasse was broken by one of his slaves that attended . the slave knowing his lords cruelty , and fearing to be thrown into the lamprie-pool , and so made to die an unnaturall prey to fishes , fell at the feet of augustus , not supplicating for life , but some other manner of death , lesse to be abominated . the emperour , moved with compassion , became an interceder for his pardon ; and not prevailing , in abhorrence of that bloody monster , commanded the slave to be dismist , the pond to be filled up with earth , and all the rest of pollio's crystal-glasses to be broken instantly , for prevention of the like disasters . there was much grace in this ; but there had been far more , if he had dismist all the slaves in rome for the same reason , or so curbed the power of the lords , that they might not have been any longer incited thereby to such prodigious degrees of inhumanity . by the same reason also , as this unbridled license make lords more insulting , it makes those that are insulted over the more vindicatives , false , and dangerous . many horrid stories might be produced , to prove , that the cruelty of lords has always been retalliated with infidelity , hatred and desperate revenge of slaves . but some will say , slaves have been very usefull to some states ; and there are experiments , that slavery itself has been beneficiall to thousonds of slaves themselves : and it is known to all , that in the first dilatation of christianity , when slaves were every where discharged for the honour of religion , the world became full of beggars : and though hospitals and alms-houses exceedingly encreased , yet it was too little to keep many from starving , and begging up and down . hereupon , the emperour valens was compelled , by his edict , to recall into slavery again all such as had begged from door to door , and for want of industry or ingenuity could not provide for their own sustenance , and so declared themselves uncapable of the benefit of liberty . to this i make answer thus : first , slaves in all countreys and in all ages have not been treated alike : and it is manifest , that in such countreys and times , wherein they have been protected against extremity of rigour by courteous laws , they have been of some private use : but when they have been too numerous , and when they have been governed with cruelty , they have been publikely fatall , for the most part . let bodin speak to this point . secondly , where slaves are under the protection of other laws than their lords wills , and where they are truely parts and members of the state , and so regarded ; they cease to be slaves , according to our aforesaid definition . thirdly , a confused enlarging of slaves at the same instant of time , and dismission from all domesticall rule , might be prejudiciall in the infancy of religion ; but the altering of domestick rule , or changing the same from arbitrary to legall , from despoticall to paternall , and that for some certain space of time , could have bred no inconvenience : for if the meer restoring of men to a right in themselves , and a common and reciprocall right in the state , could make them uncapable of subsisting , this would extend to all nations and times ; whereas we know , we see , we daily try the contrary every where . but it will be further said , if nature it self has no ways recommended this arbitrary power over slaves ; yet the laws of nations , or municipall laws do justly permit the same . this , if it be granted , does nothing at all invalidate any thing by me undertaken : yet , for further satisfaction herein also , it is to be observed , first , that god , by his law against murther , oppression , &c. excepts not slaves more then freemen : that he equally hates sin in freemen , and rewards vertue in slaves : that he has care of slaves equally as of freemen ; and extends the price of christs blood equally to both : and in levit. 25. his law is peremptorily to the jews , that none of that nation shall be in bondage , or serve instar mancipii ; sed ut mercenarius , aut hospes : nay , even mercenary servants were to be set free , and to return to their kinred , and liberty with all their goods and family , vertente jubelaeo : nay , the canaanites and heathens , whom god had designed to extirpation , yet might not remain in slavery , after they did embrace the true religion ; then there was the same law to the jew and to the proselyte : the apostle is clear in this , omnes unum sunt in christo . whether they be jews or greeks , bond or free , &c. and if saint paul does perswade servants , not to withdraw themselves from their masters after conversion to christianity ; but remain under the yoke , and to honour and obey their masters : ne nomen dei , & doctrina male propter ipsorum iniquam pertinaciam audeat . this commends not at all the condition of slaves ; it onely tolerates it so far , as that where it is established by publike authority , it may not be repealed by private persons . yet we read of no slavery , till it was denounced to chams posterity , as a curse by god ; neither may we impute the sin of that slavery which ensued upon that curse , to god , as the proper and immediate cause thereof . secondly , as there is no difference of slaves and freemen before god , so neither is there in nature : slaves are men as much as their lords ; they have the same endowments of minde , the same ability of body ; they are born with the same danger , and exposed to the same miseries . thirdly , in the state , if liberty be a benefit , and may be publikely more usefull then bondage , the liberty of the servant ought to be as precious , and is of as much publike importance as the lords : nay , it often happens , that the servant has more naturall ingenuity then the master . fourthly , if we have respect to meer usage , and the custom of nations , we shall finde , that the extreme rigour of arbitrary servitude was scarce ever entertained by any , but barbarous people ; nay amongst barbarians , scarce any would inslave natives , or such as they thought of the true religion , or such as had not some way merited death by the law : scarce any but had asylum , or some other means of refuge for slaves oppressed , and brought almost to desperation : and where too much rigor was used , scarce any but found the desperation of slaves pernitious . tacitus sayes of the germans , that they were so indulgent to slaves , that they were scarce to be called slaves there . and amongst the russians , none but the prince could take away the life of his slave . the athenians allowed by law , that the complaints and suites of slaves should be publikely heard : nay , they provided for plowing oxen , by law , that they should not be abused . cadmus at thebes , and thesius at athens , erected an altar of mercy , for protection of slaves . at rome , the statue of romulus ; at ephesus , the temple of diana served for such mercifull uses ; and almost all nations had the like places for recourse of oppressed captives . the law aquilia and petronia were passed in favour of slaves , and to restraine all crueltie beyond scourging . and augustus , as also many emperors after him , when civilitie began to be illightned by christianitie , began to break the arbitrarie power of lords , and to set bounds to it , as a thing fit to be antiquated for many equitable reasons . as soon as christianitie was established , by law , provision was presently made to free all christians from slaverie and 't is now 400 yeares , and more , since all slaverie amongst christians hath been wholly expulsed , so that there is scarce any name or memory thereof remaining . and this cannot but be attributed partly to piety , partly to equity , and partly to naturall respects . fifthly , if we have respect to law , either we must acknowledge that the commonwealth hath an interest in slaves , or not . if it hath not , what a maime , what a losse is this ? if it hath , how can such mis-improvement thereof be answered to god , or justified in policie ? if it be said , that slaverie may be inflicted as a due punishment not unsutable to naturall reason , or exchanged for death . i answer : my scope is not to prove , that arbitrarie servilitie is at some times , and to some spirits , worse than death : nor doe i wholly bend my selfe against it , as it is inflicted upon any that really deserved death , i shall only thus argue : either condemnation , and sentence of slavery passed upon the guilty , doth really put the delinquent into a worse condition than death , or not . if it doth , then it is unjust and excessive . if not , then it reserves something to the delinquent , wherein neither the right of the delinquent , nor the right of the state is wholly lost and relinquished ; and if the delinquent be dead to himselfe , and yet not to others ; then not to the state , more than to the lord ; for how can the state , which hath an interest in the lord , chuse but have an interest in that , which is the interest of the lord ? so much of this kind of power . now we orderly arrive at that power , which is the only intended subject of our discourse ; and that we shall properly call jurisdiction . we have already searched the schooles for the causes of power , both finall and efficient ; we have also ransacked the bosome of nature for all other species of power ; and yet we can find no grounds for absolute rule . we shall now therefore make enquiry for precedents or patternes , such as all ages may furnish us withall . and who now hath any competent share of reason , can suppose , that if god and nature have been so carefull to provide for libertie in families , and in particulars ; that man would introduce , or ought to indure slaverie , when it is introduced upon whole states and generalities . every thing intends its own good and preservation , and therefore when communities fancied to themselves the formes of jurisdiction , we must beleeve that they did not wholly depart from the originals of god and nature , but rather copy out of those formes whatsoever was best and most soveraigne in each . howsoever 't is granted on all sides , that princes and supreme commanders , in all ages and countries , have differed in the latitude of jurisdiction ; some have been more absolute , others lesse . now since this did proceed from divers reasons , and hath produced divers effects ; let this be the subject of our discussion . the nature of man-being depraved by the fall of adam , miseries of all sorts broke in upon us in throngs , together with sin ; insomuch that no creature is now so uncivill and untame , or so unfit either to live with , or without societie , as man . wolves and beares can better live without wolves and beares , then man can without man ; yet neither are wolves nor beares so fell , so hostile , and so destructive to their own kinde , as man is to his . in some respects , man is more estranged from politicall union than devils are : for by reason of naturall disparitie , the reprobate angels continue without dissolution of order , and shun that confusion amongst themselves , which they endeavour to promote amongst men . but amongst men , nothing but cursed enmitie is to be seen . when aristotle sayes , that men doe associate by instict of nature , for ends of honestie , as they are communicative creatures , as well as necessitie and safetie : he rather intimates what we should be , than what we are ; and tells us what we were created , rather than what we are being now lapsed . we must insist upon necessitie therefore , as the main ground and end of policie ; and besides order , and the lawes of god and nature , we must finde out some more particular constitutions , to cement us , and to hold us fast bound together . though the times of adam were not uncouth , as ours now are , yet even then the common consent of mankinde ( that which we now call , jus gentium ) was too slack iand loose a bond , to keep the world from dissipation . whilst the universe was but one intire house , united under one common father , in whom all tyrannous thoughts were contrary to the worst suggestions of nature ; whilst the neare relation of blood was fresh , and unobliterated ; whilst the spacious surface of the earth ( not yet thronged with plantations ) afforded few baites of avarice , or objects of ambition , or grounds of difference betwixt brother and brother ; whilst so many umpites of equall distance in blood , were at hand to interpose , in case any difference did unhappily arise ; the raines of government might hang more loose and easie upon the necks of men . yet even the infancie of the world , we see , required something more than the rod to over-awe it , and some other severer hand than a fathers , to shake that rod : nay , if abel fall by the bloody hand of a murtherer , ( who hath no other provocation given him , but the pietie and devotion of his nearest allie ) little expiation or justice is to be expected from the common assembly of the whole body . how long it was before families did incorporate , and grow up into cities , and cities into states ; and how long it was before cities and states did frame laws , and settle magistrates to enforce those laws , is dimly and obscurely set forth , either in the book of god , or other authors : but we may very well guesse , by the many small petty principalities that we read of in all ancient chronicles , either divine or profane . that regiment in the first ages of the world was rather too milde and finewlesse , than too violent and rigorous : where the territories are narrower , the managery of affairs is the easier ; and where the scepter is more easie to be swayed by the prince , it is more gentle to be born by the people . were it not for fear of forreign infestations , smaller seigniories were best constituted and disposed , for peace and duration : and because they require no large prerogatives , but rest satisfied with little more then paternall power , the people are lesse jealous of their lord , and they , consequently , have the lesse occasion to be harsh to the people . nimrod is registred with the title of a great hunter ; but whether he had that addition given him for enlarging the confines of his dominion , or for acquiring a more unbounded prerogative , or for exercising his power more insolently , is not declared : besides , it is left utterly uncertain , whether nimrod laid his foundation upon force , or consent ; whether he did by his tongue or his sword drive and hunt men out of woods and wilde recesses into towns and cities : for that force by which he did prevail , can hardly be supposed to be it self wholly forced . it is left also as dubious to conjecture , how far consent was left by nature ; for if order , and right of succession , did give the rule according to primogeniture , then all mankinde must have been subjected to one crown ; whereas , if primogeniture were wholly neglected , and every father or brother left independent in his own family , to associate or not at his pleasure , then rule would have been crumbled into atomes . to avoid therefore surmises , and the dark labyrinths of our primative-records before the flood , and immediately following , let us fall lower , upon the story of abraham , moses , david , and such as succeeded them . the people of god , at severall times , were under either several forms , or several degrees of power and jurisdiction : that soveraignty which abraham and the patriarchs had , was not the same as that which moses and the judges had ; neither had moses and the judges the same as saul and the kings ; nor yet had saul and the kings the same as cyrus , and the persian emperours . it is disputed much by some , whether the patriarchs and judges before sauls days had regal-power or no : some say , their power was regal ; others say , it was but aristocraticall : and others ( more judiciously , in my opinion ) say , it was mixt of both . one says , that , after the flood , till nimrods usurpation , men lived under the empire of single commanders , who neverthelesse did not govern as kings , but as fathers : now since this is but the patern which all kings ought to follow , therefore what other meaning can this bear , but that governours in those days , having small territories , did claim but moderate prerogatives , though they were as solely supreme in the state , as fathers are in the families ? as for moses , and the judges also , it is truely said , they were no other then gods vice-roys , in regard they did go forth to battel by immediate commission , and transact many other great affairs by direction from gods own mouth : neverthelesse , this alters the case little or nothing , as to the latitude of their prerogatives ; this rather added than took honour , grandour , or jurisdiction from them ; this left them as sole a sovereignty , and as unbounded over the people , as other princes have who are gods ordinary vice-gerents . it must needs be , therefore , that that case and freedom which the people then found under gods immediate substitutes , was not procured by any further right or law , or from any other indifferent composition of government which they had belowe , from other monarchies ; but from a regulation above ; because it was impossible for their chief lord to oppresse , or do injustice , or to direct his thought to particular ends , contrary to theirs . this shews how impious and stupid a frenzie that was in the israelites , which made them weary of gods headship ; for indeed , they did not so properly create to themselves a new government , as a new governour . we cannot think that saul , being invested with style and state of an ordinary king , and discharged of such an immediate extraordinary dependence upon god , as samuel acknowledged , had thereby any new right granted him , to do wrong , or be oppressive to his subjects : his diadem did not absolve him from the true end of diadems , nor did his meer instalment ( so much against gods will and advertisement ) cancell the law of god , which forbids kings to amasse treasure into their private coffers , or to encrease their cavalries , or to provide extraordinary magazines of arms and munition , or to lift up their hearts above their brethren ; much more to employ their treasure , horses or arms against their subjects . barclay , and our royallists , offer apparant violence to scripture , when they will make god to call the usuall rapine and insolence of kings , jus regis ; whereas indeed , the word in the original signifieth nothing but mos regis , as is plain to all that will look into the same . howsoever , let the prerogative of the jewish kings be taken in its utmost extent , and take the restraint of gods morall law not to be of any politicall efficacie ; yet we shall still perceive , that the very composition of that monarchy was not without qualifications of mixture , and other limitations . the crown , it was setled upon judah , and more particularly , upon the house of david ; yet the peoples election was not thereby wholly drowned : for still , before every coronation , they might assemble to give their votes , and were not necessitated to choose any individuall person in the house of david . it appears also by the story of rehoboam , that the people might capitulate for just munities , and require some obligation for assurance of the same : and in case that was not granted , it was esteemed , and properly it might b● said , that the king did reject the people , and deny protection ; not that the people did reject the king , and deny subjection . next , there was a great colledge and councell of elders , called , the sanhedrin , consisting of 71 princes , who had the hearing and determining of all weighty and intricate suits , unto whom the last appeal lay from inferiour courts ; and the king , without tyranny , could not interrupt or impeach the proceedings of this sanhedrin . if saul will charge david with treason , and , without all legall processe , take arms against him , untried and uncondemned , david may leavie forces of voluntiers against the followers of saul , and stand upon his justification , cum moderamine inculpatae tutelae . wicked ahab stood in so much awe of such kinde of trialls , in the corrupted state of israel , that when he coveted naboths vineyard , he durst not attempt to wrest it away by force , nor did he obtrude upon the court what sentence he pleased ; he was driven to hire perjured villains , and so by fraud to procure an erroneous judgement . it is worthy of notice also , that these 71 elders , or princes of the tribes , who had the supremacie of judgement , were not eligible by the king , and so the more obnoxious to his commands ; but did inherite this dignity ; and for that cause were extirpated by herod , as the main obstacle to his tyrannie . besides , though the children of israel had abandoned god for their chief ruler , yet god , out of his unspeakable grace , did not utterly cast them out of his protection ; but oftentimes did extraordinarily interpose by his prophets , as he had done by princes before , for relief of his inheritance . in behalf of vriah , nathan was sent with a vindicative-message , to bridle davids cruelty : in behalf of the whole nation , groning under solomons ponderous hand , another menacing prophet was dispatched , to represse his impotent pride : and in the behalf of the ten tribes , recoyling from the same pressures under his son rehoboam , a third prophet was sent , to put a hook into his nostrils . lastly , though the jewish kings , by having the militia put into their hands more arbitrarily then the judges had before , obtained greater opportunity , and not right of oppressing their subjects : yet that militia did not consist of strangers or mercenaries , or such souldiers as had no other profession or right in the state ; nor were there constant armies and garisons kept in pay , like those of the romane praetorians , or turkish janizaries . and hence it is , that if saul , in a brutish unnaturall fury , will attempt against the life of his son jonathan , or seek to compasse any other thing subversive to the state , he cannot finde instruments barbarous enough amongst all his sword-men for his black purposes , but he shall presently meet with opposition , and forcible resistance . thus far then , we finde in the world no prints or footsteps of tyrannie , or of absolute royalty , nay , nor of royalty it self , till the peoples cursed ingratitude and folly introduced it : we must go beyond god and natures workmanship and impressions , before we can discover any thing but parentall majestie , or gentle aristocracie , or compounded or mixed monarchie . since therefore it so fared with gods people in point of liberty and safety , out of gods unspeakable favour , under patriarks , judges and kings . now let us enquire how it fared with them under those forraigne emperours , by whom they were subjugated , and made tributary . judea being seated neere the centre of the world , became obnoxious to all the great vi●ssitudes of change which happened to the foure vast over-ruling monarchies . the babylonian or assyrian first , and the persian next , from the east , spread victorious armes almost over all asia . after , from the west successively , both the grecian and roman made irruptions ; and in all these generall periods of empire , the state of the jewes had its sense and share of the calamitie . as for the two first monarchies , there is little in particular recorded , and left to posteritie in writing , concerning their true formes and compositions ; as there can no lawes be produced , by which the subjects had resigned all right of liberty and safety ; so neither can there be any produced , by which they had precisely compounded for the same . some instances only we find mentioned , that the lawes of the medes and persians were unalterable by the prince ; and by this it seemes , that the prime ensigne of majestie , which consists in making and abrogating of lawes , was not residing in the emperour alone , without the great councell of his sages . for if the king could not alter law at his own pleasure , there was some other extrinsecall power circumscribed that pleasure ; and that power must be no other , then the same which made law ; for the true legislative power it selfe can never put fetters or manicles upon it selfe ; howsoever aristotle fancies to himselfe a kind of monarchie which he calls lordly ; and this he placeth betwixt royaltie and tyrannie , making it more unbounded than that of kings , but not so violent as that of tyrants . and this dominicall rule he ascribes to the barbarians rather than unto the grecians ; and amongst barbarians , rather to those of asia , than to the europeans . asia ( it seemes ) being more rich and fertile , bred a people more esseminate and disposed to luxurie , and so by consequence more ignoble , and prone to servilitie . hereupon the asiaticks were ever extreamly despicable in the eyes of more magnanimous nations , especially the greeks , for adoring and postrating themselves with so much devotion before their princes . plutarch , speaking of divers unmanly slavish customs amongst the persians , refers that empire to the kinde of such as are absolute , and equall to tyrannicall . plato calls it , despoticall ; and aristotle says , it was then very neer approaching to tyrannicall institution . we may well then imagine . that god , in bringing such a yoke upon the necks of his chosen inheritance , did it for their chastisement , and out of his indignation ; not for their advantage , and out of his wonted loving kindnesse . as for the grecian empire , we know , alexander becoming instated with successe , and tainted with the luxury of persia , soon began to degenerate from the moderation of his own native countrey , and those politicall rudiments which his tutour aristotle had seasoned him withall : and we read how exceeding fatall it proved : he and his empire both perhaps had been longer liv'd , if he had not rendred himself odious , first to callisthenes , by his insolence ; and to all other men afterwards , for his cruelty to callisthenes . this justly administers here an occasion to us , to insist a little upon great monarchies , in that notion onely as they are great . alexander king of persia , had no more right added to be insolent , than had alexander king of macedonia ; but greatnesse of dominion did alter him for the worse : and since it doth so usually other princes , we cannot but take notice how this comes to passe ; for either the largenesse of dominion doth require a proportionable prerogative , and so enable princes to do greater mischief , and after by accident becomes a temptation and provocation to abuse that ability ; or else we must not confesse that there is any difference , in this respect , betwixt a large and narrow dominion . now that there is a great difference , is so clear , that i will not undertake any proof of it . the scripture ever , speaking of the great monarchies of the world , pensils them under the lineaments of lions , bears , eagles , &c. armed for rapine with iron-teeth , brazen-talons , and sharp horns , &c. and the wofull experience of all ages seconds scripture therein , testifying them to be monstrous excessives in nature , and the perpetuall plagues of mankinde . yet let not me be taxed to condemn all excessive monarchies , as utterly unlawfull : for , though i doubt much , whether ever any one of them were at first justly purchased , or after by any one man rightly administred , without tyranny ; yet i conceive neither of these things totally impossible ; and so i will passe no judgement thereupon . howsoever , nature seems to have chalked out the just dimensions of a compleat monarchie , by mountains , seas , or other lines : spain , italy , france , &c. seems to be cut out as proportionable paterns : and few nations have ever prospered , when their pride had transported them beyond their native barricado's . hannibal , after seventeen yeers war waged with the romanes for the mastery of the world , at last sought a composition , in humble terms , from scipio ; and ●lamed that dangerous fond competition , which had either engaged the carthaginians beyond the coasts of affrica , or the romanes beyond the coasts of italy : but alas , it is ill successe that opens the eyes of hannibal . hanno was before held his bitter enemy , and disaffected to his countreys prosperity , for seeking an honourable peace with the romanes , and preventing the mischiefs of an over-swelling empire : yet by the way note , in the mean time carthage is lost , by an unpolitike and uncertain indifferency , whilest it will neither wholly desist from attempting against forreign states , nor yet wholly concur with such couragious generals as it entrusted with those attempts : either hanno ought to have been silenced , or hannibal recalled : the victories of hannibal are too glorious , to admit of a straitned commission : things are now come to that passe , that , if hannibal be not enabled to scale the walls of rome , scipio is to be expected at the gates of carthage . great bodies cannot be moved , but with great engines ; nor can extensive monarchies be erected or conserved , without extensive prerogatives : gravity and policie both , do in this keep a just correspondency . a moliminous vast frame , can by no means rise into a decent symmetricall pile , except there be an orderly proportion kept between the basis , the conus and the pyramis : if the basis be excessive , what is it but a deformed heap ? if the bottom be too narrow for the spire , how unstable is the fabrick likely to be . the egyptian pyramids had , perhaps , intention to expresse hieroglyphicall politikes to us , and to let us know , that though small states may be molded almost into any form ; yet great heights cannot be arrived at , but by orderly graduall ascents . at athens , sparta , thebes , pella , where the precincts are narrow , the government is easie ; decencie requires that it be as lowly : but in the magnificent court of persia , where the crown is more glorious , the scepter must be more ponderous : where the spire is more lofty , the proportion of the conus and basis must answer thereto : where rule is more difficult , the ruler must be more majesticall . this lets us see how inconsiderate that great dispute is , amongst polititians , about the comparisons of this and that form of government , viz. whether monarchie , or democracie , or aristocracie , be to be preferred amongst men : for , without doubt , the difference is not so much to be seen in the forms themselves , as in the states , which make choice of those forms . but you will say , mighty sovereigns may be enabled , as to all that is good ; yet restrained by law , from all that is evil : or , if the law of man cannot , externally ; yet the law of god , internally , may check them in matters wicked and pernitious . we answer ; bounds are set , by god and nature , to the greatest and most absolute monarchs , as well as to the least , and most conditionate : but those bounds seem but as imaginary lines , or as meer stones , not reall trenches , or fortifications : they serve onely to discover to the subject what his right is , but they have no strength at all to protect him from wrong those slaves that are sold , and forfeited to the worst of bondages , as we have proved before , have a divine and naturall claim to safety , and freedom from abuses , as other subjects have ; yet want of some politicall remedy , exposeth them to miseries far worse then death , and detrudes them often into a condition below beasts . the same slaves also are equally intitled to their lords courtesie , as the best of subjects are : there is no safety nor freedom from abuse which depends upon meer will , as an arbitrary power , but the poorest slave is as capable of it as the freest subject . nay , it hath been often a glory to weak princes , to attribute that to slaves , which they would not to men ingenuously born : for , who had offices of great command ? who had chief honours ? who had the communication of secret state-affairs ? who had the prime sway in court amongst the romane emperours , but slaves infranchised ? what senatour , what officer in rome had riches equall to narcissus , or pallas ▪ who could more powerfully sway in the palace , or better patronize cities and nations , than eunuchs , grooms and libertines ? if there be any difference then betwixt the most ingenuously-born subject and the lowest-purchased caitiff , it is onely in this , that the one hath a stronger circumvallation of humane policy to secure him , than the other ; and that he is not left so meerly to divine , naturall and discretionary pretences , as is the other . but in wide expansive seigniories , no law , no policie can sufficiently intrench or immure it self : for , if the prince be bad , he hath the more opportunity to do mischief ; if he be good , he hath yet the lesse power to govern well . it is almost a miracle , to see a great monarch good : and if he be , it is more miraculous , to see him upon the receipt of appeals , and other addresses ( as often as occasion shall require ) from remote parts , to distinguish truth and falshood , or to sift the bran from the flour so neerly as it ought to be . mark how solomon begs wisedom of god , that he may be able to go in and out before the nation of the jews : mark how great a charge he makes that little inconsiderable state to be . it was more than naturall , that augustus ( though a pagan-phoenix ) should ever know what peace was , over all his dominions : that little space of halcyonian tranquility which the world enjoy'd during some part of his reign , is in verity more to be ascribed to the cradle of christ , than to his throne . change then the scene , and see how the face of things varies : assoon as tiberius enters , see how the head of so many severall legions , of so many severall nations , of so many severall parties in religion and opinion , of so many severall disagreeing magistrates and commanders , can be reduced to order , or forced to do reason , by any one faction framed out of all these . more need not be said : where many states are subjugated to one seignior , war can never be absent ; where war is , military rule must needs predominate ; where military rule is , law must needs give place to discretion ; and what that bloody fatall train is , which ever attends war and a military arbitrary empire , is sufficiently known to all . what gain then is it to our adversaries , to alleadge , that alexander , or any of the eastern emperours did what they pleased , and ruled always uncontrolled ? this is no more but to alleadge , that the persians were first conquered by the grecians , and that after the grecians were poised by the persians , and that the division and enmity which remained betwixt both , served the prince as a sit means to enthrall both . this is no just proof in law , that the macedonians were to undergo thraldome and servitude , because they had over-run the east ; or that the east was to stoop to the like endurance , because it could not withstand grecia : nor if alexander did de facto tyrannize , cutting the diamond ( as it were ) by the powder of the diamond , is this any stronger argument for the legality of tyrannizing , than dethroning or murdering of him had been for the justification of the same in his subjects . a facto adjus non datur consequentia . when meer force lays the foundation of soveraignty , and where meer force raises up the structure , meer force may with the same equality and reason effect the demolition of the same . it is true , zedekiah being bound by oath to the babylonian conquerour to remain a true vassal , and being forbidden to make defection , by an expresse from heaven ; and undertaking the same at an unseasonable time , by improbable means , commits the sin of rebellion : but we see one of the successours of alexander , acting the bloody part of a tyrant in judea , is not onely resisted by judas maccabeus , but quite expelled : and we see that right which the sword of a stranger had acquired , was more honourably rescinded by the sword of a native . neither doth god not seem onely to countenance that revolt in the jews , but to reward also the principall agent therein , by transferring the diadem from the grecian race , to him and his posterity . the story of eglon also may serve for an instance of the same truth : and who can now look upon all those goodly provinces and kingdoms which the grand seigniors scepter hath for so many ages converted into theatres of slavery , beggery , barbarism and desolalation , and yet hold that they are no ways redeemable from that scepter ? who can say , that all those wofull nations , or rather , the starved skeletons of nations , if opportunity were offered , might not by consent abjure their feral , sanguinary oppressour , and choose to themselves severall protectours out of their own native territories ? but the strength of custom and prescription , is still by some magnified , and in the worst of empires made the ordinance of god , and as valid as any other divine right or title . i have seen a whole volume , written to that purpose , yet the answer thereof may lye ( in my opinion ) in a very narrow room ; for if custome may make that necessary which was indifferent , yet it cannot make that just which was unjust , if it may change the mode , or externall forme of some things , it cannot change the nature or internall forme of all things . for example , if the grecian line have raigned in persia for so many generations , prescription may have vigour enough to confirme that raigne : but if the macedonians have raigned tyrannicaly ; to the dis-inheriting and despoiling the persians of their due freedome , meere usage can give no ratification at all to this tyrannicall raigne . but soft of this enough : i descend now to the roman story , and to the times of christs nativity , and such as are successive thereunto . hitherto our inquisition hath met with no sufficient rule , precedent , or authority , for arbitrary power ; neither nature nor history from the creation to the redemption afford us any vestigia of it . wheresoever god had a church whosoever were the governours of it , whether patriarks , judges , kings , emperours , we have made a strict survey , and as yet discover no empire so uncircumscribed , and absolved from laws , as our adversaries contend for , and as for those nations which were meerely pagan , their chronicles are very uncertaine , and scarce worth turning over : i know our royalists will now challenge us to prove by what particular lawes , liberty was secured , and the hands of princes bound up in all ages , but we must reply , that this is more than reason or equity will require at our hands ; if they will maintaine , that the part is better than the whole : if they will maintaine , that the effect is more potent then the efficient : if they will maintaine , that the meanes is more valuable than the end : their proofes ought to be positive , and full against us , we are on the defensive part onely , and do convince , if we are not convinced . t is not sufficient for them to say , such a nation was slavishly treated de facto , they must prove , that there was cleer law for that treatance : nay they must produce such a cleer law as extends to all nations . t is not sufficient for them to say ; such a nation submitted themselves to monarchy , without any precise conditions made for liberty , and much lesse without any such now remaining extant upon record . they must prove there was cleer law for abjuring liberty , and that the force of the same is universall , and agreeable to that of god and nature : but the main shelf-anchor of our adversaries is that of the apostle in his 13. chap. to the romans , there all resistance to the higher power is forbidden , and pronounced all damnable , and t is all one ( they say ) to be irresistable , and to be absolute . now i beleeve all that is in the book of god and nature to be expressed for the right of princes , is there compendiously infolded . since then this was written in the infancy of the gospell , and during the raigne of caesar , and was directed to the romans , not without particular respect ( as doctor fern conceives ) that the government , which was supereminent , or supream at rome ; we will take it into more speciall consideration . the primate of ireland in his sermon upon this text , preached at oxford , march 3. 1643. delivers it for a sure doctrine , ( and there is scarce any other divinity known now there ) that no subject may upon any occasion take armes , or use violence against the supream power , no not in defence of religion : now this doth much scandalize us for divers reasons . for first , when he speaks of the supream power , he doth not define that which he meanes it to be ; he takes no notice , how supremacy of power may vest in one man , as to one purpose ; in another , as to another : how it may vest in the people , as to some affaires , in the prince as to others . the body is not so the subject of the seeing faculty as the eye is , yet it cannot be denyed to be so in some sense . the prince of orange is supreame in military commands especially in reference to all individuall persons : but he is not so in all other expedients , nor in matters of the militia neither , if you compare him with the whole state . grotius affirmes supream power to be such : cujus actus alterius juri non subsunt , ita ut alterius voluntati humanae arbitrio irriti possent reddi ; if then caesar was that supreame power at rome , which the primate intended , he ought to have portrayed him according to this definition ; he ought to have armed him with power beyond all the lawes and rights of rome ; such as could not , or ought not to be frustrated by any other right or power of the senate and people of rome in any case whatsoever . secondly , when he speaks of the supreame power , he doth not at all discriminate the person of the soveraigne prince , from the persons of those which are imployed onely as instruments under the soveraigne prince . now we conceive , if there had been true candor and ingenuity in this learned prelate , he would have shewed a little learning in this , which we hold to be exceedingly necessary to be distinguished , and he knows we insist much upon . thirdly , when he speaks of subjects he doth not take notice of any difference amongst them , neither in freedomes and immunities , he doth not declare the roman subjects and the english , or the english and the venetian , to be a like obnoxious to the will of an absolute lord , neither doth he declare the contrary . now since he thus preaches at this time , we must needs condemn him , either of great hypocricy , or of great folly ; for if he did intend that the whole people and senate of rome , had no title to assemble , nor right to defend themselves , and therefore that the parliament of england had no more title then the romans , we say he did manifestly offer violence to his text , if he did not intend so : yet since he was no more carefull at such a time , and before such an assembly to interpret himself for the avoyding of dangerous misprisions , we say he had not such circumspection as he ought . fourthly , when he speaks of the occasions of taking up armes and using resistance against powers , he seemes to allow of no degrees at all : if religion be to be subverted , if the ruine of the prince himself , or of his whole kingdome be attempted , if the attemptors proceed ad infinitum , yet in all cases ( for ought he distinguishes ) resistance is alike unlawfull , and altogether as damnable , as if the mischiefe were not publikely considerable . this tenet seemes to us horrid , unnaturall , and against the light of all mens reason : for hereby it is plainely averred , that either government was erected for subversive ends , or else that generall subversion may conduce to salutiferous ends . in cases of obedience a difference of command is to be observed : all commands are not alike ; binding and potestative , but in case of resistance all acts of the prince are taken to be equally authoritative . if saul command doeg to kill the priests of the lord ; doeg may receive that as a void command ; but if doeg do wickedly draw his sword upon the priests , this violence proceeds from so unquestionable a warrant , that it may not be repulsed with violence . our adversaries sometimes when we dispute rationally , will acknowledge our grounds to be very plausible , ( this is very dr. fern himselfe ) but say they ; scripture is clearely against all limits of monarchy , and scripture is to be adhered to rather then reason . neverthelesse when wee submit our selves to the ballance of the sanctuary , and when they see the letter and immediate sence thereof does not come home to our particular differences , then they are faine to retreat to reason . but their greatest subterfuge is to lurke between scripture and reason , and to remain in a kind of transcient posture , as that they may be confined neither to the one , nor to the other , nor yet to both . if our controversies were in credendis , or about things that did exceed the compasse of humane understanding , scripture might justly be opposed to policy : but when wee are treating of worldly affaires , wee ought to bee very tender how we seek to reconcile that to gods law , which we cannot reconcile to mans equity : or how we make god the author of that constitution which man reaps inconvenience from . but for the present on both sides , we are agreed to adresse our selves to the roman story . rome for the space of two hundred and forty yeares was subject to kings : and some say those kings were absolute : others say with halycarnasseus : populum rom : principio formam reipub : habuisse mixtam ex potestate regia , & optimatum dominatum fuisse constitutum : ultimo verum . regum tarquinio regnum in tirannidem vertere capiente , optimatum dominatum fuisse constitutum . questionlesse , written lawes were wanting at first ( as they are , and ever were to all new foundations ) and in this respect the kings might be said to be more loose from restraints : but this amounts to nothing ; for as the kings by defect of lawes were lesse obliged to the people , so the people by the same defect were lesse obliged to kings : and forasmuch as the people where they were more contracted , and so might more easily correspond , hold intelligence , consult together , ( as in all infant small states they might ) were better able to oppresse the king , then the king was to oppresse them , the meer want of written lawes was no more prejudiciall to the people , then to the king : great moderation therefore was used towards the people by all the kings , only romulus was too harsh to the nobility , and so fell by their hands , and tarquin grew intollerably insolent towards all , and so occasioned the expulsion of himselfe , together with the extirpation of kingly government . the word tyrannus had been made odious all over greece long before , and now the word rex is asmuch abominated , and abjured amongst the romans : so insufferable in all ages were the cruelties , and excesses of lawlesse monarchy . after kings thus driven out , all the rights of majesty were devolved in equity to the whole people of rome , distinguisht then into patritians and plebeians : but the patritians affecting an aristocraticall form , and seeking totally to exclude the plebeians from communion in government , they imbroyled the whole state in continuall warres , and contestations for many ages together : and not being able to support their own weaker , and lesser side lost all by degrees , and brought upon themselves the worst inconveniences of corrupted democracie . for the plebeians having long remained contemptible under the indurance of many indignities by force at first obtained the defence of tribunes , and after so increased the same power , that at last censors , consuls , dictators , all the chief magistrates of rome became subject to their check and sway . and whereas those assemblies managed by the senate which were called curiata comitia , or centuriata had the predominance hitherto , now the tributa comitia managed only by the plebeians draw all power of chusing magistrates , and passing lawes to themselves . quintius therefore blaming the tribunes for not resting satisfied with what they had already gained from the senate , makes this sad complaint . you desired tribunes , ( sayes he ) we granted them ; you would have a decemvirate created , we permitted it . you grew weary of those ten commissioners , we deposed them . your anger was not so pacified against their persons , though most noble , and honourable : we pursued them with death , or banishment . you would againe create new tribunes , they were created . you would have the consulship communicated to your party , as a free gift ; it was conferred upon you , though wee knew that gift was very unequall to our order . you would have the tribune power inlarged , you would have an appeal lye from the senate to you , you would have your plebeian acts binding to the senate , under pretence of dividing power with you , we have indured , and doe yet indure that all our right and share be usurped . it was alleadged also , that even the kings themselves had never attempted to violate the majesty of that supreame order , and that the whole common wealth of rome did consist of something else , besides the meer comminalty , but all will not prevaile : that which was due being once denied , more then is due must be now restored by way of expiation . aristocracy standing in competition with democracy can say no more for it selfe ( nor perhaps so much ) then monarchy can : the senate it self therefore having been accessory in subverting monarchy , had implicitly pronounced the same judgment against aristocracy . the truth is , both monarchy , and aristocracy , are derivative formes , and owe a dependance upon democracy , which though it be not the best , and most exact forme for all nations and empires at all times , yet it is ever the most naturall , and primarily authenticall ; and forsome times , and places the most beneficiall . howsoever the romans never knew the benefit of democracy , so wisely and exactly regulated , as it ought to bee ; for their tributa comitia , were too adverse to the patritian order , and very ill composed in themselves for order and decency . the whole state had not any just influence of consent in them by right of election or representation , nor was that body of plebeians themselves , which did therein concurre to the nomination of magistrates , and sanction of lawes , any thing else commonly but a vast , rude , confused , indigested heap of the vulgar . this the senators might at first have amended , and better disposed , had they undertaken the same , whilest they had superioritie , or equality of power in the state : but in policie t is , as in logick : vno dato absurdo sequuntur mille : little neglects in fundamentall institutions may draw on great mischiefs in the consequence . this time made evident amongst the romanes , for after many and very bloody disputes betwixt the optimacy , and populacy for sundrie ages , at length the bulke of the empire growing too spacious for the rule of the multitude ( especially so tumultuously , and disorderly assembled ) a contrary change begins to be better relished . sylla now observing such a conjuncture of affaires , takes courage to reform this seditious , turbulent ochlocraty ( notwithstanding that many gallant spirited men had perisht before in the enterprise ) and though he pretend for aristocracy , yet his thoughts towre as high as monarchy . florus saies true of him : susceptâ dictaturà rebus novis reipub. statum confirmavit , tribunorumque plebis potestatem minuit , & omne jus legum ferendarum ademit . neverthelesse neither was sylla , nor his favorite pompey so certain and true to his own lordly principles , as he ought to have been : for though they were both more daring then private men , yet they were not so confident as the lords of rome should be : and therefore t is hard to say whether they did oppresse liberty , or not settle the principality with the greater expence of blood . well might caesar deride sylla as a man not skild in letters , nor able to dictate , when he would make no other use of the dictature , but onely to inure rome to the snaflle , and break the senate to the musle , that an other might the readilier mount into the sadle . the body of rome was now grown too grosse for a popular form , and the populacy also of rome had such errors , and defects in the composition of it , that according to the judgement of tacitus , non aliud discor dantis patriae remedium fuit , quam ut ab uno regeretur . t is strange , that augustus should so solemnly take advise of maecenas , and agrippa about the quitting of the empire , after that he had expos'd himself to farre more danger in the winning of it , then possibly could attend the holding of it . for without the advertisement of maecenas , his own easie accesse to the imperiall chaire by the sword might have sufficiently informed him , quod multorum imperium magnitudo rerum ferre non poterat . it had been farre more seasonable ( in my opinion ) if augustus had entred into debate about the manner of government , and had proposed rather , whether a regall prerogative , or something more , or some thing lesse had been fit for that adjustment of time , and other circumstances . the romans had been sworn by brutus upon the ejection of tarquin never to suffer any man to reigne , or to admit of regall power at rome , and perhaps a vain superstition might so farre prevail , as to make the word reigne , and yet not the thing detestable . what then is to be done ? is all supremacy of one man abjured , or onely such a supremacy as tarquin chalenged ? and if the intent of brutus be dubious , who shall determine that , but such as have the same authority now , as brutus then had ? and may bind now , where he did loose ; or loose now , where he did then bind ? but soft ; three things especially touching the imperiall prerogative at rome are now proper for our inquiry : first what power did the caesars use , and assume de facto ? bodin gives just satisfaction to this : for augustus ( sayes he ) though he did craftily dissemble , and seem to settle a colour , and shew of a princely , and not kingly regiment by pretending onely to be captain generall of the military forces , and tribune for the comminalties safetie ; yet having disposed of fourty legions all over the provinces , and reserved three legions about his own person for his own guard : and having placed garrisons in all forts , and places of importance , he did exercise kingly authority though without a scepter , or diadem . his successors also addicted themselves to most cruell tyranny , every one transcending his predecessor in acts of inhumanity , except onely some few of them . 2 the next quaere , then is about the right of this absolute jurisdiction , and upon what law , or commission it was grounded . the lex regia , or the law of majesty ( as cremutius cals it ) did absolve the emperors ab omni legum coactione , as dion expresses it ; the principall vigor of it did consist in this , that it did transferre dictatorian power without limits of time upon them : and the dictature , we know , was legum nexu exoluta . now this is the occasion of some dispute amongst civilians , for they all grant , that no law , or commission could discharge the caesars from the bonds which god , and nature had imposed ; nor from that main dutie which government it self inforces them to . no priviledge can free any magistrate from the obligation of rendring to every one that which is his due ; nor can those primitive rules be annulled which proportion to every one his due ; especially those which proportion to states more then to particulars , and attribute to ends , more then to meanes . it seems therefore to some lawyers , that the force of this royall law is to be restrained onely to forms , and solemnities of such humane constitutions , as might perhaps interpose , and impede the caesars in the execution of their main charge . and though other lawyers do not allow this restriction , yet i conceive it very rational , for even the dictators themselves when they were acquitted of all laws , yet had this law affixed to that very commission which did therefore acquit them , that they should take more care , and might be the better inabled to provide , ne quid detrimenti capeat respub. all things which stood in direct order to that end , for which they had dictatorian power put into their hands , ( viz. the suppressing of such a sedition at home , or the finishing of such a warre abroad , or some other designe ) might lawfully be done , any opposition of particular laws , or formalities notwithstanding . but if the dictator himself did walk excentrically , or contrary to this end , he was not exempted from resistance during his terme of command , nor from giving an account after the expiration of the same . the last thing inquirable into is the date , or commencement of this royall law : and this also is not agreed upon of all sides . arnissaeus will needs referre the time of this law to augustus his reigne : but his reason is exceeding weak : aliàs enim ( saies he ) injusti possessores fuissent tam augustus , quam tiberius , & caeteri regnatricis domus sucsessores , nec leges ferre novas jure potuissent . i shall not stand to answer this , i shall rather herein follow bodin , for that he was not onely a grave statesman , but a learned lawyer also . now in his judgement , and if we may credit his reading , this royall law was first passed in vespasians dayes , and he gives some proofs , and quotes authorities for confirmation of the same . besides others , he cites suetonius , censuring thus of caligula : paerum abfuit quin diadema sumeret , aec speciem prinoipatus in regnum converteret . also of tiberius , he censures thus : faedissima servitute remp. oppressit . he cals his reigne meer tyranny , and oppression . bodin therefore having defined princely government to be either a state of optimacy , or populacy wherein some one has preeminence above all other particular persons , and is called princeps , that is , primus : he concludes that the common-wealth of rome from augustus and his immediate successors , vsque ad flavium vespasianum principatus dicebatur : and he closes all with this , that from the battell of actium , the state of rome was neither popular , nor aristocraticall , nor regall , but mixt of all . by all this we see , that our great irish prelate , when he sends us for st. pauls meaning to the romane empire before vespasians dayes , there to find out what soveraigne power is irresistible ; he sends us not to regall power , more then to aristocraticall , or democraticall . i will therefore put the case stronger against my self : and make it my quaere , what irresistibility is due to domitian after his fathers , and brothers death . and here first , i may except against the royall law it self passed in vespasians time , as not being the compleat voluntary lawfull act both of patritians , and plebeians . for besides that the senate had been now long over-awed , and corrupted many wayes by the acts of the court ; we know the tributa comitia are also totally depraved , and evirtuated by being called out of the field into the palace , insomuch that all liberty of choice and suffrage is lost , to that great convention , and it is now turned into a ridiculous solemnity . wherefore when nero was to be deposed , and all his barbarous acts of inhumanity to be accounted for , no plebiscitum could bee obtained , an act of the senate only was past to declare him an enemy of mankind . but i shall not insist upon this , i shall grant the royall law to be a good law , and enacted in a full assembly of both the states , yet still i shall maintaine , that the law-makers did not passe any thing to vespatian , or his successors , but only in order to the publick good , and safety : nor did they grant away their owne original right , and power in themselves , by granting a fiduciary use and administration of that right , and power to the emperors . the whole body of the law will furnish testimonies to this purpose , that the emperour is not proprietary of his subjects , or hath any interest at all in them to his own use meerely . give me leave to frame a case upon supposition . conceive that the major part of the patritiaens , and plebeians all over the roman empire are converted to the faith of christ : conceive that domitian ( whose claime is by the law past to his father ) hates christianity , and being incited by his south-saying priests , his concubines , and parasiticall libertines to eradicate true religion , and inrich himselfe by the great spoyle of the professors thereof , sets up such an idol , and makes such an edict for the generall adoration thereof , as the persian monarch once did . conceive that the christians , both senators and plebeians petition for their lives , but are rejected , and seeing a number of assasins armed ready to rush upon them , betake themselves to their defence , and rely upon forcible resistance . conceive further that they first acquaint domitian with their resolutions , and thus publish the justice thereof . may it please your sacred imperiall majesty , the peaceable and gentle principles of our pure religion teach us rather to suffer moderate wrongs from private hands , then to offer the least injurious violence to princes . neverthelesse since ( after all our vain supplications ) wee see our selves remorsely designed to a generall massacre , for not obeying you against god : and since you expect , that we should tamely surrender not only out estates , and such other rights as are in our arbitrary disposition , but our lives also , and the gospell it selfe ( of neither whereof wee are masters , at discretion ) for asmuch also , as we being the major part of the state , and virtually that whole community from which you derive your commission , and for whose behoefe alone you are bound to pursue that commission , and not to decline from the maine intendment of it : and whereas further wee have not so totally devested our selves by intrusting you with power , but that we are to give some account to god , and the law if wee oppose not generall subversion wher . wee may , especially we being now farther intituled to defence by the extraordinary law of generall necessity ( of the benefit of which iron law , particular men are not wholly abridged ) we are compelled hereby to protest , and remonstrate to all the world , that we take now up these one just arms only for defence to secure our lives , liberties , and religion , against the bloody emissaries , which indeed from your undue warrant can derive no authority ; and not to bridle any just authority of yours , or to attempt any thing against that idolatrous devotion which hath been hitherto established by law . and because we impute it to the wretched falsities and artifices of calumniators that your majesty is incensed against us , and our religion , and misinformed of our intentions : wee crave leave farther to declare , that we though we are free-men , and not slaves , and have some share in empire it selfe , and are not meer subjects , will yet continue in the same obedience , as our ancestors payd you for peace sake , if we may not be driven to extreamities . and as for our religion , it is no other then a holy blessed law revealed from heaven , prescribed for the good of all immortall , rationall creatures , more beneficiall to princes then paeganisme , and such as without diminution of power you may submit to , and cast down your crowne before . in the like manner also it will concern your imperiall office rather to protect us then those that seek our subversion , as being the greater , and nobler part of the empire , and better devoted to your person , and crowne then they are . neither is it distrust in our owne numbers , forces , or advantages that drawes these lowly , loyall expressions from us , nor is it any doubt in our cause : for christianity dies as much lift up the heart in a just war , as it dies weaken the hands in unjust enterprises ; and the world shall see it is as far from transforming us into ashes , as into woolves . prefer your sacred eares therefore , we pray you , from the sugges●ions of our enemies , and the abusers , who may render us in your thoughts either absolutely disloyall , or hestially servile , and doe usually traduce our religion as being utterly inconsistent either with duty , or magnanimity . let it bee a confutation to them at this present , that we doe neither derogate in this case from your majesties prerogative , nor utterly renounce our owne interests : and yet that we doe rather fore-judge our selves , inasmuch as though we doe not disclaim , yet we forbeare to claime a right of establishing true religion , and abolishing idolatry ; as also of bringing your seducers to condigne punishment . and thus far wee condiscend in all humility for our blessed religions sake , that th●t may be liable to no aspersions , as if it had any causality in this war , and that you may receive in the better apprehension , and relish of the profession from the humble comportment of the professors . it is not in us to set an end to these broyles because we have no prevalence with you to gaine just satisfaction from you , but it is in you without all impediment to quiet our party , in regard that we fight not now for a well being , but a meer being : not that paganisme may be subverted , but that christianity may subsist : all our conditions are intirely in your owne hands , and they speake no more but this , let us have hopes to remaine safe , and you shall have assurances to remain caesar . if his grace of armagh like not this remonstrance , let him frame an answer to it , & in so doing he shall appear a profounder scholer , a more judicious statesman , a more peaceable patriot , a more godly preacher then his last sermon upon the 13. rom. did shew him . i am sure there is no man that lives in these dayes , can say i have fained an impossible case , especially when he sees two parliaments of two protestant kingdomes driven to petition for their lives to a prince that does acknowledge the truth of the protestant religion , and the priviledges of both parliaments : and the liberties of both kingdomes , and yet brings a third popish kingdome against them ; though traiterously besmear'd in the blood of thousands of protestants , and proclaimed against by the king himselfe , as the most execrable monsters of men . but perhaps our primate will say that the roman law of royalty did extend farther , and that the people thereby did conferre to , and upon the emperour , omne suum imperium & potestatem , and thereupon it was said , omnia poterat imperator , and quicquid principi placebat legis habebat vigorem . i take these to be no parts of the royall law , but only severall glosses , and interpretations of jurists thereupon , yet all these extend no farther then to a perpetuall dictature . for the people could conferre no more on the emperour , then what it had in it selfe ; and no man will say , that the people had any power to destroy it selfe : and what end could the people have ( if that law might bee said to bee the peoples act ) in inslaving themselves , or giving away the propriety of themselves ? where the princes pleasure is entertained for law , it is intended that that pleasure of the prince shall bee naturall , and prudentiall , and that it shall be first regulated by law if not in its formalities , yet in its essentials . grotius tells us of the campanians how they did resigne themselves , and all that they possest in ditionem romanorum : and hee conceives , that by this resignation , they did make the romans their proprietaries . by the favour of grotius , i think there is stronger reason , that no nation yet ever did voluntarily or compulsorily embrace servitude , or intend submission to it : it is more agreeable to nature and sense to expound this word ditio in a mild sense , and to suppose that the campanians did intend to incorporate themselves with the romans , and to live under the same government or dition , and no other ; and not only reason , but the true story makes this good : and evidence of fact , the strongest of proofes puts it out of doubt , that the campanians were not at all differenced in freedome from the citizens of rome themselves . in briefe we may rely upon these assertions . first , there is no certainty of any nations , that ever they so formally did resigne themselves in terms , as the romans , and campanians did here : scarce any story can parallell such particular grants of soveraignty . secondly , if these be expounded mildly , and in favour of publick liberty as they ought , they can create no prejudice at all to those nations which enacted them , or any other . thirdly , if they be expounded in a tortious , unnaturall sense , they are to be damned , and rejected by all people , and they remain no way vigorous , or obligatory in any country whatsoever . if the primate have now recourse to the practise of the christians in the first ages , and urge , that because , they used no arms but tears , and prayers when they were oppressed , wee ought to doe the like : we answer , first , the christians till constantines time in probability were not equall in numbers , and forces , with the pagans , whatsoever tertullian might conceive . secondly , if they were , they wanted other advantages of arms , commands , and other opportunities to free themselves . aug. caesar by fourty legions , and the strength of cittadels , and other places of strength yoked and inthralled fourty times as many in number as those legions ; and so did but purchase fear for fear , making himself as formidable to the people , as the people was to him . thirdly , if they wanted no power , nor advantage , they might want policie to infranchise religion , perhaps they might be tainted with tertullians opinion , who thought it not onely unlawfull to resist tyranny , but also to flie from it . fourthly , history is clear , that in constantines dayes , they did adhere to him being a christian , and fight against licinius being a pagan , and their enemie . and in the reigne of theodosius , such christians as lived in persia , and were there tyrannically and cruelly treated , did incite the romane emperour to undertake their defence against their own naturall lord . let this be sufficient for the romane storie , and for the phanning out of our way such advantages , as the primate , and his fellow royalists may seem there to lay hold of in expounding this text of the 13. of rom. to our prejudice : our method now hands us to our own laws , and chronicles , let us follow our preacher thither . if st. paul teach us that the supreame power is not to be resisted by any persons meerly inferior , and subordinate : but leaves us no certain rule , whereby to discern what that supreme power is in all countreys : our preacher should do well to let us know what he utters out of his meer text , and what he utters out of his own imagination . barclay , grotius , arnisseus , all our royalists besides are so ingenious , as to acknowledge , that a prince in an aristocracy , or compounded democracie is not so irresistible , as an absolute monarch : nay in monarchy they do acknowledge degrees also . what shall we think then of this prelate , who without proving caesar an absolute monarch , or reducing england to the pattern of rome , or stepping at all out of his text , where neither rome , nor england is mentioned , yet will out of his text condemne both rome and england , and by consequence all other states to the remedilesse servitude of non-resistance ? the emperour of germany is now caesars successor , and not denyed to be the supreme magistrate in that country , in diverse respects : yet the electors , and other princes are in some respect supreame also in their severall territories , and may use resistance against the emperour in some cases . now if our preacher may except germany out of his text , why not england , unlesse he will appeale to something beyond his text ? and if england , why not others ? and if hee except , nor germany , nor england , nor any : nor will refer himselfe to any other authority but his text , which mentions no particulars : let him inlarge his sermon , and be a little more ingenious , and vouchsafe us some account why he is induced thus to confound all formes of government , and to recede from the judgement of all polititians . but soft , what have we to doe with a meer divine ? let the monarchy of england speak for it selfe , let divinity , and law , and policy be admitted into this junto , for that which is to be the subject of this consultation is to be reckoned inter agenda , and not inter credenda . finis . eerata . pag. 3. l. 4. r. desire them . p. 21. l. 30. r. dramoctidas . p. 37. l. 7. dele the . p. 38. l. 3. r. commune jus vetet . p. 42. l. 1. for death r. slavery . the christians freedome wherein is fully expressed the doctrine of christian libertie. by the rt. reuerend father in god, george downeham, doctor of diuinity and ld. bp. of derry. downame, george, d. 1634. 1635 approx. 292 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 127 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20729) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2369) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1601:15) the christians freedome wherein is fully expressed the doctrine of christian libertie. by the rt. reuerend father in god, george downeham, doctor of diuinity and ld. bp. of derry. downame, george, d. 1634. the second edition. [8], 156; 80 p. printed by leonard lichfield for william webb, oxford : an. dom. m.dc.xxxv. [1635] in two parts, each with separate register and pagination. running title reads: the doctrine of christian liberty. a variant of the edition without edition statement on title page. bodleian library copy part of wing 2058. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng liberty -religious aspects -christianity -early works to 1800. liberty -religious aspects -early works to 1800. 2003-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-03 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the christians freedome , wherein is fully expressed the doctrine of christian libertie . by the r t. reuerend father in god , george downeham , doctor of diuinity and ld. bp. of derry . the second edition , oxford , printed by leonard lichfield for william we●● . an. dom. m.dc.xxxv . to the godly and christian reader grace mercy and peace . godlines and christianity are the sure grounds of saluation , i haue here in this treatise following giuen thee the true patterne of a godly life which i desire thee to peruse dayly , to practise faithfully , and hold on constantly , and thou shalt bee sure to haue blessings in this world and euerlasting happinesse in the kingdome of heauen . when thou hast attained to liue well and feele the comfort of godlines in thy heart , then be sure to set downe thy resolution neuer to fall into the snare of vngodlines any more . be sure not to faint in well-doing , because the reward is not promised to him that doth but to him that continueth to doe ▪ a three fold blessing of god , vp●n those which seeke him hee promiseth 〈◊〉 will awake vnto them , and for those which pray vnto him , he will make the righteousnesse of their habitation prosperous . and to those which are pure and vpright , hee will make their latter end increase exceedingly : yea though their beginning be but small . but deferre not , put not of thy amendment from time to time least thou art sorry for thy mispent leud life when thou shalt not haue time to repent . therefore know ô man what soeuer thou art , that godlinesse ▪ will crowne thee with honor and glory and furnish thee with true godlinesse and perfect felicity and exalt thee vnto the heauens and co-vnite thee and thy soule with god. the many excellent * treatises and larger discourses concer●ing , the power of godlinesse , which it hath pleased the lord of glory to furnish his church withall in these last dayes ; as they haue made good the faithfulnesse of our god vnto vs of this church of england , so if they shall not bee a witnesse against vs , they doe necessarily require the right vse thereof , that wee bee transformed into the same image from glory to glory . and therefore howsoeuer it may seeme both needlesse and pre●udiciall after so many graue , and experimentall rules concerning sanctification , to adde any more in this kind : yet seeing it hath pleased god in direct mee to a further labour herein , weigh with mee i pray thee in equity these reasons thereof . 1. i doe hereby professe my thankfulnesse vnto god for those excellent labours of his saints that now rest from their labours and th●ir fruites foll●w them . 2. i wo●ld haue thee know that i am not ashamed of this foolishnesse of preaching and practicke diuinity , which is such a mistery to the world , and stumbling blocke vnto the wisdome thereof . 3. howsoeuer i doe professe that i am not able to attaine such perfection , as i haue herein conceiued , yet i would haue thee know farther , that i would rather haue a rule to condemne sinne in the flesh , and so c●nf●und the old man , that thereby the new man may follow hard after the marke , then not to giue testimony to that light which hath shined so graciously vnto me , or to conceale my iudgement , though it may condemne the practice . 4. may it please thee to consider with me : can a man walke in the sunne , and not bee warme , and where two lye together , will there not bee heate ? and can the light bee ●idden , nay , ought it to bee ●idden ? 5. can we doe lesse in these dayes then conuince a prophane world ? 6. can we doe better then strengthen that which is ready to die ? 7. shall not gods remembrancers renew their strength , when the diuels instruments 〈◊〉 so rage with all licentiousnesse ? 8. doe wee not iustify the good by seeking out their wayes ? 9. should we not discourage the wicked by making a good profession ? 10. owe wee not duety to our mother ? 11. shall not this redound to the glory of god. let this content thee : and prouoke thee to make vse of these labours , and the lord giue thee vnderstanding in all things : that thou mayest trie the spirits , and hereby thine owne , whether thou art in the faith or no , and so for euer maiest follow the true shepheard . now vnto him that is able to keepe you from falling , and to preserue you faultlesse before the presence of his glory with exceeding ioy i hartily commend you desiring that this weake labour may bee carefully read , and diligently practised , that so your soules may be eternally saued in that great and dreadfull day of his visitation . the doctrine of christian libertie . iohn 8. 36. if therefore the sonne shall make you free , you shall be free indeed . these words are a conclusion of the verses going before . for whereas our sauiour christ hauing promised some of the hearers , who , a whiles he was yet speaking of his person and office , began to beleeue in him , that if they did approue themselues to be his b true disciples , by their perseuerance and constant abiding in his word , they c should know the truth , ( that is he would more fully manifest himselfe vnto them , as he speaketh ioh. 14. 21. ) and this truth , ( which is himselfe , ioh ▪ 14. 6. should make them free ; the captious iewes ( pretending that they vnderstood him as speaking of a corporall or ciuill libertie ) d cauilled at this promise , which indeed did not belong vnto them , as if hee had offered them great indignitie , by promising them libertie , to presuppose their seruitude ; alleaging that they were alreadie free , and therfore scorned his promised libertie , which they needed not , being neither seruants by nature or birth , for they were abrahams seed , nor yet by their fortune or personall condition , for they neuer serued any . our sauiour therefore , both to refute their cauill , and also to iustifie his promise , proueth these foure things vnto them : 1. that they were seruants . 2. that they had great need to bee made free . 3. that this freedome must come by him . 4. that being freed by him , they should bee free indeed . the first he proueth thus : e whosoeuer committeth sinne , that is , in whomsoeuer sinne raigneth , he is the seruant of sinne ; but such he insinuateth they were , yea such are all men f by nature , vntill they be ingrafted into christ by faith , and renued by the holy ghost ; and therefore hee would haue them to conclude , that for all their bragges , they were the miserable seruants of sinne , and consequentlie the slaues of satan g , subject to the curse of the law , and to eternall damnation . 2. that they had great need to bee made free , hee sheweth both by the inconuenience of their seruitude ; for being h seruants , and not sons , howsoeuer now they had a place in the house of god , as ismael i had , yet the time should come , that they should bee cast out ; ) and also by the benefit which should accompanie their freedome , that being made the sonnes of god , they should as heires of eternall life , abide , not only to the end of their daies in the church militant ( which is the house of god vpon earth ) but also for euer in the church triumphant , which is gods k house in heauen . 3. that the faithfull attaine to this freedome by adoption in christ. for , to so l m any as receiue him by faith , hee hath giuen this liberty or power to be the sonnes of god. and , m if sonnes , then also heires . this a●●ertion is presupposed in this place , as being the hypothesis wherupon this inference is grounded . those that be the sonnes of god , abide in the house of god for euer ; therefore if the sonne shall make you free , &c. presupposing that men attaine to the freedome of gods sonnes , by the benefit of christ , the onely begotten sonne of god. wherupon , as i said , is inferred the fourth thing , which is my text ; if the sonne therefore shall make you free , you shall be free indeed . as if hee had said : you haue no cause to cauil at the promise of libertie , which i make to all them which truly beleeue in me . for i tell you vpon my word , which is amen ( that is , true and infallible ) that both you , and all men by nature , though the seed of abraham ( as you are ) , though liuing ( as you do ) in the visible church of god , are the very seruants of sinne ; that being seruants and not sonnes , they must not looke to inherite n with the sons of the promise , or to abide in the house for euer ; but when the time of separation commeth , they shall as o chaffe be seuered from the wheate ; as tares , from the corne ; as goates , from the sheepe ; as p hagar and ismael , from isaak the sonne of the promise . therefore , though your pride will not suffer you to see and acknowledge thus much : yet certainly great need haue you to bee made free ; that of the seruants of sinne , you may become the sons of god. but you , who are ( as all q men by nature are ) the children of wrath , cannot possiblie bee the sons of god , except you beleeue in me , who am the only begotten son of god ; that i may by the grace of adoption communicate that vnto you , which i my selfe am by nature and eternall generation . so shall you , of the seruants of sinne , sons of satan , and heires of hell and damnation , be made the sons of god , heires of eternall life , citizens and free denizens of the kingdome of heauen . whereas now therefore you are miserable seruants , notwithstanding your corporall and carnall libertie , whereof you vaunt , which is not a true libertie , but a voluntarie seruice of sin : if you shall beleeue in me , and approue your selues to be my true disciples , by abiding in my words ; i , who am the truth , will make you free , not with a counterfeit or imaginary freedome , such as is your libertie , but with a true and spirituall freedome , which is the gracious , and the glorious libertie of the sons of god. thus haue you heard the context , or coherence of these words with the former , ( whereunto wee are referred by this word of inference , therefore ) wherein diuers things might profitablie bee obserued , but that the text calleth me vnto it , as containing matter of greatest importance . for christian libertie , which is the argument of my text , is , as the apostle ●aith , r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the verie good of christians ; which christ our sauiour , taking vpon him the forme of a seruant , hath purchased with his owne most precious s blood ; which is the benefit of the messias , whereunto wee are called t , galath . 5. 13. which hee hath promised as a reward to his true disciples u , vers . 32. which as himselfe came to preach x , luk. 4. 18. so doth he send vs his embassadours to the same end , viz. to preach the gospell , which is the y law of libertie , and the doctrine of redemption and freedome by him : that by our ministerie z men may be brought out of spirituall bondage , vnto the libertie of gods children . the consideration whereof , as it bindeth me with all reuerent care and intention of mind , to intreate of this argument ; so ought it to moue you to heare the same with great diligence and attention . and the rather , not only because among vs , who professe the gospell , many do not know the christian libertie , and more do abuse it to their owne perdition ; but also because the papists are both enemies of the liberty it self , endeauouring by their antichristian doctrine , to bereaue vs of the chiefe parts thereof , and also malicious standeres of the most christian & cōfortable doctrine of our churches concerning the same . but to come to the words of my text , the summe and effect whereof is this : that christ the sonne of god , is the author of true libertie , to all those that truly beleeue in him . for the explication wherof , wee are first to speake of this libertie in generall , and afterwards to descend vnto the particulars . in the generall doctrine wee are to consider these foure things . 1. what it is , and wherein generally it doth consist . 2. who is the author of this libertie , which in the text is expressed to bee the onely begotten sonne of god. 3. the subiect or the parties on whom this libertie is conferred , which is plainly gathered out of the context or in●erence of these words vpon the former , to bee all the sonnes of god by adoption . 4. the generall property of this liberty , that it is not a counterfait or imagina●y , but a true liberty . of all which points , i will speake very briefly . as touching the first : for as much as logicians teach , a that the definition of the speciall , is to bee ●etched from the distribution of the generall ; for which cause , the b diuine philosopher calleth a distribution 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being the ready , and as it were the kings way to a definition : wee will therefore take a suruey of the diuers sorts of liberty . for there is an outward or externall liberty , and there is an inward or internall libe●ty . the former , is the liberty of the outward man from externall or bodily seruitude ; which may be called the corporall or ciuill liberty . of this our sauiour speaketh not , though the iewes would seeme so to vnderstand him ; but of the internall , which may well stand with the outward or ciuill bondage . for as our sauiour christ noted them , c though outwardly free , to bee in spirituall bondage : so contrariwise , those who in respect of the inner man are free , may notwithstanding bee subiect to the external or ciuill seruitude ; which nothing impeacheth or impaireth the liberty of the soule and conscience before god. in which regard the apostle saith ; d hee that is called in the lord , being a seruant , is the lords freeman . so that the liberty whereof we speake , is a liberty of the soule , or inner man. wicked therefore is the doctrine of the anabaptists , who therby exempt themselues from all subiection to the ciuill magistrate , vnder pretence of christian liberty . i call their doctrine wicked , because the apostle peter e saith ; that they who vnder pretence of christian liberty deny obedience to the magistrate in lawfull things , doe vse their liberty for a cloake to couer their wickednesse . againe , the inward liberty is either a carnall , or spirituall libertie . the carnall libertie is that , whereby the soule of man is free from righteousnesse : which indeed is a voluntary seruice of sin . for when men be free from righteousnesse , they are seruants of sinne , and contrariwise ; as the apostle f sheweth . but our sauiour speaketh of a liberty , which , as it freeth men from the seruitude of sinne , and all the spirituall yokes of bondage , which accompany the same ; so it maketh them the seruants of righteousnesse . for whē we are g made free from sinne , wee are made the seruants of righteousnes . wherefore , as in respect of the former , we say with the apostle ; hee that is called , being a seruant , is the freeman of christ : so in respect of this latter , h he that is called being free , is the seruant of christ. diuellish therefore is the doctrine of the libertines , who vnder pretence of christian liberty , discharge christians from all obedience to the law of god , setting them free to do whatsoeuer themselues thinke good . and such is the slander of the papists , laying that doctrine to our charge , who notwithstāding are further from it then themselues . for by the popes indulgences and pardons , and the priests absolutions , setting men free from sinne for small , and oft times for ridiculous penances , what doe they else but teach men to make but a sport of sinne ? of such libertines the apostle peter i speaketh , that whilest they promise liberty to others , themselues are the seruants of corruption . it remaineth therefore , that christian liberty is a spirituall liberty , freeing the true christian from the seruitude of sinne , and from all other yokes of spirituall bondage , wherewith sinne had intangled vs. neither is christian liberty onely priuatiue , as being a freedome and immunity from bondage ; as though this were all , that by it we are not seruants : but as appeareth by this scripture , it is also positiue , as being a liberty , power , right , and interest to the priuileges of gods children , who are also heires of god , and coheires with christ. for when hee had said that seruants abide not in the house for euer , but that such as bee sonnes , abide in the house of god for euer , hee inferreth , if therefore the sonne shall make you free , you shall bee free indeed . giuing vs to vnderstand , that those whom hee freeth , hee doth not onely make them not seruants , viz. of sinne , but also sonnes and heires of god , and citizens of heauen . euen as they who are made freemen of london , or any other terrestriall citie , are not only exempted from being seruants or apprentises ; but also are indowed with the liberties and priuileges of free burgesses and citizens . so saith the apostle , k gal. 4. 5. that christ hath redeemed those who were vnder the law , that wee might receiue the adoption of sonnes , &c. christian liberty therefore is a spirituall liberty , which as the a apostlo speaketh , the faithfull haue in christ iesus . that is the definition . the essentiall parts wherof generally it consisteth , are two . for partly it is priuatiue , as being an immunity from all spirituall bondage ; in which respect it is called in the scripture b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is redemption , and is sometimes expressed by the verbes d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , e signifying deliuerance : and partly it is positiue , as being a right , title , and interest to the priuiledges and prerogatiues of gods adopted children in christ , the citiziens of the celestiall ierusalem : and in this respect it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as ioh. 1. 12. to those that receiue christ by faith , hee hath giuen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , libertie , right or power to bee the sons of god , f 1. cor. 8. 9. take heed , lest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your liberty , right or power , bee not an offence to the weake . thus you see what this libertie is , and wherein generally it doth consist . the author of this libertie is christ the sonne of god , as it is heere said : if the sonne therefore shall make you free , &c. so the apostle calleth it g the libertie with wee haue in and by christ : and againe . h the libertie wherewith christ hath made vs free . for hee is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i that deliuerer which should come out of sion , who deliuereth vs k from the wrath of god , from the tyrannie of satan , l dissoluing the works of the diuell , m binding the strong man and casting him out , n spoiling principalities and powers , and o leading captiuitie captiue ; from the bondage of sinne , for hee is the p lambe of god that taketh away the sinnes of the world , whose blood doth q cleanse vs both from the guilt of sinne , and also from the corruption : for therefore hee gaue himselfe for vs , that he might redeeme vs from all iniquitie , and might purge vs to bee a peculiar people to himself , zealous of good workes . and he is that perfect sauiour , out of whose side did issue both s blood and water ; the blood of redemption , to free vs from the guilt of sinne ; and the water of ablution , to cleanse vs from the corruption . from the law t , for therefore was he borne of a woman , and made vnder the law , that hee might redeeme them that were vnder the law . from death and damnation ; for therfore hee became a u curse , that wee might bee freed from the curse ; therefore hee died , that through * death hee might vanquish him , who had the power of death , that is , the diuell ; and that hee might deliuer them , who through feare of death , were all their life time subiect to bondage . but this needeth no proofe ; for in that wee professe him to bee our redeemer , by whom wee haue x redemption , wee all acknowledge him to bee the author of our libertie . let vs rather consider , how hee procureth this libertie vnto vs. this he doth two waies ; both meritoriously , and effectually . by his merit , in y giuing himselfe to bee a price of ransome for vs. for , as peter z saith , we are redeemed not with any corruptible things , as siluer and gold , but with the precious blood of christ , by a which blood hee is entred once into the holy place , hauing procured an eternall redemption for vs. secondly , by the efficacie of his spirit , for wee are not to imagine , that christ hath only merited and purchased this libertie for vs ; but that also hee doth confer , applie , and bestow it vpon vs : which he doth by giuing vnto vs his b spirit . for , as in the naturall bodie , the animall spirit , which causeth sense and motion , is from the head sent into all the members of the bodie ; so in the mysticall bodie of christ , the spirit of c libertie is communicated to all his members ; by which spirit hee dwelleth in vs , and effectually worketh this libertie , in the degrees of our saluation , viz. vocation , iustification , sanctification , glorification , ( as you shall heare anon ) and by the meanes of our saluation . the principall where of is the preaching of the gospell , which is the law d , or doctrine of libertie , the ministerle where of was ordained to this end , to e open mens eyes , to turne them from darknesse vnto light , and from the power of satan vnto god , that by faith in christ , they may receiue forgiuenesse of sinnes , and inheritance with them that be sanctified . this teacheth vs , that in our selues we are seruants , ( for else wee needed not a redeemer ) and of our selues not able to free vs out of bondage : that there was no meanes to set vs at libertie , but the most precious ransome , which christ our blessed sauiour paid for vs. that wee should acknowledge the infinite loue of god f the father , who gaue his sonne , and of the sonne g who gaue himselfe to bee a ransome for vs. that we may acknowledge our selues bound to bee thankfull h vnto him , for let them giue thankes whom the lord hath redeemed . that we may highly esteeme of this libertie , which cost so deare a price : that with all diligence wee vse the meanes to obtaine it , and neuer bee at rest vntill wee be made partakers of it : when we haue obtained it , to i stand fast in it ; not to abuse it to licentiousnes , but to vse it to the glorie of our redeemer , who hath freed vs frō the spirituall bondage of sinne and satan , not that we might sin freely , but that we might k serue god without feare , in holines and righteousnes before him all the daies of our life . wee must remember , that being l bought with a price , wee are not our owne , but his that bought vs : and therefore should not seeke our selues , or serue our owne lusts , but should glorifie him both in our soules and bodies , which are not ours , but his that hath bought vs , &c. & so much of the author of this liberty . now followeth the subiect or parties to whom this libertie belongeth , which by the context appeareth to bee those , who by the grace of adoption and regeneration , are made the sonnes of god in christ. for naturally we are all seruants , seruing a most seruile and slauish seruitude vnder sinne and satan ; which must seriously bee acknowledged of vs , before we will either truly desire to bee made partakers of this libertie , ( for none need to bee freed , but those that are in bondage ) or will profit by this doctrine , as appertaining vnto vs. our sauiour therefore , according to the m prophesie of esay , saith , n that he was sent to preach libertie and deliuerance to the captiues , and to set at libertie the broken hearted . he came to seeke and to saue o that which was lost : neither came hee to p call the righteous ( in their owne conceits ) but sinners vnto repentance : to fill the q poore and the hungry r with good things , whilest the rich are sent emptie away . neither must wee deceiue our selues with this conceit , that because wee professe our selues to bee redeemed ; and do liue in the house of god which is his visible church , therefore wee haue all attained this libertie alreadie . for in the house of god , there bee as well s vessels of dishonor , as vessels of honor ; in the t floore of god , as well chaffe as wheat ; in the u net of god , as well bad fish as that which is good ; in the * field of god , as well tares as corne ; in the familie or house of god as well x seruants as sonnes ; in the flocke of god , as well y goates as sheepe . vnlesse therefore you bee the sons of god by faith , truly called , engrafted into christ as his members , regenerated by the spirit of god , this libertie as yet doth not belong vnto you . for it is a libertie , as the apostle saith , z which wee haue in christ , that is , which wee being in christ haue by him , as after we shall heare : ( which also ) is conferred vpon vs , in and by our vocation , iustification and sanctification ; and therefore none enioy it , as actually made free , but such as are sanctified , iustified and called . but heere some will obiect : are not wee the church of god , and is not the church a company of men called ? haue wee not beene baptized , and by baptisme regenerated , made the members of christ , and children of god ? how then do you say , wee are not free ? beloued , as this obiection is not vnlike the cauill of the captious iewes in this place ; so must it receiue the like answere . verily , verily i say vnto you , saith our sauiour , hee that committeth sinne is the seruant of sinne , and the seruant shall not abide in the house , &c. i know that you are the church of god , as these iewes were ; and that you haue beene baptised , as they had beene circumcised . but you must distinguish , first , of the church ; that there is a church visible , and a church inuisible , which is the mysticall body of christ. and you are to know , that there bee many in the church visible , which are not a of the church inuisible ; many in the house of god , which bee seruants and not sonnes . secondly , of calling ; that there is an outward calling by the word , which is common to all in the church , of which it is said , b many called , and few chosen . and there is an inward and effectuall calling , according to gods purpose , of which it is said , c whom hee elected , hee called . thirdly , of baptisme ; there is an outward baptisme , which is the sprinkling of the d flesh with water , and an inward baptisme , wherein the soule is e sprinkled with the blood of christ , and with the water of the holy ghost , whereof the outward is a signe . fourthly , of vnion with christ , for there is a sacramentall vnion in baptisme , and a spirituall by the f holy ghost and by faith . lastly , of christians , members of christ , sonnes of god. for as the apostle distinguisheth the g iewes , that they were either outwardlie iewes and in shew , or inwardly and in truth ; and our sauiour in the next h words , the seed of abraham according to the flesh , and according to the promise . for as paul also saith , they i which be of faith , are the sonnes of abraham : so men are called christians , members of christ , sonnes of god , not only who are such indeede and in truth ; but also such as are christians onely in profession , members of christ in appearance , k sonnes of god in respect of the outward couenant . wherefore though you liue in the visible church , though you bee called , though you haue beene baptized , and by baptisme sacramentally vnited to the body of christ , which is his church ; though in your owne profession , and in the reputation of others , who conceiue of you ( as they ought ) according to the iudgement of charitie , you are christians , members of christ , and sonnes of the kingdome : notwithstanding , if you doe not truely beleeue in christ and vnfainedly repent of your sinnes , you are seruants and not sonnes . yea , so farre shall these outward priuiledges bee from exempting you from damnation , that they shall greatly aggrauate your iudgement . for hath god called vs , and wee are not called ? hath hee inuited vs to turne vnto him , and wee are not conuerted ? hath hee by his ministers l intreated vs , that wee would bee reconciled vnto him , and wee will not bee reconciled ? hath hee offered vs infinite mercy in the mysterie of our saluation by christ , and wee haue despised the same , not caring to apprehend the mercies of god and merits of christ , but suffering his precious blood to bee spilt as it were on the ground in vaine ? hath hee often sought m togather vs vnto him , as the hen gathered the chickens vnder her wings , and wee would not ? then haue the meanes of saluation been the meanes of obduration vnto vs ; and the word , which to the faithfull is the n sauour of life vnto life , vnto vs is become come a sauour of death vnto death . yea , for this contempt of the gospell , if wee persist in it , our estate in the day of iudgement shall bee more o intolerable , then theirs of sodom and gomorah . and vnto vs belongeth that fearfull wo denounced by our sauiour christ , p wo to thee bethsaida , woe to thee capernaum : for if the meanes which you haue had , had beene vouchsafed to them of tyrus and sidon , yea to them of sodom , they would haue turned vnto god , but i say vnto you , it shall bee easier for them in the day of iudgement , then for you . againe , hath the lord sent his sonne to redeeme vs , giuen vs meanes to applie christ vnto vs , hath he entreated vs to beleeue and repent , and put to his seale in baptisine , thereby assuring vs , that if wee beleeue and repent , our soules are washed with the blood of christ , that wee are ingrafted into him , and in him are made the sons of god , and heires of eternall life ? shall not wee therefore most worthily perish in our sinnes , if notwithstanding wee will not beleeue and repent ; especially hauing in our baptisme by a solemne vow bound our selues thereto ? the consideration whereof must force men , who are not yet regenerated , vnfainedly to turne vnto god , and to lay hold vpon christ by faith . for it is most certaine , though they liue in the house of god , which is his church , yet vntill they truly beleeue and repent , they are servants and not sonnes : and such servants as are held vnder the most miserable and bafest slavery of sin and satan : being not only bound hand and foot , yea in heart and mind , so that they can neither doe nor thinke that which is spiritually good ; but are also caried away q captiue , to performe the will of satan , and the lusts of the flesh ; whereby it comes to passe , that as they can doe no good , so can they doe nothing but sinne . the next thing to bee considered , is the quality of this liberty , viz. that it is a true liberty . for neither is it an imaginary liberty , as in the paradox of the stoicks , who held that wise men of the world were only free , when they also , being not freed by christ , were and are no better but servants ; or in the secure imaginations of carnall men , who with these iewes , though being in bondage thinke themselues free . neither is it a loose liberty or licentiousnesse , such as libertines assume to themselues , but a true and a holy liberty , whereby wee being freed from sin , become servants of righteousnesse , and being deliuered from the hands of our spirituall enemies , are inabled to worship god with willing mindes , and chearefull hearts : for that is the only true liberty : and such is the liberty of the saints in heauen , and of the blessed angels , who count it not only their liberty , but also their happinesse , willingly & cheerefully to serue the lord. for if the sonne , who is the truth , shall make you free , then shall you be free 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in deed , and in truth . this therefore , as it serueth for the comfort of the godly ; so also for the terror of the wicked . for , from this speech of our saviour , we may conclude both waies . 1. whosoeuer are made free by christ , they are free indeed : but all the faithfull are made free by christ ; therefore ( whatsoever the divell or their owne corruption can obiect to the contrarie ) they are free indeed . againe , if the son make you free , saith christ , then are you free indeed ; but you ( say i to vnbeleevers and impenitent sinners , ) are not free indeed : for he that committeth sin , is the servant of sin ; therefore , howsoever you professe your selues redeemed by christ , and howsoever also it bee most true , that christ hath paid a ransome sufficient for the redemption of all ; yet are you not actually redeemed , nor the benefit of redemption applied vnto you , vntill you be ingrafted into christ by faith , and renued by the holy ghost . and the same may be confirmed by the oath of the lord , ( wherein r it is impossible that he should lie , ) the oath which hee sware to our father abraham , that hee would giue vs , both that we should bee delivered from the hand , that is , the power & dominion of our spirituall enemies ; and s being deliuered , should also haue grace to worship god without feare , in holines and righteousnesse before him , all the daies of our life . if therefore wee doe not endeavour to worshippe god in holinesse and righteousnesse , with willing minds and vpright hearts ; it is as sure as the oath of the lord is true , that as yet wee are not actually freed and redeemed by christ. for if the sonne make you free , you shall be free indeed . and thus much of the generall doctrine of christian liberty : wherein i haue beene the shorter , because all these points , whereof i haue thus generally and briefly spoken , viz. that christian liberty is a spirituall liberty , which the faithfull haue in and by christ iesus ▪ that it consisteth on two parts , an immunity and freedome from all spirituall bondage , & an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & right to the priviledges and liberties of gods children : that christ our redeemer is the author of this liberty , both in respect of his merit and efficacie : that it is bestowed only vpon the faithfull , who are the sonnes of god and members of christ : and lastly , that this liberty of christians is a true liberty ; all these points , i say , will more plainly and fully appeare in the particulars , whereunto wee are now to descend . christian liberty thererfore is either libertas viae , of this life , such as is incident vnto vs whiles wee are in the way , whereof t some not vnfitly vnderstand our saviour to speake , luk. 12. 58. giue diligence to be delivered from thy adversary , whiles thou art in the way , &c. vnderstanding by the governour , god ; by the iudge , christ ; by the adversary , the divell , sin , a guilty conscience , the sentence of the law ; by the way , this life ; by the officer the angels ; by prison , hell , &c. patriae , of the life to come , which we shall enioy , when being come to the end of our way , wee shall haue the u end of our faith , which is the salvation of our soules . the former is freedome from the bondage of sinne , the other from the * bondage of corruption . the former is simply called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , x redemption , the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the redemption of possession : for by the former we are heires , spe , in hope and expectation ; by the latter , re , in deed and possession ; the one is begun and in part , the other perfect and complete : the one , the liberty of grace , the other , as the apostle speaketh , y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the liberty of glory . of these in order : and first of the liberty of grace , which even in this life the faithfull doe enioy in and by christ. and it is either common to all the faithfull , as well of the old testament as of the new ; or peculiar to the faithfull vnder the gospell . the faithfull vnder both testaments were and are sonnes ; who as they haue the same z common faith ; so haue they the same a common salvation , and therefore the same liberty and right , in respect of the inheritance it selfe , and all the degrees thereof . notwithstanding there is difference betweene sonnes vnder age , and in their minority , in respect of discipline and gouernment , & those who are come to yeares : the former being nurtured by schoolemasters , and governed by tutors , as the apostle saith b of the faithfull before the incarnation of christ ; the latter set at liberty from such discicipline and government . otherwise , as they had the same faith , and the same iustification ( for all the faithfull both before christ and after , were and are justified by faith , as abraham c was , rom. 4. and by such d a faith , iam. 2. ) so haue they the same liberty which is obtained by faith , and in some chiefe points thereof is , as e calvin saith , an appendix of iustification . the common liberty of grace , which may fitly be called the liberty of sauing grace , containeth many particulars ; which , for your easiest remembrance , may be reduced to these three heads . for it is a liberty which we haue in and by our vocation . iustification . sanctification . for , although these three concurre in time , because a man is no sooner effectually called , but he is also iustified before god , and no sooner iustified , but he beginneth also to bee sanctified ( which is duly to be obserued of those , who presuming , and that perhaps for a long time , that they be called and iustified , doe still remaine vnsanctified ) notwithstanding in order of nature f vocation goeth before iustification , and iustification before sanctification . and let this also by the way be observed for the comfort of the godly . for whosoever , professing the true faith , hath a true purpose and vnfained desire to walke before god in the obedience of his will , making conscience of all his waies : that man , howsoever besides his generall purpose he may faile ( g as wee all doe ) in many particulars ; yet he is sanctified , and from his sanctification may certainly conclude , that he is iustified , that hee is called , that he is elected , that he shall be saued . for the fruit could not bee good , vnlesse the tree or the branch that beareth it were good , and the branch cannot be good , vnlesse it bee ingrafted into christ , h the onely true vine : that is to say , a mans conversation is never acceptable vnto god , before his person be accepted ; and his person is not accepted , vntill he be vnited vnto christ. for the better vnderstanding of this point , we must remember , that christ at a deare price hath long since purchased this liberty for vs , and hath meritoriously wrought our freedome . but none are actually and effectually set at liberty , but those alone , who haue actuall vnion and communion with christ. now in our effectuall vocation , wee haue vnion with christ ; and in our justification and sanctification , communion with him . in the former , in respect of his merits apprehended by faith , and communicated vnto vs by imputation ; in the other , in respect of his graces , which being in him without measure , are by his spirit from i him derived , and in some measure communicated vnto vs by infusion . but let vs speake of them severally ▪ and first , as ●ouching our vocation , i say with the apostle , k gal. 5. brethren , you are called vnto liberty : which words we are thus to vnderstand , that by our calling wee are not only invited vnto christian liberty in generall , as a maine benefit of our christian profession ; but also by it are enfranchised , being thereby put into possession of a good part of it , and entituled to the rest . for whereas naturally wee are wholy , and not only in part ( for that may be verified of the faithfull , rom. 7. 14. ) carnall , sold vnder sinne ; by our calling wee are first made spirituall , being in some measure indued with the spirit of christ. now the spirit of christ , being the spirit of liberty , as david speaketh , l psal. 51. we may resolue with the apostle , m that where the spirit of the lord is , there is liberty . but the liberty which wee haue by our calling standeth on these degrees . first , as it is an immunity ; our mindes are therein freed from the servitude of blindnesse and incredulity , our hearts and willes from the bondage of that , which the apostle calleth n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( vnder which all men naturally are concluded ) that is , disobedience and infidelity ; our selues , from the servitude of satan , being called and as it were culled out of the world , whereby is meant the company of worldly men , which is the kingdome of the divell , ( who is the o prince , yea the god p of the world , working effectually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , q in the children of infidelity and disobedience , blinding their vnderstandings , and r captivating their willes : ) and lastly translated from the most slavish estate of damnation , being s redeemed from among men , and deliuered out of the t world , which because it wholy , as saint iohn u saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lieth vnder the subiection of the divell , ( who hath the * power of death ) is also subiect to death and damnation . as it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a power and interest ; wee are in our calling indued , as i said , with the spirit of liberty , which freeth our soules by enlightning our minds , perswading our iudgements , and softening our hearts , enspiring thereinto godly desires and gratious resolutions ; whereby he beginning the grace of faith in vs , doth regenerate vs and vnite vs vnto christ. so that by our effectuall calling , in regard that therein the spirit of liberty is communicated vnto vs , and the saving grace of faith is therein begotten in vs , we are made the sonnes of god and members of christ , and are not only entituled to all the rights and priviledges of the children of god , and members of christ ; but also are presently x translated , as it were from death to life , and from the state of damnation vnto the state of grace and salvation . but these things doe need some farther explanation . first , therefore in the ministry of the gospell , which is the ministry y of the spirit , the word of faith , z the seed of regeneration , the a law or doctrine of liberty , and the ordinary meanes of our b vocation , the lord , preventing vs with his grace , sendeth the spirit of his sonne into our hearts ; which being , as i said , the spirit of liberty ; first , freeth our mindes from the bondage of ignorance , incredulity & vanity , wherein vntill then wee are held captiue , not onceable of our selues to entertaine a c good thought , the whole frame of our thoughts being d onely evill continually ; the wisdome of our flesh , e or that which our flesh mindeth , being enmity against god ; our selues , not only not perceiuing , but being f not able to perceiue the things which are of the spirit of god , and much lesse able to giue assent vnto them ( for no man can say that g iesus is christ but by the holy ghost ) and much lesse to assent effectually , or by a liuely faith . the spirit of god therefore by the ministry of the word ( which is a h light vnto our feete ) as the meanes , and by the ministers of the gospell as his instruments ( who are therefore called the i light of the world , and are sent by christ to k open our eyes , and to giue light to them that sit in l darknesse , and in the shadow of death ) enlighteneth our mindes to vnderstand , and openeth our hearts as hee did the heart of lydia , perswading our soules m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , not only to attend , but as the word also signifieth , to assent to those things which are spoken by the ministers ; and thereby maketh vs vnfainedly to acknowledge and seriously to consider , both our miserable servitude , and damnable estate in our selues , and also the gratious liberty and sauing grace of god offered in christ. and this is the first degree of the liberty which we haue in our calling , that therein we are called out of n darknes into light . of this liberty the apostle speaketh , 2. cor. 3. o that whereas there is naturally a vaile over mens hearts , that they cannot vnderstand the word ; this vaile is taken away by the spirit of god , when they turne vnto the lord. now the lord ( saith he ) is the spirit , & where the spirit of the lord is , there is liberty . in this regard the spirit is compared to an p eye-salue , and is called that q anointing , which , being receiued from christ , teacheth vs all things . hauing thus revealed vnto vs both our owne miserable estate in our selues , and the infinite mercies of god in christ , and moued vs truly to assent thereto ; in the next place hee toucheth our hearts with a sense of our misery , and with a hatred of sinne , which hath brought vs into that miserable estate , and by the ministry of the word , which is his r power to our salvation , and his s arme to draw vs vnto him , hee turneth our will and affections from darknesse ( which naturally t wee loue ) vnto light , not only working in vs hearty desires , to come out of that damnable estate , and to be made partakers of christ ( which desires also he being the u spirit of supplication , helpeth vs to expresse in hearty prayer ; ) but also inspiring into vs a setled resolution , that for as much as liberty and salvation is promised to all that receiue christ by faith ; wee will therefore resolue vndoubtedly to acknowledge him to be our only saviour , and to rest vpon him alone for salvation . thus by working , 1. in our mindes an effectuall assent to the promise of the gospell . 2. in our hearts an earnest desire to bee made partakers of christs merits , and 3. in our will a setled resolution , to acknowledge him to bee the messias and to rely vpon the mercies of god and merits of christ , for justification and saluation , ( by which three we doe * receiue christ , ) the spirit of god begetteth the grace of iustifying faith in vs. in the begetting whereof , hee doth not only x turne men from darknesse to light , and from the power of sa●an vnto god ; but also regenerateth them , and vniteth them vnto christ , making them of the children of wrath , the sonnes of god ; of the impes of the old adam , members of christ ; and of the-subiects of satan in the kingdome of y darknesse , fellow z cittizens with the saints in the kingdome of god. and this is the liberty which we haue by our calling . as for the teachers of free will , and the magnifiers of our pure naturals ; they neither acknowledge the wofull bondage wherein we are by nature , nor the happy liberty , whereunto wee are , not borne , but called . for this is a liberty , ad quam non nati , sed renati sumus ; which we haue not by generation , but by regeneration . neither is it a common liberty of all , but a liberty peculiar to the people of god , who are a people a set at liberty , peculiar to the sonnes of god , and members of christ. but it will be said , if there bee no freedome in our willes before we be called , then belike we are called and saued against our willes , and we must looke with the enthusiasts for violent raptures . i answere , that there is in our willes a freedome of nature , whereby it is free from compulsion . for , that the will should bee forced , it implieth a contradiction : for then it should both will and nill the same thing at one time . notwithstanding this freedome of the will , vntill it bee freed by grace , is a voluntary service of sinne ; voluntarily and with greedinesse , willing that which is evill , although it can will nothing else . but the preventing grace of god , whereby we are called ; is perswasiue , and not ordinarily by the word ; drawing vs indeede , and so of vnwilling making vs willing , but this is by perswasion , and not by compulsion . for although our willes in the first act of our conversion bee meerely passiue , and none can come to christ vnlesse the b father draw him , yet we can no sooner conceiue a man to be effectually called , then that he is made willing . for in the very act of our calling , of vnwilling we are made willing ; and no sooner are wee effectually drawne but wee willingly come : in which sense true is that saying of chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god indeed draweth , but hee draweth him that is willing . wherefore though our willes doe not concurre , ad vocationem , vnto our calling ; yet they concurre , in vocatione , in our calling , being therein made free . now we are to intreate of the liberty which we haue both in our iustification , and also in our sanctification . for howsoeuer these graces doe alwaies so concurre , as that whosoeuer hath the one , hath the other ; and whosoeuer hath not both , hath neither ; yet are wee carefully to distinguish them . for the papists in not distinguishing them , confound the law and the gospell , abolish the maine benefit of christ , which in the scriptures goeth vnder the name of iustification , and with it the liberty which wee haue by it ; and lastly , by their antichristian doctrine teach men to place the matter of their iustification , and the merit of salvation in themselues . for they doe teach , that a man is iustified , when he is made righteous by righteousnesse inherent in himselfe , and performed by himselfe , and accordingly make two degrees of iustification : the one , which they call the first iustification , when a man of a sinner is made iust , by the infusion of faith , hope , and charity ; the other , which they call the second iustification , when a man of a iust man is made more iust by bringing forth good workes . so that according to their doctrine , the righteousnesse of the first iustification , is habituall and inherent in themselues ; of the second , actuall , and performed by themselues . and whereas iustification standeth on two parts , viz. remission of sinne , and the making , or , as the c apostle speaketh , constituting of vs righteous ; as they teach , that we are made righteous , not by imputation , but by infusion of righteousnesse : so they teach , that remission of sinne is the deletion of sinne , and that sinnes are then pardoned , when by infusion of the contrary graces they are expelled . even as water is then said to bee warmed , when by the accession of heate the cold is expelled . againe , where the scripture saith , c that we are iustified by grace , that is , by the meere favour of god in christ , by faith without workes , by the righteousnesse of god , which without the law is manifested in the gospell ; they by grace vnderstand the graces of god in vs , which they say concurre with faith vnto iustification ; by righteousnesse , not the righteousnesse of christ apprehended by faith , but a righteousnesse from christ infused into vs , &c. which doctrines , being vnderstood of sanctification , are for the most part true . for we doe not deny , but that the matter of our sanctification is inherent in vs , and performed by vs ; and that it is partly habituall , and partly actuall ; that it consisteth in our dying vnto sin , which is called mortification , and liuing vnto righteousnesse , which is called vivification : that there be degrees thereof , according to the measure of grace received : that wee are sanctified by the grace , or rather graces of god in vs ▪ and that thereunto not faith alone , but hope and charity , & other both inward graces and outward obedience doe concur , &c. but if the iustification which the papists teach , be nothing else but sanctification ; what then is become of that , which in the scriptures goeth vnder the name of iustification , and is the maine benefit of the messias , whereby wee are not only freed from the guilt of sinne , which bound vs over to death and damnation ; but also are in christ accepted as righteous , and made heires of eternall life ; by which wee are freed from the feare of damnation , and are entitled vnto the kingdome of heauen ? surely by the popish doctrine it is in a manner abolished , and with it the liberty which wee haue by it , which is no lesse then our deliverance from hell , and our title to the kingdome of heauen , which if wee haue not by christ , we haue no salvation by him . for it is certaine , that whereby we are iustified , thereby wee are saved . this most pre●ious and antichristian errour they seeke to justify by the like notation of the latine words . for as to be sanctified , is to be made holy , by holinesse wrought in vs ; so to be iustified , in their conceit , is to bee made iust , by righteousnesse wrought in vs. wherevnto i answere , that if the latine notation were to bee respected , it would not hinder our cause . for , wee doe freely confesse , that whom the lord iustifieth , he maketh iust . but then the question is , whether by imputation , or by infusion . by imputation , we say , as he iustifieth ; by infusion , not as hee iustifieth , but as he sanctifieth . but the latine word is no farther to be vrged , then as it is the translation of the hebrew word in the old testament , and of the greeke in the new , which signifieth to iustify . now it is plaine , that both the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is verbum forese , a iudiciall word ascribed vnto god , as the iudge ; to teach vs , when wee thinke of iustification , to summon our selues before the iudgement seat of god. and in this sense it is opposed to condemning , as in the d iudgements of men , deut. 25. 1. prov. 17. 15. so in the e iudgemēt of god , mat. 12. 37. by thy words thou shalt be iustified , a●d by thy words thou shalt bee condemned ; 1. king. 8. 32. rom. 5. 16. 18. and rom. 8. 33. hereby then appeareth , both what iustification is , and wherein it differeth from sanctification . for the contrary to sanctifying , is polluting ; but the contrary to iustifying , is condemning . wherefore as sanctifying being the contrary to polluting , doth signify making holy ; so iustifying being the contrary to condemning , doth signifie absoluing , acquitting , pronouncing iust . and in this sense evermore , in the question of iustification , it is vsed when it is ascribed vnto god. neither are the papists able to produce any one testimony , where iustification being ascribed to god , ( as f it is god that doth iustify ) doth signify making righteous by infusion . this then is the first note of difference , whereunto others may be added . for in iustification , as i said before , we haue communion with christ , in respect of his merits imputed vnto vs , to free vs from the guilt of sinne , and feare of damnation , and to entitle vs to the kingdome of heauen . in sanctification we haue communion with christ in respect of his graces , which being in him without measure , are by his spirit deriued to vs in measure , and communicated by infusion , to free vs from the corruption and dominion of sinne , and to prepare and fit vs for the kingdome of heauen . the matter therefore of iustification , or that whereby we are absolved , and in respect whereof , god doth acquit vs from our sinnes , and accepting vs as iust , doth so pronounce of vs , is the merits , righteousnes , and obedience of christ our saviour . for by what we are redeemed , by that wee haue g remission of sinnes , or iustification ; but wee are redeemed only by the merits and righteousnes of christ , and not by our owne ; and therefore wee are iustified by the righteousnesse of christ , and not by that which is inherent in vs , or performed by vs : but our sanctification consisteth in the graces of gods spirit inherent in vs , and the new obedience performed by vs. wee are iustified by imputation of christs righteousnes , when god imputing to a belieuer the righteousnesse of christ , and accepting of it in the believers behalfe , as if he had performed it in his owne person , doth not only acquit him from his sinnes , but also accepteth of him as righteous in christ , and as an heire of eternall life . for as christ was made a sinner for vs , so are wee made h righteous before god in him : christ was made a sinner for vs , by imputation of our sinnes to him : therefore we are made righteous before god in him , by imputation of his righteousnesse vnto vs. againe , as we were made ●inners , that is , guilty of the first adams transgression ; i so are we iustified by the obedience of the second adam . but wee are guilty of the first adams transgression by imputation . for how should that being an action , and therefore transrent , be communicated vnto vs ? let bellarmine answere : it is communicated to vs , saith he , k as transient things vse to bee communicated , that is to say , by imputation . therefore wee are iustified by imputation of the obedience of the second adam . for the obedience of christ which hee performed on earth , being transient , how could it bee communicated vnto vs , but as bellarmine saith , all transient things are communicated , viz. by imputation ? the reason of wich imputation is this . for as all men being in adam as the roote of mankind , originally , are guilty of his sinne , it being imputed vnto them , because in him and by him , by reason of their vnion with him , all sinned : so the faithfull being in christ as their head or roote , are iustified by his obedience , if being imputed to them , because in him , and by him , by reason of our vnion with him , we fulfilled the law , and in him , and by him wee satisfied the iustice of god. but we are sanctified by the infusion of grace wrought in vs by the holy ghost . iustification is the very intitling of vs to the kingdome of heauen . sanctification is both the badge and cognizance , whereby they are to bee discerned and knowne who are iustified , and shall bee l saued , and the fitting and preparing of vs to that kingdome , whereinto no vncleane thing shall enter . the righteousnesse of iustification is perfect , ( for it is the righteousnesse of christ ) and therefore of iustification it selfe there are no degrees , though of the assurance thereof there bee degrees , according to the measure of faith . the righteousnesse of our sanctification , which is inherent , is vnperfect in this life , and stained with the flesh ; & thereof there are degrees , as wee grow in grace . wee are both iustified and sanctified by faith , but in divers respects . we are iustified by faith , because by it wee apprehend the righteousnesse of christ , & therefore are iustified by it , not formally , as it is a power or habit in vs , or as it is a part of inherent righteousnesse , but relatiuely in respect of the obiect which it doth apprehend ; and by it alone wee are iustified , because it is the only grace in vs , which apprehendeth the merits of christ to iustification . wee are sanctified by faith , as a chiefe part of our sanctification , being as it were the roote , both of other inward graces , and outward obedie●ce : but we are not sanctified by it alone , because not only other graces inherent , but also outward obedience concurre thereto . these things thus premised , let vs consider what that liberty is , which we haue both in our iustification , and also in our sanctification . in both ( as our freedome is an immunity ) wee are freed from sinne , and from the law , which is the strength of sinne , though in different respects , which will bee so many more differences betwixt iustification and sanctification . in sinne there are two things , the guilt thereof , and the corruption . in iustification wee are freed wholly from the guilt of sinne : for to be iustified , is to haue remission of sinne , m rom. 4. 6. 7. or which is all one , to be freed , or absolued from the guilt of it . and so certaine it is , that in iustification we haue this freedome , that to be iustified , is to bee freed , according to the scriptures phrase , n rom. 6. 7. he that is dead is freed from sinne : the greeke is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . see o act. 13. 38. 39. bee it knowne vnto you , that through christ is preached vnto you forgiuenesse of sinnes . and from all things , from which you could be iustified by the law of moses , by him every one that beleeueth is iustified . where , to be iustified , is to haue pardon of sinne , or freedome from the guilt of it . the guilt of sinne is the obligation or binding over of the sinner vnto punishment : and this bond is partly in the law , * which is the hand-writing or obligation that is against vs , binding over the transgressor of it , to the punishment threatned in it ; and partly in the * conscience , applying the law , morall or naturall , to the sinner , and from thence * pronouncing him subiect to punishment . from this obligation or guilt we are freed before god , and as it were in the court of heauen , so soone as wee beleeue : and we are freed from the same in the court of conscience , when wee know that we beleeue , and are assured of our iustification . for , p by faith wee haue remission of sinne : and whosoeuer q beleeueth in christ , hee is iustified from the guilt thereof . this our freedome containeth in it happinesse , for as their estate is miserable , whose sinnes are not forgiuen , because by their sinnes they are debtors vnto god , owing in respect thereof eternall death and damnation ( though they only feele this burthen , whose conscience is throughly touched , of whom it is said , r a wounded spirit who is able to beare ? ) so their estate is happy , who are freed from the guilt of sinne . david , though a king , flourishing in great honor , wealth , and delights ; notwithstanding he reposeth his felicity in the forgiuenesse of sin , s psal. 32. blessed is the man whose wickednesse is forgiuen , and whose sinne is covered , blessed is the man to whom the lord imputeth not iniquity . which should moue vs aboue all things to labour for the forgiuenesse of sin , and for the assurance thereof . if thou beleeue in christ , and withall confesse thy sin t and forsake u it , thou maist bee sure that it is pardoned . secondly , in our iustification we are freed from the * law , and that in two respects . first , from the malediction or condemnation of it : secondly , from the lawes exaction of inherent and that perfect righteousnesse vnto iustification . vnder which double yoke of bondage all men are , that are not iustified by faith in christ : that is , all men in them selues are subiect to the curse x who in the least degree doe at any time in their whole life transgresse any part of the law , as all men oftentimes doe ; and againe , no man who is not in christ , can be exempted from the curse , and attaine to iustification , vnlesse he continue in all the things which are written in the booke of the law to doe them ; which no man is able to doe , the law by reason of the flesh being y impossible vnto vs. let naturall or vnconuerted men apply this to themselues . canst thou not by the sentence of the law be exempted from the curse , vnlesse thou dost not only not commit the things forbidden , but also doe the duties commaunded ; vnlesse thou dost all , and vnlesse thou continuest in doing all , neuer failing in any one particular ; and finally , vnlesse thou continuest in doing all , and euery thing commaunded in that perfect manner and measure which the law prescribeth ? alas then , how wilt thou escape the dreadfull curse , who in stead of doing the duties commaunded , hast done the vices forbidden ; who in stead of keeping all the commaundements , hast broken them all ; and in stead of continuing in a totall perpetuall and perfect obedience of the lawe , hast continued in the disobedience thereof ? hence we may conclude with the apostle , that all men in themselues , euen those z who seeke to be iustified by the law , be concluded vnder sinne , and consequently vnder the curse : and therefore haue extreame neede to seeke vnto christ , that by him they may be set free from this two-fold bondage ; which is , to be vnder the curse of the law if we breake it , when we can doe nothing else but breake it ; and to be excluded from iustification , if we doe not continue in the perfect performance of the law , when we are not able so much as to a thinke a good thought , or once to will that which is spiritually good . but by christ we are freed from both . frst from the curse , as the apostle in expresse tearmes teacheth : b christ hath redeemed vs from the curse of the law , when he was made a curse for vs. he hath freed vs from the punishment of sinne , by vndergoing the punishment for vs , he hath acvs quitted frō our debts by discharging them for vs. for as esay c saith , he was wounded for our transgressions , he was broken for our iniquities , the chastisement of our peace ( that is , which was to procure vs peace and reconsiliation with god ) was laide vpon him , and by his stripes we are healed . and againe , d the lord hath laide vpon him the iniquitie of vs all , that is , the punishment of all our sinnes . and , e my righteous seruant by his knowledge , that is , by the knowledge of him , or faith in him , shall iustifie many , for he shall beare their iniquities . now , by the curse of the law from which christ doth free vs , we are to vnderstand all euill f of punishment , as well temporall as eternall : for it is absurd to imagine with the papists , that christ hauing freed vs from the eternall punishment , hath not freed vs from the temporall . by temporall , we meane the euils both of this life , whether corporall or spirituall ( which are innumerable ) and also in the end of this life , viz. an euill death . against both these it will be obiected , and first against the former ; that notwithstanding their iustification , the faithfull are as subiect to afflictions and calamities of this life as others , and therefore to punishment . but i deny that consequence , if you speake of punishments properly , which be the curses of the law afflicted vpon men by way of vengeance , to satisfie the iustice of god. * for the lord hath imposed the punishment of all our sinnes vpon christ ; who hath fully satisfied the justice of his father for them . and therefore as there is no condermnation , so no punishment ( properly vnderstood ) to them that are in christ iesus . neither can it stand with the iustice of god ( who is not only mercifull , but also g iust in iustifying of vs ) to exact a punishment of the faithfull for the satisfying of his iustice , for whom christ hath already fully satisfied his iustice by bearing the punishment : this were to punish the same sinnes twice , once in christ , and againe in vs. indeed the faithfull are subiect to crosses and afflictions : but all the afflictions of the godly are either trials for their good , or such iudgements as are simply fatherly chastisements proceeding from loue , and meerely respecting the good of the party chastised , whereof the apostle speaketh , 1. cor. 11. 32. h when we are iudged we are chastised of of the lord , that we should not be condemned with the world , or else they be also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( according to the i erymoligie of the word which by some is giuen ) when god besides the chastisment of the party , hath also care to his owne honour , which would beimpeached , if he should seeme to winke at the scandalous offences of his children , as though he would maintaine them in their sinnes . in which regard iudgement , as peter k saith , begineth at the house of god. for the lord many times correcteth those sinnes in the godly , both for his owne honour , and their good , which he seemeth to passe by in the wicked . of this kinde we haue an example in dauid , to whom the lord vpon his submission forgaue his greeuous sinnes of murther and adulterie , notwithstanding both for dauids chastisement , and for the example of others , but chiefly for the maintenance of his owne glory ( which by the scandalous offences of gods children , is by the wicked blasphemed , as though such sins were the fruits of the religion and seruice of god , ) he would not suffer the child begotten in adulterie to liue . why ? because by that sinne dauid had l caused the enemies of the lord to blaspheme . the vse which we are to make hereof , is not with the papists , to teach men to make satisfaction to god for their sinnes , as though christ had not fully satisfied for them already : but to teach men , both to beware that they doe not commit sinne , especially scandalous sinnes ; because thereby they displease and dishonor god their mercifull father , prouoking him to powre his iudgements vpon them , for their amendment , that they be not condemned with the world , and for the maintenance of his owne honor : and also that hauing sinned , we doe m meete the lord in his iudgements , by humbling our selues before him , confessing our fault , and crauing pardon , that n iudging our selues , we may not be iudged of the lord. against the second it is also obiected , that notwithstanding their iustification , the godly die as well as the wicked . i answere , that as of all afflictions , so also of death , the nature is changed in respect of the faithfull ; to whom death it selfe , though brought in by the malice of the diuell , is not a curse or punishment properly . i doe not denie , but that many times in respect of the time and manner of death , the godly iudged and chastised , the lord in mercy killing their bodies , that hee many o saue their soules ; but from the evill of death they are wholly freed , for to them it is the end of sinne , and is therefore inflicted vpon vs , that sinne might dy with vs , as methodius p saith , and being the end of sinne vnto vs , it is also the end of misery , the hauen of rest , a happy passage out of this vaile of misery vnto the kingdome of glory ; and so not onely no curse , but also a blessing , no losse , but an advantage , as after wee shall shew . for yet we speake but of the immunities of iustification , the principall whereof yet remaineth to be spoken of ; that is , freedome from subiection to damnation , to everlasting death , to the eternall wrath of god , which is the most miserable bondage and subiection of all those , who are not iustified by faith in christ. but from this curse also christ hath freed the faithfull . for this is the immunitie which we haue by him ; that q whosoeuer beleeueth in him shall not perish , that there is r no condemnation to them that bee in christ iesus ; that by his death s hee hath destroyed him that had the power of death , that hee might deliuer them all , which for feare of death , were all their life time subiect to bondage ; that iesus our sauiour deliuereth vs from the t wrath to come . and thus wee haue heard of two immunities , which wee haue in our iustification : that wee are freed from the guilt of sinne , and from the curse of the law whereto our sinne had made vs subiect . and from hence ariseth vnspeakeable peace and liberty to the distressed conscience , terrified with the guilt of sinne , the curse of the law , and feare of damnation ; when it receiuing christ by faith , hath immunity and freedome from them all . now followeth the other immunity from the law , in respect of the exaction or perfect righteousnesse to be inherent in vs , and perfect obedience to bee performed by vs , vnto our iustification and salvation : vnto which yoke of bondage , as i said , all men by nature are subiect . for it is sure and certaine , that without righteousnesse , and such a righteousnes , as is fully answerable to the perfect law of god , no man can be iustified . now , this righteousnesse must either be inherent in our selues , which is the righteousnesse that the law requireth vnto iustification ; or being performed by another , ( which is christ ) for vs , must be imputed vnto vs : and that is the righteousnes which the gospell propoundeth vnto iustification . a third righteousnes , whereby wee should be iustified , cannot be named . if therefore wee bee not partakers of christs righteousnes apprehended by faith , we must stand to the sentence of the law ; which is , either to performe perfect and perpetuall obedience , or not to be iustified . but if christs righteousnes be imputed vnto vs ( as it is to all that apprehend it by faith ) then are we iustified , notwithstanding the sentence of the law , by u faith , ( that is , by the righteousnes of christ apprehended by faith ) without the workes of the law , that is , without any respect of obedience performed by our selues . and in this liberty from the law , standeth the chiefe comfort and stay of a christian , when hee summoning himselfe , as it were in the court of his conscience before the iudgement seat of god , to bee iustified , or condemned , shall consider that by christ he is freed , both from the condemnation of the law , and from the exaction of inherent righteousnes to iustification : so that hee shall not neede to stand to the sentence of the law , or to trust to any obedience performed by himselfe , as it were to a broken staffe , wherein there can be no comfort , ( for if god should enter into * iudgment with vs according thereto , no man liuing could be iustified ) but may safely and freely , without respect , either of his owne obedience , or of the sentence of the law , rely vpon the mercies of god , and merits of christ ; that for as much as the lord hath giuen him grace to beleeue , & by that faith hath x espoused him to christ , and vnited him vnto him as his member ; he hath also communion in christs merits , whereby without regard to any righteousnesse of his owne , he is iustified before god. against this part of christian liberty , which is most comfortable , the church of rome ( as it well becomes the synagogue of antichrist ) doth by might and maine oppose it selfe : contending not only that we are iustified by righteousnes inherent ; but also that the same obedience , which the law prescribeth , is in greater perfection required in the gospell vnto iustification . by which doctrine of thei●s , they con●ound the law of the gospell , and in so doing abolish the covenant of grace , annihilate the maine promise of the gospell , which is the charter of our liberty , the ground of our faith , the foundation of all our assurance for iustification and salvation . for if the gospell promise and propound iustification and salvation , vpon the condition of our owne obedience , a●d that in more perfection then the law it selfe required : then is it not only a covenant of workes , as well as the law , but also imposeth a heavier yoke vpon mens consciences , then the law did . but it is manifest that the gospell is the covenant of grace made with abraham y , concerning iustification by faith in christ ; whereas the law contrariwise is the covenant of workes , which 430. yeares after was deliuered by moses , and did not disanull the former promise , concerning iustification by faith . the condition whereon the gospell promiseth iustification , is faith in christ ; the condition of the law , our owne perfect and perpetuall obedience . for the gospell z saith ; if thou beleeue in christ , thou art iustified and shalt be saved : the law , if thou dost these things , thou shalt liue thereby . the righteousnesse exacted in the law to iustificatiō , is a righteousnes both habituall inherent in our selues , and actuall performed by our selues . the righteousnesse a which without the law is revealed in the gospell , is the righteousnes of god , that is , of christ who is god , ( for he is b iehova , our righteousnes , and was given vnto vs of god c to be our righteousnes ) by the faith of iesus christ , vnto all , and vpon all that beleeue , that is , the righteousnesse of christ , who is god ( though not the righteousnes of the deity , as o siander thought , but the righteousnesse both inherent in him , as hee was man , as his innocencie and holinesse , and also performed by him , as his passiue & actiue obedience ) being apprehended by faith , is according to the doctrine of the gospell , imputed to every beleeuer vnto iustification . that christ is our righteousnes , and the d end of the law vnto righteousnes to all that beleeue , that whosoeuer e beleeueth in christ shall be saved , it is the maine doctrine of the gospell , the chiefe article of our religion , the charter of our inheritance , the assurance which wee haue of salvation : which wee are so to hold , as that if an f angell from heauen should teach vs another gospell , or propound vnto vs another way of iustification , ( as namely by inherent righteousnesse , and our owne obedience ) wee ought to hold him accursed , and our selues also , if wee yeeld to him . for whosoeuer looke to be iustified by the obedience which the law prescribeth , they g are separated from christ , and fallen from grace . wee doe not deny , but that the gospell teacheth repentance as well as faith ; and commendeth the duties of sanctification , as well as it promiseth iustification . yea , as it promiseth the grace of justification to those that beleeue ; so to them that are iustified and redeemed , it promiseth the h grace of sanctification by the spirit , whereby they are inabled in some measure to worship god in honesse and righteousnesse . wee doe also confesse , that a greater measure of knowledge and obedience is required of the faithfull vnder the gospell , then was vnder the law ; because to whom more is given , of them more is required , and the greater benefit requireth the greater duties of thankfulnesse . but when the question is of the matter of our iustification , and merit of our salvation , whereby wee being sinners and lost in our selues , should bee iustified before god , and entituled vnto the kingdome of heauen ; what that is , whereby we are absolued from our sinnes , and accepted as righteous , and as heires of eternall life ; what that is , which will stand in iudgement before god , and which wee may trust vnto , when we appeare before the iudgemens seat of god , why the sentence of condemnation should not bee pronounced againstvs ; what that is , whereby wee are re●eemed from death , and reconciled vnto god , or , as the scripture vttereth the same thing in other tearmes ▪ i whereby we haue remission of sinnes : it is most plaine , that the doctrine of the gospell placeth the whole matter of iustification , and merit of salvation in the righteousnesse and obedience of christ alone ; by whose blood , as the apostle k speaketh , and by whose obedience , wee are iustified . as for that righteousnesse which is inherent in our selues , though infused of god , and that obedience which is performed by our selues , though proceeding from grace ; the gospell teacheth vs , in the question of iustification , l to esteeme it as drosse and dung , yea as losse , that we may gaine christ , and may bee found in him , not hauing our own righteousnesse , which is prescribed in the law , but that which is through the law of christ , the righteousnesse which is of god through faith . this therefore is the liberty which we haue by the grace of iustification , that we are freed from that miserable bondage of the law , which exacteth an obedience and righteousnesse inherent vnto iustification , which no man is able to performe , and therefore holdeth men in 〈◊〉 to damnation , engendring with agar m as the apostle speaketh , none but servants which shall not inherit with the children of the free woman , that is , who are begottē by the gospell , to be the heires of that righteousnesse which is by faith . and thus much of the liberty of iustification as it is an immunity . for as it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or right ; it also containeth many notable priviledges . first that we are not only freed from the guilt of sinne , but also are accepted pronounced iust , & by imputation of christs , both n passiue and actiue obedience made rihgteous , which o immediately followes vpon the former , so that by our iustification we are not only made not guiltie , but also stand righteous before god , and that , by the righteousnesse of christ. secondly , what we are not only freed from the curse of the law , but also are made pa●takers of the p blessednesse promised to abraham viz. that in h●s q seed , which is christ , the faithfull of all nations should be blessed . but this will best appeare in the particulars : for the faithfull are not onely freed from the euils of this life , whether corporall or spirituall , as they be curses ; but they are all turned into blessings vnto them . for this is the priviledge of the faithfull , that the lord causeth all things , whether good or bad , r to worke together for the good of those that doe loue him . in which sense dauid saith , s that all things succeede well with the righteous man. as for afflictons , he both professeth in particular of himselfe , t that it was good for him that he had beene afflicted ; and also in generall pronounceth the man u blessed , whom the lord doth chastise and teach in his law . againe , corporall death is not only no losse to the faithfull ; but also an advantage ; because in it they change a sinfull and mortall life , for a life blessed and immortall . it is not only no curse , but also a blessing : for it is not only the end of sinne and miserie , but the beginning of perfect and everlasting happinesse ; wherevpon the holy ghost * pronounceth them all blessed that die in the lord. neither are the faithfull only freed fom feare of damnation , but also are put in assurance of euerlasting life , being x saued in hope , which is the cheife happinesse that can be enioyed in this life . thirdly we are not only freed from the sentence of the law , exacting of vs perfect obedience vnto iustification , but we haue also liberty to plead the righteousnesse propounded in the couenant of grace ; and to appeale from the sentence of the law , to the promise of the gospell ; from the tribunall of iustice to the th● one of grace ; and in the question of iustification not at all to regarde our owne obedience , but wholly to rest vpon the mercies of god and merits of christ our sauiour . vpon this liberty of iustification follow other priuiledges . for first , whereas by nature we are the children of wrath ; now , y being iustified by faith , we haue peace with god , through our lor● i●sus christ , who hath z reconciled vs to 2 whereas sinne maketh a a separation betweene god and vs , so that naturally we shunne the presence of god , as of a seuere iudge ; being iustified by the righteousnesse of christ , we also haue free b accesse vnto god by faith , and haue liberty with boldnesse and assurance that we shall be heard , to make our requests to god in the name of christ. 3 vpon our iustification by faith , c we are endued with the spirit of adoption , which assureth vs of gods fatherly loue towards vs , teaching vs to crie in our hearts , abba father ; by which , being the earnest of our inheritance , we are sealed vp vnto the day of our full redemption . 4 with the hope of salvation , which is d a companion of iustifying faith , & a consequent of iustification , whereby we liue in expectation of euerlasting happinesse . 5 with ioy e in the holy ghost , which peter calleth ioy vnspeakable and glorious . for the apostle denying that the liberty of christians doth cheifly stand in f meat and drinke , and in the free vse of outward things ; sheweth also wherein it principally doth consist . for the kingdom of god ( saith he ) is not meat and drinke but righteousnesse , which is the priuiledge of iustification it selfe , and peace and ioy in the holy ghost , which are consequents of the former . lastly , g with perseuerance . for as the sonne abideth in the house for euer , being h safely kept by the power of god through faith vnto saluation . for if i sonnes , then heires , heires of god , and coheires with christ , &c , now i come to the liberty which we haue in our sanctification , and so farre forth as we are sanctified . now our sanctification in this life being but in part , so is this liberty : which , as it is an immunity , is also a freedom from the bondage of sinne , and of the law ; though in other respects , then those that haue beene mentioned in the liberty of iustification . for , in iustification we are freed from the guilt of sinne , in sanctification , frō the corruption of sinne . but here we are to consider , how farre forth we are set free therefrom . for the hypocritall papists teach , that when a man is regenerated , or as they also speake , iustified , originall sinne is so abolished , as that it doth not only not raigne , but not so much as remaine or liue in the partie sanctified . by which doctrine they teach men to bee desperate hypocrites , either searing their conscience , that they may haue no sense of sinne , and may please themselues with this conceit , that they haue no sinne ▪ in which respect the saying of peter k is verified of them , that whiles they promise liberty to themselues and others , they are indeed seruants of corruption : or if they haue any sense of sinne dwelling in them , they must perswade themselues they are not sanctified , nor iustified , and therefore not to be saued : such miserable comforters they are of poore sinners , as to perswade them that they haue not remission of sinne , vntill sinne be quite abolished in them . but this doctrine they teach contrary to the euident testimonies of scripture , contrary to the perpetuall experience of the faithfull , contrary to the light of their owne conscience ; that they might thereby vphold their antichristian doctrine of iustification by inherent righteousnesse , and of the merit of good workes , which otherwise would fall to the ground . for , if in respect of originall sinne , remaining and dwelling in vs , we be in our selues sinners : how can we be iustified by inherent righteousnesse ? if our best actions be stained with the flesh , and our righteousnesse l be like polluted clouts ; how should they merit eternall life ? we are therfore to hold , that in regeneration we are freed from the corruption of sinne ; not wholly , and at once , but in part , and by degrees ; that sinne ( though mortified in part , and we freed from the tyrannie of it , that it raigne no more with full swinge and authority in vs ) still remaineth and dwelleth in vs , hindering vs from good , provoking vs vnto euill , defiling and cotaminating our best actions , neuer suffering vs with the full consent of m will , to performe or desire that which is good . as the apostle plainely sheweth by his owne example , rom. 7. n where the concupiscence remaining in him , is not only plainly called a sinne , but described as a sinne , & as an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a repugnancie to the law of god : the sense whereof ( though the papists haue no sense of it ) made the holy apostle crie out , o miserable man that i am , who shall deliuer me from this body of death ? accursed therefore was the counsell of trent p which confessing that the apostle calleth it a sinne ; notwithstanding pronounceth them accursed , that shall say it is a sinne . but if we say we haue no sinne , we deceiue our selues , saith s. iohn . q , and there is no truth in vs. the freedome therefore which we haue in our sanctification , which as augustine saith , is but begun in this life , is not from the being of sinne in vs altogether and at once , though we be freed from it , in part and by degrees , but from the dominion of it , that wee should no more bee servants of sin , but being freed from sinne , might become servants of righteousnes , rom. 6. 6. 18. which augustine r did well obserue out of the words of the apostle , dehorting vs that sinne should not remaine in our mortall bodies . hee doth not say , let it not be ; but , let it not raigne : for whiles thou liuest , it cannot be avoided , but that sinne will bee in thy members ; neverthelesse let dominion bee taken from it , &c. of this liberty the apostle speaketh , rom. 8. s the law of the spirit of life which is in christ , hath made mee free from the law of sinne and of death . that is , the power of the quickning spirit , which being in christ our head , and from him communicated vnto vs , doth rule in vs as a law , doth free vs from the power of sin which worketh death , that it no more haue dominion ( as it were a law ) in vs. and rom. 6. t hauing proued , that sin neither doth , nor can any more raigne in the faithfull , because after the similitude of christs death and resurrection , they are dead to sin and risen againe ; and therefore , as death can no more haue dominion over christ , being 〈◊〉 from death , no more can sin haue dominion over the faithfull being once risen from the graue of sin : afterwards vers . 14. hee assureth the faithfull , that sin shall u not haue dominion over them , because they bee not vnder the law , but vnder grace . likewise saint iohn * saith , he that is borne of god , doth not commit sin , namely , as a servant of sin : yea , he addeth , that he cannot sin , namely , with full swinge and consent of will , as those which bee servants of sin ; because the seed of god remaineth in him , whereby he is partly spirit , and not only flesh . and therefore as he cannot perfectly will that which is good , because of the reluctation of the flesh ; so can he not will with full consent , that which is evill , because of the reluctation of the spirit . secondly , wee are in our sanctification freed from the law. but we are here also to consider , quatenus , now farre forth . for the x papists charge vs , that we place christian liberty in this , that we are subiect to no law in our conscience , and before god ; and that wee are free from all necessity of doing good workes : which is a most divelish slander . for although they absurdly confound iustification and fanctification ; yet they know we doe not : neither are they ignorant , but that wee put a great difference betweene them in this respect . for though we teach that the obedience of the law is not required in vs to iustification , but that wee are freed from the exaction of the law in that behalfe : yet we deny not ▪ but that vnto sanctification the obedience of the law is required , and wee by necessity of duty , bound to the observation thereof . wee confesse that to be free from obedience , is to be the servants of sin , and the willing and cheerefull worship of god , in y holines and righteousnes without feare , to bee true liberty . wee acknowledge that the morall law of god is perpetuall and immutable ; and that this is an everlasting truth , that the creature is bound to worship and obey his creator , and so much the more bound , as hee hath received greater benefits . indeede wee say with luther z , that in our iustification wee are restored to a state of iustice , from which adam fell ; but yet , as wee teach that wee are no more bound to obedience , that thereby we might be iustified , then adam who was already iust ; so we professe , that in allegiance and thankfulnesse , we are more bound to obey then he , yea , wee professe that god doth therefore free vs from the curse , and the bondage of the law , that wee might be inabled with freedome of spirit to obey it ; and that being freed from sinne a , wee are made the servants of righteousnesse . we teach , that god hauing sworne b , that to those whom he iustifieth , he will giue grace to worship him in holines and righteousnes ; no man can be assured of his iustification without obedience : that sanctification being the end of our c election , calling , redemption and regeneration , it is a necessary consequent of sauing grace . we teach and professe , that howsoever good workes doe not concurre with faith , vnto the act of iustifica●●on , as a cause thereof ; yet they con●●●re in the party iustified , as necessary fruits of faith , and testimonies of iustification . and as wee teach with paul d , that faith alone doth iustifie ; so with iames e , that the ●aith which is alone doth not iustifie . wee teach , that the blood of christ , as it acquitteth vs from the guilt of sin ; so doth it also purge f our consciences from dead workes , to serue the liuing god ; that he bare g in his body vpon the crosse our sinnes , that we being deliuered from sinne , should liue in righteousnesse : that whom christ doth iustifie by faith , them hee doth sanctify by his spirit ; that whosoever h is in christ hee is a new creature , i crucifying the flesh with the lusts thereof , and k walking not after the flesh , but after the spirit . wee professe that good workes are necessary to saluation , though not necessitate efficientiae , as causing it as the papists teach ; yet necessitate praesentiae , as necessary fruits of our faith , whereby wee are to glorifie god , and to testifie our thankfulnesse , to doe good to our brethren , and to make sure l our election , calling and iustification vnto our selues ; as necessary forerunners of salvation , being the vndoubted badges of them that shall bee saued ; being the way wherein wee are to m walke to everlasting life , being the evidence according to which god will iudge vs at the last day . and lastly , that as by iustification god doth entitle vs vnto his kingdome ; so by sanctification he doth sit and prepare vs thereto . we do not therefore by the doctrine of iustification through faith , abolish the law , but rather as the apostle saith n , stablish it . for the more a man is assured of his free iustification , the better he is enabled , and the more hee is bound to obey it . but although we bee bound to obey the law , as the subiects of god , and servants of 〈◊〉 ; and although the law 〈…〉 in those that are iusti●●●d , as being a rule of direction for our obedience , in the per●ormance of the duties or piety towards god , of iustice towards our neighbour , of sobriety towards ourselues ; and a glasse of detection to manifest the imperfections of our obedience , to keepe vs from phari●●●sme : and lastly , a rodde of correction , in respect of flesh or the old man yet remaining in vs , that by precepts , by exhortations and comminations , it more and more may be mortified in vs , and wee kept from the spirit of slumber and security : ) yet notwithstanding wee are not vnder the law , as the o apostle saith , but vnder grace . wee are therefore in our sanctification freed , though not from the obedience , yet from the servitude and bondage of the law , and that in three respects : first , in respect of the irritation of it . in which regard especially the law is called the p strength of sinne : not that the law causeth or prouoketh sinne properly , for the q law is holy , iust and good ; but only by accident , and occasionally . for such is the corruptiō of our vntamed nature vntill we be renewed by the spirit of god ; r that when the law , which is holy and good , forbiddeth sinne , seeking to stoppe the course of our concupiscences , and to bridle our sinfull affections ; thereby our vntamed corruption rebelleth so much the more ; and that it might appeare s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exceedingly sinfull , by occasion of the law worketh in vs all manner of concupiscence . euen , as a deepe riuer , when nothing hindreth his course , hath a still , and as it were a dead motion ; but if you seeke to restraine or stoppe his course , he will sinell and ouerflow all , now disdaining , as it were , a bridge : so our corruption , when it freely taketh his owne course , seemeth to be quiet , and as it were dead : but when the commandement commeth , t ●aith the apostle , as it were to dam it vp , sin reuiueth & riseth against it , swelling and ouerflowing as it were , his wonted bankes . in this respect , the law ( saith the master of the u sentences ) is called a killing letter , because forbidding sinne , it increaseth concupiscence , and addeth transgression vntill grace doe free vs. but we are regenerated by the spirit of sanctification , and by the bond of the same spirit coupled vnto christ ; we are freed from this bondage , euen as the wife is freed from the dominion of her husband by his death . for euen as whilest we were in the flesh altogether vnregenerate , the law , as it were our husbands , occasionally and by accident begot in our soules , wholly corrupted with sinne , euill motions and concupiscences , as the fruites and issue of our flesh tending vnto death : so we being regenerated , and after a sort dead vnto this corruption , and consequently being mortified to the law in respect of the irritation thereof , and the law in that regard dead vnto vs , the spirit of christ , who hath vnited vs vnto him as our second husband , begetteth good motions in vs as the fruites of the spirit , acceptable vnto ●od . this is that which the apost . teacheth , * rom. 7. for hauing said chap. 6. 14. that sinne shall not haue dominion ouer vs , because we are not vnder the law but vnder grace , after he had answered an obiection , & preuented the abuse of this doctrine , which carnall men would make thereof , as though they might sin freely , because they are not vnder the law : in the beginning of the seauenth chapter he proueth , that we are not vnder the law , but vnder grace , by that similitude which euen now i mentioned : because being regenerated and dead vnto sinne , we are mortified to the law , and the law to vs in respect of the irritation thereof , caused by our corruption ; and consequently are deliuered from the power of it , as a wife is freed from the dominion of her husband , when he is dead . secondly in our sanctification we are freed from the coaction and terror of the law , breeding servile feare in men vnregenerate ; whereby , as bon-servants or gally-slaues by the whip , they are enforced to the performance of some outward duties , which otherwise they are vnwilling to doe . for those who are vnder the law , as all men are by nature , are like bond-slaues ; who for avoiding of punishment , are by terror drawne to doe some forced service , which is so much the more vnwilling , because they looke for no reward . this in the scripture is called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , x the spirit of bondage , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , y the spirit of feare , from which we are delivered , when wee receiue the spirit of adoption and sanctification ; whereby wee are enabled to worship god in holinesse & righteousnesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without servile feare , according to the covenant of grace made with abraham , luk. i. z and in this sense it is said , that the law a is not imposed on the iust , to whom , being as it were a law vnto themselues , & willingly performing that which is right , the terror and coaction of the law , so far fo●●● 〈◊〉 they are regenerate , is needlesse . thirdly as we are freed from the coaction and terror of the law , so also from the exaction and rigour of the law , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which though it be a liberty of sanctification , and appertaining to our new obedience ; yet it dependeth on the liberty of iustification . for as there we were freed from the lawes exaction of inherent righteousnesse , to the acceptation of our persons : so heere we are freed from the lawes exaction of perfect obedience , to the acceptation of our actions . so that whereas the law condemneth every the least imperfection or defect , not agreeing with that perfection of iustice , which it prescribeth , as a sin , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and pronounceth the party in whom that defect or imperfection is , accursed : notwithstanding the new obedience of gods children , wrought in them by the spirit of god , and performed according to the measure of grace received ; though defectiue in it selfe , and stained with the flesh , is accepted of god ; who covereth their imperfections with the perfect obedience of christ , and not so much respecteth the perfection of the outward act , which hee doth not expect from such weaknesse , as the integrity of the heart , the vprightnesse of the will and desire , the sincerity of the indevour ; which if it bee not wanting , the lord b accepteth the will for the deede , and true endeavour striuing c towards perfection , for the perfect performance . in which respect , the lord according to his gratious promise , d vseth clemency towards vs , as a tender father vseth clemency towards his sonne , taking in good part the childish endeavour of his children , proceeding from an vnfained desire to please him . but our liberty in sanctification is not only an immunity , but also an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or right , consisting of great priviledges . for , first wee are not only freed in part from the corruption of sinne , which we call mortification ; but are also positiuely made righteous , being , as the apostle peter speaketh , made partakers e of the divine nature , in that flying from the corruption which is in the world by lust , we are renued according to the f image of god , in holinesse and righteousnesse . for as the sacred oyle being powred on the head of g aron ( who was a type of christ ) distilled vnto his lower parts : so the h oyle of grace wherewith christ our head was annointed i without measure , is derived even to his inferiour members here on earth , who are also therewith k annointed , l receiuing of his fulnesse , even grace for grace . neither are we only freed from the servitude of sin , satan , and the world , but in christ our king , who hath overcome m the world , and triumphed over sinne and satan , wee are also made kings n with assurance to bee co●querers of all the enemies of our salvation . and as touching the law , we are not only freed from the irritation thereof , wherevnto our owne corruption did make vs sub●ect , as vnto a husband , who begot foule issue of vs tending to death , and so left at large : but we are also ioyned to another husband which is christ , by his spirit , whereby o he produceth in vs the fruits of the spirit , to the glory of god. neither doth the law only cease to provoke vs vnto sinne ; but , when we are once sanctified , it becommeth , as david p speaketh , a counsellour vnto vs , and a directour vnto good things . neither are we freed only from the spirit of bondage and feare , but are also indued with the spirit of liberty and grace , the spirit q of adoption , the spirit of r power and of loue , and of sobriety : which spirit hauing shed s abroad the loue of god in our hearts , testifying vnto vs our adoption , and as an t earnest assuring vs of our inheritance , and enflaming our hearts with a reciprocall loue of god , and of our neighbour for his sake : we begin to delight u in the law of god , as concerning the inner man , neither are the commandements of god * grievous vnto vs , & we begin to serue the lord not only without feare , but also with x willing mindes and vpright hearts . for those who are redeemed & sanctified by christ , are 〈…〉 , y a people of willingnesse , z a people peculiar to himselfe , zealous of good workes . and lastly , concerning the rigour of the law ; we haue not only this immunity , that the imperfections of our sincere obedience are not imputed to vs ; but also this priviledge , that our imperfect obedience , which in it selfe is worthy to bee reiected , notwithstanding is both accepted of god , and rewarded . for christ hauing washed vs with his blood , and sanctified vs by his spirit , hath made vs both kings , as i said before , & also a priests , or as peter speaketh , b a royall and holy priest hood , to offer spirituall sacrifices acceptable to god by iesus christ : the sacrifice of obedience whereby we offer our selues c as a liuely , holy and acceptable sacrifice vnto god , which is our reasonable service : the sacrifice of almes , whereby wee offer our goods , with which d sacrifices god is well pleased : the sacrifice of a broken and contrite heart e , which is to god in stead of all sacrifices : the sacrifice of prayer , which is accepted f as incense , & as the euening sacrifice : the sacrifice of praise , that is , the g fruit , or as hosea h speaketh , the calues of our lips , which the lord preferreth i before the sacrifices of goats and bulles : all which , though in themselues defectiue and imperfect ▪ are notwithstanding acceptable vnto god , through the mediation of christ ; who , making intercession for vs , per●umeth k all these sacrifices of ours , with the odours of his owne sacrifice , that so they may bee acceptable , and sweet smelling favours vnto god. neither are they only accepted , but also rewarded . for our a obedience , our b confidence , our patience , our c prai●er , fasting , almes , and d charitable deeds haue their rewards , in so much that e a cup of cold water giuen in charity , shall not lose his reward . in respect whereof , we may well say with dauid f , vnto thee lord , mercy : for thou rewardest a man according to his worke . which plainly proueth , that the reward of our obedience is not to be ascribed to the merit of our works , ( which in themselues cannot stant in iudgement ) but to the mercies of god in christ. for there is greater mercie in not imputing vnto vs the imperfections of our workes ; greater in accepting of them as if they were perfect ; but greatest of all in rewarding them . the consideration whereof , ought to animate and stirre vs vp with willing and cheerefull mindes , to obey god , to serue him , to call vpō him , & to performe such duties as he requireth of vs ; because we are to be assured , that he doth not impute vnto vs our wants , but accept our imperfect obedience , and not only fauorably accept it , but also graciously reward it . hitherto we haue spoken of the common liberty of christians : which being ( as we haue heard ) conferred vpon vs in our vocation , iustification , and sanctification ; we are to be exhorted to giue all diligence , both that we may be called , iustified , and sanctified , and that our caling , iustification , ●and sanctification may be made sure vnto vs , by leading a godly life . for if we be not sanctified , nor iustified , nor called , then are we ( whatsoeuer we are , rich or poore , noble or base , learned or vnlearned ) the most miserable bond-slaues of sinne and satan ; and being seruants , howsoeuer for a time we retaine a place in the house of god , yet we shall not abide for euer , but when the time of seperation commeth , we shall be cast out : whereas contrariwise being made free by our calling , iustification , sanification , as the sons of god , we shall haue the priuiledge of sons , which is , g to abide in the house of god for euer . now followeth the christian liberty , which is peculiar to the faithfull vnder the gospell . for the faithfull vnder the old testament , though they were sonnes and heires , and therefore enioyed the former liberties by christ , in whom they beleeued : notwitstanding vntill the fulnesse of time came , which was the full age of the church , they were vnder yeeres ; and therefore as sonnes during their minority , were subiect to h schoolemasters and tutors , whereby are meant the peadagogy and gouernment of the typicall church of the iewes , contained in the ceremoniall and iudiciall lawes of moses ; in which regard , they , though sonnes , seemed little to differ from seruants . both these lawes were appendices of the law morall : the ceremoniall , of the first table , determining the particulars of that peculiar worship which hee prescribed to the typicall church , vntill the comming of christ. the iudiciall , of the second , determining the particulars of the peculiar pollicy which he prescribed to the common wealth of the iewes . so that the ceremoniall , were the ecclesiasticall lawes of that church ; the iudiciall , the ciuill lawes of that common wealth . both were yokes of bondage , as the apostle speaketh i , in respect of the iewes , on whose consciences these lawes were imposed , binding them to the strict obseruation thereof ; in regard whereof , they are called an k vnsupportable yoke , vnder which notwithstanding , the faithfull were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l held in bondage . and as touching the gentiles , they were as a m wall of seperation betweene thē & the iewes , & as the dore of noahs arke , excluding all frō saluation that were not of that church , either as borne iewes , or as proselytes . for the rest were without n christ , aliants from the common-wealth of israell , strangers from the couenants of promise , hauing no hope , liuing without god in the world . this wall of partition o our sauiour christ by his death hath dissolued , taking away all difference p betweene iewes and gentiles , freeing and exempting both the one and the other , from the obedience both of the iudiciall and ceremoniall law , which were giuen to put a difference betweene the iewes and the gentiles , vntill the fulnesse of time , q gal. 4. 4. the time r of reformation , that is , vntill the comming of the messias , by whose death they were to be s abrogated . for howsoeuer the faithfull , before the church came to full age , were in bondage vnder the ceremoniall , and iudiciall law , as vnder schoolemasters and tutors ; yet● , when t the fulnesse of time came , god sent his sonne borne of a woman , and borne vnder the law , that he might redeeme them that were under the law : meaning that we are redeemed , not only from the morall law , in the respects before named ; but also from the ceremoniall and iudiciall , euen in respect of obedience . for as touching the ceremoniall law , as it was an u hand-writing of ordinances which was ( though vnderhand ) against vs ; christ hath cancelled it , and nailed it to his crosse . as it was a * shadow and figure of things to come , christ hath abollished it , by performing that indeed , which it did but shadow and prefigure : for the law was giuen by moses , but grace and truth by christ. for as grace is opposed to the curse , so truth to figures : the ceremonies therefore of the law gaue place as shadowes to the body , and as figures to the truth . the ciuill or iudiciall law , being the positiue lawes of that people , christ abrogated , when according to the prophesie of daniel x , he destroying the common-wealth of the iewes , their city and temple , did withall abollish their pollicy and lawes . for the very city , temple , and whole state of the iewes , being types and shadowes of christ and his church , were , when christ was exhibited , and his vniversall church by preaching the gospell to all nations , planted y , to giue place ; and with them , their lawes ; which were to hold but till the fulnesse of time . for as the apostle saith , the priesthood ( namely , of aaron ) being translated , z the law ( namely of moses ) is also translated . howbeit there is some difference between the abrogating of the ceremoniall , & of the iudiciall law : the ceremonial rites , because they were principally ordained to prefigure christ , are so abollished , that it is not lawfull for christians to obserue them , for that were to deny that christ is come . ea non obseruant christiani ( saith a augustine ) per quae christus promittebatur ; nec adhuc promittuntur , quiaiam impleta sunt : christians doe not obserue those things , by which christ was promised ; neither are they still promised , because they are already fulfilled . the judiciall ordinances , because they principally tended to the obseruation of iustice and equity , may be vsed , so they be not imposed or obserued by vertue of the iudiciall law : for that were , though indirectly , to deny that the messias is already come . both lawes were dead with christ , though they were not buried , but as it were kept aboue groūd , euen by christians among the iewes , vntill the dissolution of the temple and city of ierusalem . after which time , the ceremoniall precepts were not only dead , as b one saith , but also deadly to the obseruers of them , but the judicials not so . now , this christian liberty as it is an immunity , is a freedome from from all bond of conscience , in respect of outward things , which are neither commanded nor forbidden in the eternall law of god. of which there are two sorts , the ordinances of men concerning things indifferent , and the creatures of god. for as touching the former , seeing there is no law that bindeth the conscience properly , but only the law of god , in which sense he is called c our only law-giuer , and seeing we are freed from those lawes of god , which determined those particulars , which are neither commanded nor forbidden in the morall law of god : it is plaine therefore , that our conscience is free in respect of these things . as for the lawes of men , whether they be ecclesiasticall or ciuill , they do not properly binde the cōsciēce ; because neither is simple obedience due vnto them , neither can they make any particular , which in respect of the morall law , is indifferent , as being neither commanded nor forbidden , to be simply necessary . the conscience of a christian is exempted from humane power , and cannot be bound , but where god doth binde it . and therefore the apostle , as he chargeth the corinthians , that , seeing they were d bought with a price , they should not be the seruants of men , ( which is not to be vnderstood of externall seruitude , but of the bondage of the conscience ) and likewise the colossians , e that no man should condemne them , ( that is , take vpon him to binde the conscience with guilt of sinne ) in respect of meate and drinke , or holy-dayes : so he reproueth the f colossans , for obseruing the traditions of men , with opinion of necessity , as if the conscience were bound by them , or religion were to be placed in them . herein therefore the church of rome is also an enemy to christian liberty , not only in burthening christians with an heape of innumerable traditions and ceremonies ; but chiefly , in imposing them vpon the conscience : teaching , that the traditions of the church are with like g reuerence , and equall affection of piety to be receiued , as the written word of god ; and that the commandements of the church , euen concerning outward things , doe binde the conscience , and although many of their ceremonies be wicked ; more , ridiculous ; most of them , superfluous ; yet so absurd they are , as to impose them to bee obserued , not only with opinion of necessity , as binding the conscience , but also of worship , of perfecton , of merit , of spirituall efficacy . secondly , by this liberty we are freed frō scrupulosity of conscience , in respect of the creatures , which are ordained for our vse ; the difference of cleane and vncleane ( which was made by the ceremoniall law ) being taken away . nothing , ●aith our sauiour christ , h that goeth into the mouth , de●ileth a man. and paul , i i know , saith hee , and am perswaded by the lord iesus , that there is nothing common or vncleane of it selfe . but this liberty is not only an immunity , but also an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or power , both in respect of the ordinances of men , and also of the creatures of god. for , being freed from the ceremoniall , and iudiciall lawes of god , and therefore not tyed to any particular or certaine lawes , which should determine the particulars not mentioned in the word of god : herevpon ariseth a liberty , both to law-giuers , and those who are subiect to lawes . the law-giuers are not restrained to any particulars , but haue liberty to ordaine such holsome , either constitutions ecclesiasticall , or lawes ciuill , as are not repugnant to the word of god. lawes there must be , to determine the particulars not mentioned in the generall law of god : for they are the very bond of humane societyes , necessary for the execution of the lawes of god , and for the maintenance of peace and order among men . neither can it be denyed , but that as the iudiciall law being abollished , it is lawfull for law-giuers to ordaine ciuill lawes ; so likewise the ceremonial law being abrogated , to establish lawes ecclesiasticall . only the question is , who must be these law-giuers . surely , not the presbyteries of euery parish , which neuer were in vse in the primitiue church , but synodes ; as appeareth by the perpetuall practice of the church , both in the apostles times , and euer since . synodes , i say , either prouinciall , or nationall ; and those assembled , either out of some nation , or out of some more then one , which some call consilia media , or lastly generall . the authority of synodes prouinciall and nationall hath alwayes beene of great regard , though there want a christian magistrate to second and confirme them , being both assembled and moderated by the authority of metropolitanes and arch-bishops : but when both nationall synodes are assembled , and the synodall constitutions ratified by the authority of the soveraigne , and that according to the positiue lawes of the land , authorizing him so to doe ; i see not , why men should not as well thinke themselues bound to obserue lawes ecclesiasticall , as civill . for though some make a difference betweene them in this behalfe , because civill lawes determining particulars belonging to the second table , cannot bee violated without breaking the second table , whereas ecclesiasticall lawes determining particulars appertaining to the first table , may bee broken without transgressing of the first table ; yet , who seeth not the weaknesse of this distinction ? seeing the second table is broken by disobeying the lawfull authority of superiors ( which wee ought to obey for conscience sake ) as well by transgressing the one , as the other . superiours in the church are to be honoured and obeyed by the fifth commandement , and other scriptures l , as well as superiours , in the common-wealth . and if their constitutions , when they wanted the concurrence of a christian magistrate , were of force in the primitiue church ; then much greater is their validity , being confirmed by the authority of the soveraigne , and the soveraigne authorized therevnto by law. the freedome of the subiect is , that being freed from the yoke of the iudiciall and ceremoniall law hee may with a free conscience obey any other lawes whether ecclesiasticall or civill , which being not dissonant from the word of god , are or shall be imposed vpon him . which , though it be a plaine and evident truth , yet by some men it is not observed . and as touching the vse of the creatures , and of all things indifferent , wee are to know , that the right and dominion we had over the creatures , which was lost in adam , is restored in christ , ( for all are yours , saith the apostle m , & you are christs ) and that not onely for christians vnder the gospell , but also for all the faithfull from the beginning . for we reade , gen. 9. n that to noah , who was the heire o of the righteousnes , which is by faith , the graunt was renewed , and free vse of the creatures permitted . howbeit this freedome was by the ceremoniall law restrained , not only after the giuing of the law of moses ; but also before , a difference being put p betweene things cleane and vncleane : which difference by christ is taken away . for , no q creature is vncleane of it selfe , but every r creature is good , and nothing to be refused , but may be received with thanksgiuing . yea of all outward things , not forbidden of god , which commonly are called things indifferent , the apostle affirmeth in generall , that s all things are lawfull , and t to the pure all things are pure . by this liberty therefore the faithfull are priuiledged , with freedome of conscience , to vse or forbeare any of the creatures of god created for our vse , or things indifferent , without opinion of necessity to bee brought u vnder the power thereof , or placing religion therein . in which respect , basil fitly calleth things indifferent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things in our power or left to our liberty . but here for avoiding of error , three things are from the generall doctrine to be repeated . first , that this also is a liberty of the sonnes of god : secondly , that it is spirituall : and thirdly , that it is a true liberty . for as touching the first ; though all things bee pure to the pure ; yet * to them that are vncleane and vnbeleeuing , nothing is cleane . though to * the faithfull all these outward things are lawfull ; yet to the wicked and vnbeleeuers nothing is lawfull , yea , those actions , which are materially good as being commanded of god , as they proceed from them , are turned into sinne . which is spoken , not to this end , to deriue mē into desperate courses ; but to force them , without farther delaies , to breake off the course of their sinnes by speedy and vnfained repentance , and to sue vnto god for mercy and pardon in christ ; because this is the only thing which they may lawfully doe and without sinne , and which vntill they doe , they doe nothing else but sinne , and by sinne hoord vp wrath against the day of wrath , &c. secondly , though this liberty concerne outward things ; yet it selfe is inward and spirituall , as being a liberty of the conscience . now the conscience respecteth god , as our outward actions and the externall fruits of our conscience respect men ; who may moderate or restraine the externall actions , wherein the outward vse of our liberty consisteth ; the inward liberty notwithstanding of the conscience before god , remaining entire . they greatly erre , faith calvin , who thinke that their christian liberty is nothing , vnlesse they vse it before men . but they ought to thinke , that by their liberty they obtaine no new thing in the sight of men , but before god ; and that their liberty consisteth as well in abstaining , as vsing . if they know , that it is a thing indifferent before god , whether they eate flesh or egges , put on red or blacke apparell : it is enough and more then enough . the conscience is now loose , whereto the benefit of this liberty doth appertaine : therefore , though hereafter they abstaine from flesh all their life , and alwaies weare one colour ; they are neverthelesse free . yea therefore because they are free , they doe with a free conscience abstaine . thirdly , as this liberty is spirituall , so also a true liberty . now all true and lawfull liberty of creatures , is limited & bounded : the liberty of the creator alone , being vncircumscribed . wherefore if any arrogate to themselues an vnbounded liberty , it is a licentiousnesse , and not a true liberty . as first , in regard of lawes and commandements of men ; there are bounds set , first to the lawgivers , in respect both of the things commanded , & also of the manner of commanding . for , lawgiuers may not assume vnto them a liberty to command what they list , but only such things as they know , not to bee repugnant to the law of god. for they must know , that all their lawes are limited by the law of god , and themselues vpon paine of damnation , restrained from commanding that which god forbiddeth , and from forbidding that which god commandeth . for by wicked lawes , they make themselues like ieroboam , who caused all israel to sinne . moreover , they must be carefull , not only to command that which is lawfull ; but also in civill lawes , those things which be expedient , and profitable for the weale publike ; & in lawes ecclesiasticall , such things as tend b to decency , to order , and edification . otherwise , though the subiect may lawfully obey , in such cases ; yet the lawgiuer offendeth in abusing his authority , which was giuen him for the good of the inferiours . againe , in respect of the manner , superiours must keepe them within their bounds , and not take vpon them the authority of our c one only lawgiuer , who hath power to saue , and to destroy ; which is , to bind the consciences of men , as , by imposing that vpon the conscience as simply necessary , which god by his law hath left indifferent ; or by teaching d men to place religion in the observation of their traditions . for this is the practise of the antichrist of rome ; who , vsurping the authority of god , and challenging to himselfe a boundlesse power , sitteth in the consci●nces of men , as god. likewise to the subiect ; for as hee may not thinke , that he hath liberty to obey any lawes of men , though vnlawfull , and much lesse to place religion or perfection in the observation of them , as the papists doe : so on the other side , he may not thinke , that he hath liberty to breake the lawes of men , though not vnlawfull , and much lesse to place religion or perfection therein ; as they seeme to doe ; who vse to bee opposite to the papists in the contrary extreame . for , i beseech you , doe not many among vs , thinke themselues the more religious , for refusing obedience and conformity to the lawes , and censure others as formalists and time-servers ? but beloved , as wee are not to iudge e those , who out of weaknesse refuse conformity ; so those which bee refractary should not thinke , either the better of themselues for not conforming , or the worse of others for conforming . the kingdome f of god doth not stand in these things . and ce●tainly , if g neither circumcision , nor vncircumcision auaile any thing ; then much lesse the vse or forbearance of those ceremonies , which are in controversy among vs. doth not the apostle plainly tell vs , h that these outward things doe not commend vs vnto god , and that neither the vse or forbearance of them in it selfe doth make vs either better , or worse before god ? but when they bee vsed or forborne with disobedience to lawfull authority , without due regard of avoiding scandall , with vncharitable censuring and iudging one of another , with alienation of the affection of one brother from another ; doubtlesse there is fault committed . and who seeth not , that while contentions grow hotte about these things , both charity and piety waxeth cold ? secondly in respect of the creatures and things indifferent , though wee haue free liberty to vse or forbeare them ; yet it is not a boundlesse liberty . for the law of god hath set it foure bounds , viz. piety , loialty , charity , and sobriety . piety , respecting gods glory and worship : loialty , hauing reference to superiours ; charity , to all men ; sobriety to our selues . canst thou not vse thy liberty in some particular , without gods dishonour , or neglect of his service ? remember , that whether i you eate or drinke , or whatsoever you doe , you must doe all to the glory of god. cannot thy liberty bee vsed , without contempt of the magistrates lawfull authority ? remember , that god hath commanded thee to obey thy superiours in all lawfull things , as k all things ( not forbidden by god ) are lawfull ; that all authority is l from god , and that , hee which resisteth lawfull authority resisteth god ; that they which resist , shall receiue to themselues iudgement ; and that thou must obey not only for feare , but also for conscience sake . remember what s. peter saith , m be subiect to all humane ordinance , whether the soveraigne , or subordinate governours . but how ? as free , and not as hauing the liberty for a cloake of naughtinesse , but as the servants of god. can it not be vsed without the offence of thy weake brother ? take heed , saith the apostle , n lest thy liberty be an offence to the weake . for hee that scandalizeth his brother , sinneth against christ. wherefore if meate offend my brother , i will not eate flesh whiles the world standeth , rather then i will offend him . lastly , can it not be vsed in some particular , vnlesse thou shalt passe the bounds of sobriety , temperance , humility , modesty , frugality , &c. remember , what the apostle saith , o brethren you are called to liberty , only vse not your liberty , as an occasion to the flesh . but here ariseth a doubtfull question , the explication whereof is needfull for these times . for sometimes there seemeth to be a conflict betweene the law of loyalty , and the law of charity ; as when that which the magistrate commandeth , cannot ( as wee thinke ) be observed without the offence or scandall of the weake , in which case of antinomy ( which some say is our case ) divers know not which way to turne them , and others erroneously chuse to disobey the magistrate , rather then seeme to offend their weake brethren . consider therefore vprightly what i shall say , and the lord giue you vnderstanding mindes , and tractable hearts , to see and embrace the truth . first therefore vnderstand , that wee are neuer cast into such an exigent betweene two sinnes not yet committed ; but there is an issue from them both without a third . suppose therefore , that in this case there were an antimony , or such an opposition betweene the two lawes of loyalty and charity , as that the one could not be observed , without the neglect of the other . in such cases of antimony , we are to know , that if wee obey the superiour law , vnto which we are more bound , as hauing higher and more principall ends ; the inferiour p ( which giueth place vnto it ) is not broken . now , the supreme end is the glory of god ; then , the common salvation of the church ; then , every mans owne salvation ; then , the salvation of his neighbour ; then , the common outward good of the church , or common-wealth ; then , our owne ; then , our neighbours . so that publike and common goods are to bee preferred before private , and spirituall before corporall , and the glory of god before all . well then , thou saist thou maist not yeeld to the ceremonies , as namely , the surplice , the crosse , and kneeling at communion ; because these things cannot bee done without scandalizing of thy brother . suppose it were so , and remember that i doe but suppose it . but on the other side , thou refusing the vse of indifferent things , whereunto thy christian liberty extendeth , being enioyned by lawfull authority , with such conditions as these are enioyned ; i say vnto thee without supposition , that besides thy disobeying the lawfull authority of a christian church , and of a christian magistrate , whom thou oughtest to obey even for conscience sake ; thou dost scandalize , first , thy weake brethren being affected as thy selfe , who by thine example , for which thou perhaps thinkest thou hast good ground , are animated , or , as the apostle q speaketh , edified , without ground , to contemne r the authority of the magistrate , and of the church ; and from that contempt doe many of them proceed to mislike of the state ; & from mislike , either to separation , or to some degree of disloyall discontentment . besides those of thine owne disposition , thou doest offend them who are more loyally affected ; who , if they bee not the better grounded in our s most holy faith , doe stumble at your practise , and begin to stagger in the profession and practise of religion , when they see men seeming most zealous in our religion , & professing , ( as they pretend ) the cause of sincerity , vpon no iust cause to abandon their ministry , to oppose themselues against authority , to maintaine a faction in the church , and wilfully ( for any thing that they can see ) to persist in a bad course . and hereupon many take occasion to rest in outward civility , without grace , and to mislike all forwardnesse in religion for your sakes , &c. now here seemeth to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a scādall falling two ways ; indeed a single supposed offence , opposed to a double scandal , ioyned with disobedience . if no more could be said , who could doubt on which side rather to encline ? but to these i adde other respects , that ought to be regarded more then a supposed scādall . the question is not , as many would seeme to vnderstād it , whether , it being a thing arbitrary , & meerely left vnto our owne choice , either to vse these ceremonies , or to forbeare them , ( as it was in the apostles question of eating flesh ) whether ( i say ) we ought to abstaine , if we vnderstood that a brother would bee offended at the vse of them , or not : for then there were no question , but that for avoiding of scandall , we ought to abstaine . but these things are not arbitrary , in our choice ; but imposed by lawfull authority , and that with such condition , as that the obseruation of these things being indifferent in themselues , becommeth respectiuely necessary . first in respect of authority , which not only for feare , but also for conscience t sake , wee are bound to obey in all lawfull things . this one necessity of obedience is sufficient to excuse me from scandall , especially if i doe my endeauour to preuent it , as after shall be shewed . secondly in respect of the conditions wherewith they are imposed ; as , not to receiue the cōmunion vnlesse we kneele ; not to goe on in our ministery , vnlesse we conforme . for , care of avoyding scandall respecteth arbitrary matters , and not necessary duties appertaining to gods glory , and our salvation : which we must performe , though all the world would be offended thereat . the care of thine owne saluation must be preferred to the supposed danger of another mans fall : the care of the churches saluation , much more , the glory of god , most of all . well then , maist thou not receiue the communion , being a duty appertaining to thine owne saluatiō , to the edificatiō of the church , & communion of saints , to the glory of god , vnlesse thou wilt receiue it vpō thy knees ? ( it being a gesture not only lawful , but most cōuenient to be vsed in such a part of gods worship , as is performed with inuocation * on the name of god ; especially seeing the gesture vsed at meales is not to be vrged , vnlesse the sacrament were with our meales , as at the first institution with christ last supper , and in the primitiue church with their loue feasts , receiued ; for the cause of the gesture being worthily taken away , the * reason of retaining it ceasseth ; for which cause the councill of laod. c. 28. * as it forbad loue-feasts the church : so also accubitus , the gesture vsed at feasts . ) i say vnto thee confidently , if thou mayest not receiue it , vnlesse thou doest kneele ; thou oughtest to receiue it kneeling , though another would be offended thereat . mayest thou not preach the word ( to omit other parts of the ministeriall function , the necessity whereof should prevaile with vs more then a supposed scandall , for it shall suffice to insist in this one particular ) mayest thou not , i say , preach the gospell of christ , being a duty whereof necessity is imposed vpon thee , and u woe be vnto thee if thou preach not the gospell ; a duty whereby thou art bound in especiall manner to edify the church , and to glorify god ; vnlesse thou yeeld to the vse of such things , as are neither in themselues vnlawfull ( i meane the surplice & the crosse , whereof the one in the iudgmēt of the church serueth for decencie , & the other rightly vnderstood tendeth to edification , ) neither as they are vsed in our church , being neither imposed nor obserued with superstition , or opinion of necessity in themselues , or of worship , as though we placed religion in them , and much lesse with the other popish conceits of merit , with which they obserue all their traditions , or efficacy , which they ascribe especially to the crosse ? thou oughtest to preferre the glory of god in the salvation of his people by thy ministery , before the supposed , and perhaps but pretended scandall of others . obiect . yea but * we may not doe euill , that good may come of it . answ the question is of things indifferent . for though we may & must obey magistrates , though they be euill ; yet we must obey neither good nor bad vnto evill . for we must obey , only , in the lord. obiect . but though the things be indifferent in themselues , yet their vse may be vnlawfull . answ. that is , when they be imposed either with opinion of necessity in themselues , of religion to be placed in thē , of perfection or merit to be attained by them , ( all which conceits our church detesteth , as is manifest by the doctrine , whereby ceremonies are to be weighed : ) or with scandall ( i doe not say taken , but ) giuen to others . obiect . yea but it is euill to offend my weake brother , that euill i may not do , that good may come of it . i answere , in not yeelding to conformity , thou both disobeyest the magestrate , & offendest thy weak brother too . so that when thou seemest loath to doe that which is lawfull and good , for feare of an imagined euill ; thou addest euil to euill , that is , to disobedience , scandall ; and besides , to the most necessary dutyes of gods worship , preferrest the auoyding of a supposed scandall . for all this while i speake but by supposition . for here is a supposall of antinomie or opposition of the two lawes of loyalty and charity , as though the one could not bee obserued without the breach of the other ; which is not so . for where the magistrate enioyneth the vse of an indifferent thing , whereat it is feared some will take offence ; his duty is , for preuenting the scandall , to giue some time of information ; that the weake may be instructed , as touching the indifferency of the thing , and the sufficiencie of his authority to command it , and of their duty in submitting themselues to the obseruation thereof . it is also the duty of the minister , to endeauour to preuent the scandall , by informing his hearers , that those things which god hath neither commanded nor forbidden , are things indifferent ; that no such thing is vncleane in it selfe ; that all such things are lawfull : and such as wherevnto christian liberty doth extend ; that in all lawfull things the magistrate is to be obeyed ; and therefore that these things being enioyned , they not only may , in respect of their christian liberty , with free conscience vse them ; but also must , in respect of gods commandement requiring obedience , yeeld to the observation of them . which course hauing beene taken ( as it hath among vs ) if any will still be offended , it is peeuishnesse and obstinacy , rather then weaknesse ; and an offence taken , but not given : in which case , the law of charity it selfe doth not binde vs : and that , in two respects , not yet mentioned . the one , in respect of god ; the other , in respect of his truth . for , i may not offend god , not to offend my brother . and it is gods truth , that christian liberty priviledgeth both christian lawgiuers ( with such cautions as before haue bin mentioned ) to ordaine such lawes concerning outward things , as they shall iudge expedient : and also the subiects , without scrupulosity of conscience to obserue them . now , it is a principle , satius est nasci scandalum quam deseri verum : it is better a scandall should arise , then the truth to be forsaken or betrayed . is our christian liberty in this point called into question , whether magistrates may command such things , and whether subiects may obey ? we must maintaine our liberty , though others would be offended thereat . the apostles , though for a time they yeelded much to the weaknesse of the iewes , doing and forbearing many things , to avoid their offence ; yet when their liberty x was called into question , they resolutely maintained it , not regarding their offence . and when as by peters withdrawing himselfe from the gentiles , for feare of offending the iewes , the liberty of christians was called into question ; y paul withstood him to his face , and reproved him before them all , as halting in the profession of the gospell . and so must they bee content to be vsed , who follow peters example in this behalfe . thus much by the way to perswade the people to obedience and loialty , and the ministers to conformity ; which i beseech god to effect for his christs sake . these things thus premised concerning the nature and quality of this peculiar liberty of christians , it will not be hard to answere the obiections of those , who runne into contrary extreames concerning the same . obiect . 1. for first , on the one side , it is obiected ; that seeing christ hath set vs free concerning things indifferent , no man ought to restraine vs ; and therefore the lawes commanding or forbidding the vse of indifferent things , are against christian liberty . wherevnto i answere , first : that christian liberty is wholly spirituall , being a liberty of the conscience and inner man , which may stand with the outward servitude of z bondslaues , much more with the subiection and obedience of free subiects . for though the outward vse of the liberty be moderated by the magistrate , and confined ; yet the inward liberty of the conscience is not impaired , so long as the subiect may obey with free conscience before god ; that is , so long as the magistrate seeketh not to binde the conscience , and to impose things not commanded of god as necessary in themselues , and as matters of religion before god , &c. secondly , that the liberty of christians is a true , and therefore not an vnbounded liberty . now , one of the boundes and limits which god hath set it , is , as you haue heard , the law of loyalty , requiring obedience to superiours . wherefore a christian man , though in respect of the inward man he be free , as being the sonne of god by adoption in christ ; yet in respect of the outward man , he ought to bee a servant not only to his a superiors , in loyalty and obedience ; but also to b all , in benevolence and charity . obiect . 2. on the other side , it is obiected . 1. that for conscience c sake we are to obey the magistrate ; that is , that we are bound in conscience so to doe ; therefore the lawes and commandements of the magistrate doe binde the conscience . answ. it followes not , for although we are bound in conscience , to obey the lawfull commandements and lawes of superiours ; yet that bond is not in the particular lawes of men , but in the generall commandement of god. obiect . 3. againe : a thing indifferent enioyned by the magistrate , becometh necessary , d for paul saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is necessary that you bee subiect : therefore the commandement of the magistrate doth binde the conscience . answ. neither doth this follow . for it becometh necessary , not by the particular commaundement of man , but by the generall commandement of god. for , notwithstanding the commandement of the magistrate , the thing commanded remaineth indifferent in it selfe , and before god ; and so to be vsed with free conscience , without placing any religion therein ; howsoever it becommeth necessary so farre forth as by the generall commandement of god , i am bound thereto . and this is that which peter e saith , that wee must obey magistrates , as free , and yet as the servants of god. free , in respect of our consciences exempted from humane power ; & yet as servants of god bound in conscience to obey him in obeying them , so farre forth as hee doth commaund vs to obey them . the truth of these answers shall not only be demonstrated as it were before your eyes by a syllogisme , wherein is concluded the bond of conscience , and necessity of duty in obeying the commandements of men , but also by other reasons proved . the syllogisme . all lawfull commaundements of magistrates thou art bound in conscience by the law of god to obey , so farre forth as hee requireth such commandements to bee obeyed : this or that particular is a lawfull cōmaundement of the magistrate : therefore this or that particular thou art bound in conscience by the law of god to obey , so farre forth as god requireth such commandements to be obeyed . by which argumentation wee may conceiue , that the distinction of necessity vsed in schooles , viz. that there is necessit as consequentis , which is simple or absolute , & necessitas consequentiae , which is not simple , but vpon condition of other things presupposed , may not vnfitly be applied to the necessity of duty imposed by the lawes , either of god , or man. for gods commandement imposeth the necessity as it were of the consequent , ( without presupposing other things ) requiring simple and absolute obedience . the law of man doth not impose the necessity of the consequent ▪ or require simple obedience ; but it imposeth onely a necessity of the consequence , that is , such a necessity and no other , as may soundly be concluded from the law of god , and so farre forth as it may bee concluded thence . or to speake more plainely : in a simple sentence without interpositing any condition , or presupposing any anteceden● whereupon it is to bee inferred , i may say , either particularly this commandement of god is necessarily , or by necessity of duty to be obeyed , or generally , all gods commandements are necessarily to bee observed . and this speech is of necessary truth . but concerning mens commaundements , if i shall say in the generall , all the commaundements of men are necessarily to be observed , the speech wil● be false and absurd : if in particular , this commaundement of the magistrate is necessarily to bee observed this speech cannot be necessary simply , or by the necessity of the consequent , or ( to speake more plainely for the explicating of that phrase ) by the necessity of a simpl● sentence , wherein the consequent ( or predicat ) is both simply and necessarily affirmed of the antecedent or subiect ; it cannot , i say , bee simply necessary , because ( as you heard ) the generall is false . notwithstanding if you presuppose these two things : first , that all lawfull commaundements of magistrates are by the commaundement of god necessarily to be observed , so farre forth as hee commaundeth them to be observed : secondly , that this particular is a lawfull commaundement of the magistrate ; vpon these premises you may proue that speech to be true by necessity of consequence , viz. that this particular commaundement of the magistrate is necessarily to be observed , &c. but some sophister will obiect , that i might as well conclude thus ; propos. all lawfull commaundements of the magistrate must necessarily be obeyed : ass. this or that particular is a lawfull commaundement of the magistrate : concl. therefore necessarily to bee obeyed . i answere , that the proposition of this syllogisme needeth proofe , as not being manifest of it selfe . you will say , it may thus be proued . propos. what is commanded of god , must necessarily be performed . ass. obedience to all law full commaundements of magistrates is commaunded of god. concl. therefore obedience to all lawfull commaundements of magistrates , is necessarily to be performed . but i say againe the assumption of this syllogisme needeth some explanation . for the lord would haue difference put between his owne commandements and the lawes of men ; and therefore we may not thinke , that he commandeth all lawes of men simply to be obeyed : not simply , you must say then , but so farre forth as he requireth them to be obeyed . by which short discourse wee learne , that those additions by which i explaned the proposition of the syllogisme , were necessare ; and that the bond of cōscience is not the law of man , but of god : that we are bound to obey mans lawes not simply , but so farre forth as god requireth . and lastly that this speech , ( all lawfull commandements of magistrates are necessarily to be obeyed ) is true , not by the necessity of the consequent , as an axiome or principle which is manifest of it selfe ; but by the necessity of consequence , as a conclusion manifested by discourse . now that the lawes of men doe not binde the conscience , it may further appeare by these reasons : first , because our freedome from the lawes iudiciall and ceremoniall , which in the scriptures is extolled for so great a b●nefit , would be a burthen rather then a benefit , if wee should in like manner be bound to the ecclesiasticall and ciuill lawes of men . againe , if they did binde the conscience , there would be no difference betweene gods lawes and mans lawes ( in respect of outward actions ( and the one sort would require simple obedience as well as the other , yea vnlawfull commandements would also binde the conscience . but it is plaine , that simple obedience is to be performed onely to the lawes of god. to the laws of men we are bound , not simply , but so farre forth as in obeying them , we also obey god , and no further ; thas is , as i said , so farre as god command●th ●s to obey them . now , how farre forth god commandeth vs to obey the lawes of men , will easily appeare by this disti●●tion ; for either they command such things as god forbideth , and forbiddeth such things as hee commandeth , ( which kinde of cōmandements are so farre from binding our consciences , as that we are bound by the law of god to obey him in disobeying them : ) or they command such things as god commandeth , and forbid such things as he forbiddeth , that by their authority the lawes of god may the better be obseru●d , ( to which kinde of commandements we are simply bound , because as in obeying them we obey god , so in breaking them we transgresse the law of god : or lastly , they command such things as god hath not forbidden , and forbid such things as god hath not commanded ●●o the particular 〈◊〉 of this kinde wee are not simply bound , but so farre forth as god hath commanded vs to obey them ; that is , as a free ( being not simply boūd to those particulars , as necessary in themselues , but vsing them with free conscience , as being indifferent , and therefore such , as wherevnto our christian liberty extendeth , ) and yet as seruants of god , thinking our selues so farr bound to obserue them , as is necessary for auoyding of scādall or cōtempt , which god by his law hath forbidden . contempt : for it is necessary , saith the apostle , b that we should submit our selues to lawfull authority , not onely for feare of punishment , but for conscience sake . for although we be free , as concerning the inner man ; yet in respect of the outward man , wee must as the seruants of god , submit our selues to such superiours , as god hath set ouer vs , and not haue our liberty , as a cloake of naughtinesse . scandall also is to be auoyded . first , in respect of the superiour , that by our disobedience wee doe not scandalize or offend him . wherein our sauiour hath giuen vs a notable example , who , although he were ( as he c saith ) free ; yet was content to pay tribute-money , for auoiding of offence . secondly , in respect of the subiect ; that he stumble not at the example of our disobedience , being animated thereby to doe the like . for whereas some thinke , that we are not to obey the magistrates commandement concerning a thing indifferent , if wee imagine that some weake brother will be offended thereat ; they greatly mistake the rule of diuines , who say these commandements are to be obeyed for avoyding scandall , and not , that they are to be disobeyed for auoyding of scandall . for if this were a sufficient reason to excuse our disobedience , wee should not neede to obey almost any commandement of this kinde , there being scarce any cōmandement concerning things indifferent , wherewith wee may not imagine some weake & scrupulous conscience will bee offended . but wee must thinke our selues more bound , for ●uoyding of contempt and scandall , to obey a lawfull commandement , then to disobey , for auoyding a supposed offence . that which we are to doe in this case , is this : if wee feare any will take offence , we must labour to preuent it , by informing the party , as before hath beene said . and hauing so done , wee must doe our owne duty ( whether hee will be offended or not ) in obeying the lawfull commandement of the magistrate , so farre as it shall be necessary for auoyding of scandall and contempt . hitherto i haue intreated of the liberty of grace , both that which is common to the faithfull in all ages ; and also that which is peculiar to christians vnder the gospell . there remaineth ( in a word to bee spoken of ) the liberty of glory ; which is not only a perfect deliuerance from sinne , misery , and all imperfections , ( whereunto because wee are subiect d in this life , for here is as , augustine saith , inchoata , non perfecta libertas , we ought to aspire towards this perfection ) but also a fruition of happinesse and all the priuiledges of the citizens of heauen . this liberty is either of the soule alone , as at our death ; when wee may freely and with comfort resigne our soules into the hands of god , that he may commit the same to the e blessed angels to bee transpo●●ed into heauen , where wee are vnto the end of the world , comfortably to expect our full redemption . or it is of the body also at the day of iudgement ( and is therefore called f the redemption of our body ) when it rising vnto glory , shall be freed from the seruitude g of corruption , this h mortall putting on immortality , and this corruptible putting on incorruption ; that death being swallowed vp in victory , we may enioy , both in our bodyes and soules , the i glorious liberty of gods children in the kingdome of heauen . this ought wee with ear●●●stnesse of desire k to aspire vnto , & with 〈◊〉 of l faith to expect ; that thereby we may be weaned f●om the world , hauing m our conuersatio● in heauen ; and not either by the desires of the world ( which are but n vanityes ) be all●red and ensnarred , or by the terrors thereof , ( which are 〈◊〉 o worthy the glory that shall be reuealed , ) drawne into bondage . thus haue you heard the doctrine of christian liberty . now heare the vse . for seeing this liberty is a benefit of so great excellency in it selfe , and of such profit and necessity to vs : our first duty is , to try and examine our selues by that which hath beene said , whether wee haue as yet obtained this liberty , or not . if not , ( as p he which committeth sinne , is the seruant of sinne ) we must labour to acknowledge and feele that miserable seruitude , wherein wee are , vnder sinne and satan ( for hee that is not free , and yet feeleth not his bondage , is drowned in sinne , euen as he that is ouer head and eares in ●he water , feeleth no weight thereof ) that in the sense of our misery we may not only truly and earnestly desire ; but also carefully vse all meanes to attaine this liberty , and never be at rest , vntill we haue obtained it . it is strange to see what hard services men will vndergoe , and what great summes they will forgoe , to get an earthly freedome ; whiles this spirituall freedome , which is worth many worlds , will scarcely be accepted , when men are called and invited vnto it . which sheweth , that men naturally , are not only servants , but willingly & wilfully continue in servitude . but you will say , what meanes are wee to vse ? i answere , 1. diligently and conscionably to heare the word , as being the meanes . which god hath ordained to call you to liberty . 2. to aske , seeke , knocke by earnest and hearty prayer vnto god the author of this liberty , that he would giue you the spirit of liberty . 3. to turne vnto god vnfainedly , laying hold vpon christ by faith , and repenting of your sinnes . eris liber , saith augustine q si fueris servus , liber peccati , servus iustitiae : you shall be free from sinne , if you will become the servants of righteousnesse . if god hath already called vs vnto this liberty , our duty is two fold , both which the apostle mentioneth , galath . 5. the one , * that we stand fast in this liberty , wherewith christ iesus hath made vs free , and not suffer our selues to bee entangled againe with the yoke of bondage . and the rather we must be carefull to stand fast in this liberty , because it is mightily assaulted by all the enemies of our salvation , the flesh , the world , the divell . now , we are to stand stedfast , both in the doctrine of christian liberty , which is the doctrine of the gospell , and not suffer our selues to be allured , or intoxicated , either with the golden r cup of the babylonian strumpet , the church of rome , which doth not only bereaue men of christian liberty , but also draw them into antichristian bondage : or with the cyrcean cup of the libertines , which transformeth christianisme into epicurisme , and the liberty of the spirit into the liberty of the flesh . and we are also to be stedfast and resolute in the practise of christian liberty : as of vocation , not to bee entangled againe with the servitude of sin and satan , ( for , if hauing professed our selues freed thereof , we be againe entangled therein , our latter end , as s. peter saith s , will be worse then our beginning . ) of iustification , as not to subiect our selues to the lawes exaction of inherent and perfect righteousnesse to iustification , ( for they which are t of the workes of the law , are vnder the curse ) but without regard of our owne righteousnesse , to rely wholly for our iustification on the mercies of god , and merits of christ apprehended by faith ; and to hold him u accursed , though he were an angell from heauen , that should teach otherwise . of sanctification , as not to subiect our selues to the dominion * of sinne , or to the terror or rigour of the law ; but without servile feare , willingly and cheerefully to serue our heavenly father , being well assured that hee will cover our wants , and accept of our vnperfect endeavours . of christian liberty in respect of outward things ; as not to suffer our consciences to be bound by the authority of any creature , inioyning them as necessary in themselues , and much lesse to bind our owne consciences , as scrupulosluy and superstitiously putting religion either in the vse or forbearance of them . of the glorious liberty , as not to suffer our selues by all the machinations of the world , the flesh and the divell , to bee withdrawne from the hope and expectation of it ; but comfortably to liue as men x saued in hope . the other duty , is that which the apostle mentioneth , galath . 5. 13. bretheren , saith he , y you are called to liberty : only vse not your liberty as an occasion to the flesh , but by charity serue one another . that is , that we should be carefull , both to auoyd the abuse of christian liberty , and also to vse it aright . the abuse is manifold . as first , of the sauing grace of god ; when men doe turne z it into wantonnesse , their freedome from sin , into a freedome to sin as though they were so freed frō the law , as that they need not to obey it ; as though good works , because they are not exacted to iustificatiō , were in no respect needfull to salvation . we are not fr●e , saith luther a , by faith in christ from workes , but from the opinion of workes , that is , frō the foolish presumption of iustification sought by workes . secondly , of christian liberty , in respect of the creatures of god , & the vse of things indifferent ; when we doe vse them without regard of our duty , to god , our neighbour , or our selues . the duty which we owe to god , is piety ; to our neighbour in generall , charity ; and in particular to our superiour , obedience and loyalty ; to our selues , sobriety . for these , as i said , are the bounds of our liberty , which if we passe in the vse thereof , we abuse it . the vse of our liberty is contrary to piety : first , when we our selues are impious , and irreligious . for though the things in themselues bee cleane , yet the vse of them is vncleane to them that are impure . for as b to the pure , all things are pure , so to the vncleane nothing is cleane . secondly , when the vse of them is not sanctified vnto vs , c either by the word , as when we make more indifferent things , then god in his word hath made , as drunkennesse , fornication , vsury , &c. or when we doe not vse them in faith and sound perswasion out of the word of god , which is the charter of our liberty , that we may lawfully and with a good conscience vse them ( for though nothing in it selfe be vnclean , yet to him d that thinketh or doubteth that it is vncleane , it is so to him ; for as the apostle , speaking of this particular , saith , whatsoeuer is not of saith , is sinne : ) or by the dutyes of inuocation . as the vse of meat and drinke , without either prayer to god for his blessing in the vse , or thanksgiuing for the same . thirdly , we abuse our liberty irreligiously , when we vse it to the dishonor of god , or to the hinderance of his worship and seruice , as in the immoderate and vnseasonable vse of recreations , &c. whereby men shew themselues to be e louers of pleasures more then of god. likewise our vse of the creatures , and of things indifferent , is against charity , when we vse them without due regard of auoyding scandall and offence . against loyalty , when vsing our liberty with contempt of lawfull authority , wee make it a cloake to couer some naughtines . and lastly , against sobriety , when vnder the pretence of christian liberty , the creatures of god , and other things indifferent , are vsed , either as instruments to serue , or as ensignes to display , our pride or intemperate lusts , as in the excesse of meat and drinke , recreations , the vse of the mariage bed , apparell , building and such like . but let vs come to the right vse of our christian liberty ; which is two-fold , either the sanctification of our liues , or the pacification of our consciences . as touching the former : the right vse of the liberty of sauing grace is , when it is vsed to the free , voluntary , and cheerefull worshipp and seruice of god , in holinesse and righteousnesse , for f that is the end of our liberty and redemption . the right vse of christian liberty in outward things , is , when it is vsed to a free and cheerefull seruing , both one of g another in charity , and of the superiour in obedience and loialty ; that being free h from all , we make ourselues servants vnto all , for their good . for as luther saith , i a christian in respect of the inner man , is free , but in respect of the outward man hee is ( through charity ) the servant of all . and herein wee are to imitate the example of christ ; who , k though hee were god , tooke vpon him the forme of a servant to make vs free ; and though hee were the lord of all , l came not to bee ministred vnto , but to minister . and wise of the blessed angels ; who , though they be glorious spirits , notwithstanding take no scorne to be sent forth into the m ministry and service of our good . the right vse of the doctrine concerning the liberty of glory , is , truly to beleeue it , and to liue as in expectation of it ; knowing , that he which hath this n hope , that he shall be like vnto christ at his appearance , will purify himselfe , as he is pure ; that as hee hopes to be like him , in respect of the liberty of glory , so hee may in some measure resemble his gratiousnesse , by the liberty of grace . but the cheife vse of this doctrine , is , to pacifie mens consciences ; without which ( vnlesse they sleepe in carnall security ) they are so wonderfully perplexed , that neither can they liue in peace nor attempt any thing almost with quiet mindes . for whereas there befoure things which trouble perplexed consciences , this doctrine is a soueraigne remedy to cleare and to appease the conscience , in respect of them all . the first , is the guilt of sinne , and feare of damnation . for when thy conscience is summoned before the iudgement feat of god , or terrified with the apprehension of his wrath , as in ●ime of temptation , or affliction , or in the houre of death ; when thou doest consider the seuerity of gods iustice , who will not suffer sinne to goe vnpunished , the rigour of the law , denouncing the curse of god against eue●y euen the least transgression , the testimony of thine owne conscience , which is in stead of a thousand witnesses , accusing and condemning thee of innumerable transgr●ssions ; how canst thou thinke of appearing before god , who is greater then thy conscience , to be iustified or cond●mned , without horror of conscience , and confusion of mind ? but blessed be god , who hath granted vs this liberty of grace , that in the question of ●ustification , whereby in this life we are freed from feare of damnation , and entituled vnto the kingdome of h●●uen , we need not looke into our obedi●nce , or to the sentence of the law ; but may b● assured , if we beleeue in christ , that god doth ius●ifie vs , being 〈◊〉 in our selues , without respect of our 〈◊〉 ; that he hath freed vs from the lawes exaction of inherent righteousnesse , to the acceptation of our persons ; that he imputing the righteousnesse of christ to the beleeuer , accepteth of him as righteous in christ ; that the faithfull man hath liberty to appeale from the tribunall of iustice , to the throne of grace , from the sentence of the law , to the promise of the gospell , and renouncing his owne righnesse , yea esteeming it as dung in the question of iustification , to rest alone in the mercyes of god , and merits of christ. but because the world is so apt to abuse this most comfortable doctrine , and to turne gratious liberty into carnall licentiousnesse ; it shall bee needfull to adde this caution : that howsoeuer we are by our iustisication in this life , entituled vnto the kingdome of heauen ; and although by the righ●eousnesse and merits of christ alone apprehe●ded by faith , we are both iusti●ied and also saued : yet for as much as many deceiue themselues with an idle conceit of faith , and with a vaine presumption that they are iustified , when notwithstāding p they remaine in their sinnes : therefore wee must thinke it most necessary , being once iustified by faith , and entituled vnto the kingdome of heauen , to demonstrate our faith , and our iustification by a godly life ; walking in that way of good works , which god hath q prepared for vs to walke in towards our country in heauē . for though wee are iustified and saued by the merits of christ alone apprehended by faith ; notwithstanding sanctification is the r cognizance of them that are saued , and good works are the euidence , according s vnto which god will pronounce the sentence of saluation . for as the ●ree is knowne by his fruite ; so hee that t worketh righteousnesse , is righteous , and in like manner by sanctification our iustification is manifested . for true ●aith * worketh by loue , & good works are as the breathing of a liuely faith . and therefore though saith alone doth iustifie , as paul x teacheth , because it alone doth apprehend the righteousnesse of christ vnto iustification ; yet as s. iames y teacheth , that faith which alone seuered from obedience doth not iustifie , neither alone , nor at all , because it it is not a true faith . for euen as the body without breathing is knowne to be dead : z so faith with workes is dead . we are therefore iustified in this life , and entituled vnto the kingdome of heauen , as to our inheritance , by faith without a workes ; but none are actually saued , nor inherit that kingdome in the life to come , but such as first are sanctified . for as our saviour saith , we haue indeed not only remission of sinnes by faith , but also by faith we haue our inheritance ; but yet , as he saith , b among them that are sanctified . the second is the conscience of our manifold wants and imperfections , in those duties which we doe performe . for how can a man be perswaded , that god , to c whom no creature being compared is pure , will allow of his imperfect and stained obedience . and if he be not perswaded , that his seruice is acceptable vnto ; god with what heart can he performe it ? the doctrine therefore of christian liberty assureth our consciences , that wee are freed from the lawes exaction of perfect obedience , to the acceptation of our actions : that , god couering our imperfections , as an indulgent father , with the perfect righteousnesse and obedience of christ , imputeth not our wants vnto vs , but accepteth of the truth of our will and desire for the deed , and our sincere endeauour for the perfect performance . and therfore a christian may , in respect of this liberty , with comfort and cheerefulnes performe obedience , according to the measure of grace receiued , being assured that our defectiue and stained obedience , will be accepted of god through the mediation and intercession of iesus christ. the third is the s●ruple of conscience , concerning the vse of outward things , how far forth they may bee vsed or forborne . for if a man be not rightly informed herein , there will be no end of scrupulosity and superstition . from this scrupi● also , the doctrine of christian liberty doth free vs : assuring vs , that to all these things our liberty doth extend , either to vse thē freely , or freely to forbeare them ; & that nothing is vnclear in it selfe , nor yet vnto vs , if we be so perswaded ; & that to the cleane , all things are cleane , provided alwaies , that the vse of this liberty be kept within the bound● before mentioned , of piety , charity , loyalty , and sobriety . the fourth and last is the horror of conscience in the houre or death . for can a man with cō●ort giue vp his soule to bee seuered from the body , when he knoweth not , either what will beco●● of his soule after the seperation therec● from the body , or how , and in what 〈◊〉 his body shall rise againe ? but 〈◊〉 doth assure vs , that chr●● 〈◊〉 purchased , not only a liberty of 〈◊〉 in this life , but also of glory for 〈◊〉 soules against the end of our life , and for our bodyes also , against the day of iudgment . so that we e haue liberty or boldnesse , to enter into the holy places by the blood of iesus , by the new and liuing way , which he hath prepared for vs through the vaile , that is to say , his flesh ; being assured , that by reason of our vnion with christ , we are risen f again with christ , and with him set in the heauenly places , whether he is ascended g to prepare a place for vs : and from whence he will come againe to bring vs thither , that where he is , there we may be also . wherefore in respect of this liberty , the faithfull may with comfort , both surrēder our soules into the hands of god our mercifull father , and also bequeath our bodyes to the earth , in full assurance that our soules shall by the angels bee translated into heauen , and that our bodyes shall at the day of iudgement , bee freed from the seruitude of corruption , and rise againe to glory : this mortall hauing put on immortality , & this corruptible incorruption , that it being againe e●vnited to the soule , we may for euer & euer , enioy both in body and soule , the glorious liberty of the citizens of heauen . vnto which liberty of glory he● bring vs , who hath so dearely purcha●ed it for vs , euen christ iesus the righteous ; to whom with the father and the holy ghost , be eternall praise and glory . amen . finis . 2 tim. 2. 19. the foundation of god , standeth sure , hauing this seale , the lord knoweth them that are his . and let euery one that nameth the name of christ , depart from euill . for the * laying the first foundation of religion ( without which all other grounds are of no effect : ) a that there is a god omnipo●ent , mercifull , and iust , gods workes doe sufficiently demonstrate . b if he build , it is a world : if hee bee angry for the sinnes of the world , c he sends a deluge , d if hee will shew the loue hee beares to the world , hee sends his sonne , e and suffers him to die vpon the crosse to saue the world : if hee will reward the godly , it is f with paradise ; when hee armes the angels * march vpon the heads of his troupe g the ●lements are the marshalls of his campe , the rocks remoue from their center , and follow to giue it water , h the cloudes guide by day and the pillers of fire by night , i the sea opens to giue them passage , and the sunne k stayes to end their victories . to inlarge the wonderfulnes of his works l balaams asse shall speake & reprooue his master m , waters turne into wine , the n dead are raised , o the blind see p the d●afe heare q the lame goe r and thousands of people are fed with a few loaues and fishes . if hee will shew mercy , t peter after that hee had denyed christ shall weepe bitterly , u and bee made pastor of his sheepe . w paul of a persecutor become an elect vessell and faithfull preacher of the gospell ; when hee will exalt the humble x little dauid shall bee taken from the sheepe and bee made both king y and prophet : humble z ioseph from the prison and preferred to bee pharaohs high steward : a daniel from the lions den and cloathed with purple . when he will execu●e iustice , b sodome is deuoured with fire and brimstone : c iudas hanging himselfe , confessed that hee had betrayed the innocent : d iulian the apostate tearing out his bowels ( in the horrour of his conscience ) cries out ●icisti tandem galilaee . when hee will humble the proud , idolatrous , e nabuchadne●ar shall eate grasse among the beasts of the field ; the basest of gods creatures shall make hard hearted f pharaoh send for moses and confesse the true god. finally in all his works of power , mercy and iustice , ( out of the fiery fornace ) g shadrach messech and abednego shall proclaime his glory . thus you see that gods works declare that hee is god , powerfull , mercifull and iust , and that the meanest of these works are of force either ( by the least dramme of grace ) to conuert the most obstinate atheists , to the true knowledge of god , or in iustice to confo●●● him . sect . ii. of the knowledge of ●od . although i doe not allow the h curious searching of diuine misteries not reuealed , for admitting that in natures schoole , wee are taught to boult out the truth by logicall i reason yet in gods schoole , it is quite contrary ; he is the best scholler that reasons least , and assents most , conceiues so farre as humane frailties will permit , belieues and admires the rest , god louing better a credulous heart then a curious head : yet because your duty towards god consisteth chiefely in the ardent desire to know god ( which is the surest testimony of your loue toward god , and of gods loue towards you ) there is a more speciall knowledge required of you , which is , that you endeauour your selues to know him , so farre as he hath reuealed himselfe in the scriptures called his word , as proceeding from his spirit , to bring you to this knowledge : hee hath manifested himselfe in the scriptures by three sort of names . the first are these that signifie his essence . k the second , the persons in the essence . the third , his essentiall works . the names that denote gods essence , are 5. ichouah , eheiech , iach , kurios , theos . iehouah l signifieth eternall , being of himselfe without beginning , and end almighty , both in promising and performing . the second name is m eheiech , of that same roote of iehouah signifying , that i am that i am , or i will bee , that i will , eheiech , asher , eheiech , the third name n iach which is lord is ascribed to god , when any notable deliuerance or benefit comes to passe according to his promise . the fourth name is o kurios vsed oft in the new testament : when it is absolutely giuen to god , it answereth the hebrew name ieho●ah ; for god is so lord , that hee is of himselfe lord , and of all others . the fifth name is theos , god , it is deriued , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because p hee runnes through and compasseth all things : when it is properly taken , it signifieth the eternall essence of god , being aboue all things , giuing life , q and light to all creatures , preseruing and gouerning them in their wonderfull frame and order , god seeing all , and in all places . the names that signifie the persons in the es●ence are chiefely one . r elohim , signifieth the mighty iudges . it is a name of the plurall number , to expresse the trinity of persons in the vnity of the essence . to this purpose , the holy ghost begins the bible with this plurall name of god , ioyned with a verbe of the singular number , as elohim baradi● creauit , the mighty gods , or all three persons in the god-head created . when you heare of this name elohim , consider that in one diuine essence there are three distinct persons , and that god iehouah eloh●m . the names that signifie gods essentiall works are fiue . el shaddai , ado●ai , helion , abba . el , is as much to say , as the strong god , sheweth that god is not onely strong and strength it selfe , but that it is hee that giueth all strength to his creatures . by this name shaddai which is omnipotent , god stileth himselfe vsually to the patriarches , calling himselfe el shaddai the strong god , almighty : this name belongs only to god , and to none other creature . adonai , my lord ; is found one hundred thirty foure times in the old testament : by this name wee challenge god , to bee our god , and with thomas say , thou art my lord and my god. t helion which signifieth most high , was giuen vnto god by gabriell , telling the virgin mary that the child that should bee borne of her , should be the sonne of the most high . abba , a syriacke name , signifying father , by it remember what you receiue from god , proceedeth from a fatherly loue and that you owe him againe filiall obedience . all these sacred names of god , are as pledges and remembrances of gods omnipotency and loue towards you , and of your dutie towards him . as the true knowledge of god , is the onely inducement to the exercise of your dutie towards him , so the religious practise of that dutie is the onely rule whereby you may liue reposedly , and die cheerefully . in this exercise , i doe commend foure things vnto you , heare , pray , meditate , and doe . sect . iii. of hearing and reading the scriptures . this hearing , whereof i speake consisteth a in the reading of gods sacred word contained in the books of the old and new testament , and hearing it from preachers : for the whole scripture is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , giuen by inspiration of god and is profitable to teach to improoue , to correct , and to instruct in righteousnes that the man of god may be made perfect in all good works . the scriptures are diuided into the old and new testament : b the first is called the the old because it was reuealed in the former time , the other new because it was reuealed in the latter time . the difference betweene the old and c new testament is onely in certaine accidents ceremonies and dispensation of things , in externall forme , and difference of time , but in substance all one and tending to one effect in vertue and efficacy . in the old , the new is figured and shadowed : in the new , is the declaration and manifestation of the old . by moses was the old testament reuealed and the law giuen , being holy , iust and good e seruing rather to bring vs to knowledge of our owne insufficiency to fulfill the same , then for laying vpon the corrupted sonnes of adam , that which they were not able to vndergoe . the new testament was reuealed by christ , when hee was manifested in the flesh in whom did appeare the righteousnesse of god , or the goodnesse that comes from god to vs , witnessed by the law and prophers . in the euangelicall dispensation of the gospell is the deliuerance of gods people , not from an earthly , but from a spirituall bondage of sinne and sathan . here is a triumph ouer the suppressed enemy not pharaoh , but sathan himselfe . here is an introduction to possesse not earthly canaan but heauenly ierusalem . here is a law giuen not in sinai , but in sion ; not by angelicall ministery but by the presence of the lord himselfe ; not after a fearefull sort , but with wonderfull lenity and gentlenesse ; not grauen in stony tables , but effectually printed in the hearts of the elect . in the old testament was bondage & feare ; in the new , liberty & glad tidings , the ministry not of death , but of life ; not a rigorous exacter , but a mercifull sauiour ; not the sacraments of circumcision and the passeouer ( the administration whereof was blood ) but baptisme , and the lords supper , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnbloudy . in the new testament is a preisthood , not aaronicall not externall , not tyed to any one nation family or tribe , but spirituall and common to all the faithfull throughout the world . in it is a sacrifice and that bloudy , but not of beasts but the sweet smelling sacrifice of the pretious bloud of our lord and sauiour christ iesus ; not iterated but finished once for all vpon the crosse. in the new testament are ceremonies few and easie , to wit , the word , sacraments and prayers . ( in one word ) in the old testament were figures , shadowes , and promises ; in the new , the fulfilling and accomplishment of all : this new couenant of grace shall continue to the worlds end , and shall giue place to no other , but to the eternall fruition of the kingdome of heauen . hereby the excellency of the new testament is manifest and that both the old and new , differing in accidents and circumstances , are in substance and truth all one , and that the one is contained in the other , making vp an absolute body f containing perfect sufficiency to saluation and whereto wee must neither adde nor diminish , neither seeke for christ and saluation else where ; for this cause wee are commanded to search the scriptures . therfore wouldest thou know what sinne is , and the punishment thereof by the law ? a the ●iue bookes of moses shall teach thee the historicall parts of these : b the bookes of the prophets , prouerbs of salomon and ecclesiastes , will let you see the reward of the godly , and punishment of the wicked , and furnish you with a rich store-house of goulden sentences , and diuine morall precepts . the kingly psalmes of dauid shall plentifully admi●ister vnto you heauenly phisicke for all spirituall diseases . c d the foure euangelists shall teach you the life and doctrine , and death of our sauiour . e the acts of the apostles shall acquaint you with the practise of christs doctrine in the primitiue church . f the epistles of the apostles shall traine you vp particularly in christ his schoole . make vse of the rest of the books called * apocrypha so far as they agree with the scripture and no farther . read the ●crip●ures with a sanctified & chast heart : for vnlesse they be read by the inspiration of gods spirit by the which they were written , with humility , & desire to know , they remaine as a dead letter in the efficacy thereof ( as i did aduise you before ) . admire reuerently such obscure places , as by your weake capacity you cannot vnderstand , neuer going farther in the curious search of diuine misteries , then either by conferring some other place of scripture , or by conference with some learned diuine you may bee informed : so haue they that easinesse , and plainenesse , that the simple may be comforted & taught , they are that admirable riuers ( both shallow and deepe ) wherein as the lambe may wade , the elephant may swimme ; and it is only the dulnesse of our capacity , that makes them hard to vs , and the vaile of our hearts that cannot bee remoued , except by him that hath the key of dauid that opens where no man shuts , and shuts where no man opens . delight most in such places of scriptures , as serue best for your instructions in your owne calling ; for many men are too busie in others callings and negl●c●ers of their owne . the hearing of gods word by the scriptures and by pastors , and the practise there of will giue you knowledge , worke holinesse if you breake downe your naturall corruptions , and fill you with strength against all assaults . sect . iv. of prayer with the fruits thereof . prayer is a simple , vnfaigned , humble and ardent opening of the heart before god wherein we either aske things needfull for our selues and others , or giue thanks for benefits receiued : it is either publique in the congregation of the faithfull ; or priuate , when wee pray alone . there bee foure chiefe reasons that ought to induce vs to prayer : first the commandement of god : secondly our sinnes , which driue vs of necessity to god for life , succour , & helpe ; thirdly , our weake nature , ( being of it selfe ●nable to subsist ) requires prayer to strengthen it , as a house pillars to vphold it . lastly the subtilety of the enemy ( who euer attendeth to ouerthrow vs , euen in those things wee thinke to bee best done ) ought to stirre vs vp vehemently to prayer . the excellency of prayer is manifest by the dignity of the commander and the admirable effects that follow it . the commander is god lord of heauen and earth , of our life and death , the fountaine of all goodnesse : the effects ther of are such that ( prayer proceeding from a faithfull soule , and squared by gods word ) will stay , the sunne to end our victories , the falling of the raine from heauen , and at our desire againe , send downe plenty of it to increase the fruits of the earth for our comfort , it will pierce the heauens for mercy , and pardon for our sinnes , stay the wrath of god against vs for the same , and obtaine whatsoeuer good thing is needfull for vs in this life , or in the life to come . let our prayers bee daily without intermission : for de●otion that is deferred vpon conceit of present vnfitnes or worldly respects , at last groweth irkesome and altogether neglected : suffer not your heart to entertaine the least thought of lothnesse in the taske of deuotion , but violently breake through such motions , with a deepe check to your selfe for your backwardnesse . and because holinesse doth not ( like a ionas gourd ) grow vp in a day , it is better to go on safe and sure , then for a hasty ●it , ( as many doe ) runne out of wind , and then stand still . goe to prayer , as you would goe to the water to swim , goe not hot in , but take a time to coole your selfe by meditation , b feeling that your words touch the very depth of your soule . c frame not your prayers ( as some hipocritically do● ( according to the phātasies of your owne braine ; neither ( as others superstitiously ) thinke to mooue god by iterations and babling , neither with the proud pharisee presuming vpon your owne worth , but ( like the poore publi●ane ▪ humbly with all reue●ence , ( throwing d off the shooes of all your corrupt affections ) prostrate your selfe at the footstoole of gods throne of grace , demaunding nothing that is repugnant to his will ( lest you tempt him ) who out of his insearchable wisedome knoweth best e what is good for you . in your prayers haue a speciall care that you keepe euer as a patterne before you f that prayer set downe by the mercy-master , christ iesus , called the lords prayer . it is the pure fountaine from whence the riuers of life must flow . sect . v. of medit●tion . meditation is a carefull consideration or a deuour calling to mind , and examination both of our spirituall and temporall estate , by a serious contemplation of gods goodnesse towards vs what duty hee requireth of vs towards him ; & for his sake to our neighbour , and how we haue performed the same , what reward remayneth for the godly , and punishment for the wicked that wee haue an account to render not onely of euery mispent-day , but of euery word , in what estate either spirituall or temporall we stand for the present . this holy meditation stirreth vs vp to a thankefulnesse for gods goodnesse , to sorrow , and repentance for our by-past offences , and to a setled resolution of amendement of our liues in the time to come . g meditation is the most soueraigne cure of the soule : in it keepe this course ; retire your selfe euery day ( at some ●it time ) h to your chamber , study , feild , or some secret place ; and hauing prayed to god for a recalled mind , enter into a consideration of your sinfull estate , i examine your selfe , take notise of your passions , disposition and inclination whereby you may come to the knowledge of your selfe and by calling for helpe from god , resolue k to conquerre your selfe as a walled citty . call to mind if any vnkindnesse hath passed betwixt you and l your neighbour , or any other ; and if you remember any remnant , or the least coale of enuy or malice ( lurking vnder the ashes of your peruerse natures ) wipe away and extinguish them by m not-letting the sunne goe downe vpon your wrath ; for he that craueth pardon and will not forgiue , is like to him that breaketh downe a bridge , that hee must passe ouer himselfe . in your meditation , inquire dilligently n after the day of your death by setting it before your eyes , by examining your selues whether you bee prepared , o and ready , and by incouraging your cowardly soule , to looke death in the face , flying euer in this point to thy sauiour for helpe . conclude thy meditation , with thinking vpon thy wordly estate : if it prosper , lay vp humility in thy heart ; if poore , pray for supply , and thinke vpon some lawfull and honest meanes . sect . vi. the performance of a godly life . the fourth and most necessary part ( belonging to a christian ) is doing , being the life of all ; for it is nothing ( and yet vsuall to hipocrites ) to bee religious in ceremonies : ioyne therefore ( as indiuidui con●ites ) the liuely faith of paul with s. iames , good works : faith without workes , makes but a carnall gospeller , and works without faith , a pharasaicall hipocrite . euer in doing , beware of doing against thy conscience : for the treasure of a good consc●ence is the best store you can prouide , for a quiet life here , and a blessed hereafter , when a dram of it shall serue you to better vse then innumerable millio●s of gold. omit neither time , place , nor person , if thou canst do good ; remēber christs last iudgement wherein he sheweth that the best good in the world is compassion on , almes , and comforting in distresse , as in sicknesse , pouerty , and imprisonment , or banishment ; for although god accepteth of good thoughts , yet towards man they are little better then good dreames : exercise therefore thy charitable office , ( as gods steward ) vpon thy brethren . remember it is now the time , y thy life is short , thy dayes z euill , thy death certaine , thy a account most certaine ; thy ioyes vnspeakable , if thou doest well : for this cause labour to husband the talent that god hath put into thy hands , that thou mayst returne thy soule better then thou didst receiue it . if that b seruant was condemned as euill , that did giue his master no more but his owne ? what will become of him that robs god of his owne ? sect . vii . sloth , the mother of euill . sloth m is the mother of many euils , and the chiefe corrupter of christian duty ; banish it by diligence , in all these former exercise , neither n deferring repentance for thy by-past neglects , neither amendment of thy former life . o who knoweth , but death may shut vp thy breath at an vnprouided time ? repentance and amendment being the free gifts of god the tree of faith ( watered by gods grace ) onely produceth ( not common in euery mans garden ) this tree must be planted in the spring of thy youth & not in the frosty winter when the day shall come wherein thou shalt say i haue no pleasure in them . it must be daily laboured , hedged and preserued from the anoyances , catterpillers , and choaking weeds of the world ; by this meanes it shall produce plentifull store of fruit in thy life , and at thy death prepare thee , with old simeon in the peace of a good conscience to say , p lord now lettest thou thy seruant depart in peace , for mine eyes haue seene thy saluation . i haue brief●ly pointed at gods wonderfull works of power , mercy and iustice at those names , whereby hee hath chiefely reuealed himselfe in his word , and at the duties that are required in his seruice . now i will touch something concerning christian liberty , the fredome of christians from the bondage and tiranny of the law . a point which all would gladly appropriate to themselues , though the most parte faile in the true vnderstanding of the words of s. paul , a that christ was made a curse for vs that he might redeeme vs from the curse of the law * and stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made you free and bee not entangled againe with the yoake of bondage . the necessity of handling the qvestion concerning christian libertie . the declaration whereof hee must not omit , whose purpose is to cōprehend in an abridgmēt the summe of the doctrine of the gospell . for it is a thing principally necessary , and without the knowledge whereof , consciences dare in a manner enterprise nothing , without doubting they stumble & start backe in many things , they alway stagger● , and tremble : but especially it is an appendant of iustification , and auaileth not a little to the vnderstanding of the strength thereof . yea , they that earnestly feare god , shall hereby receiue an incomparable fruit of that doctrine , which the wicked and lucinianicall men doe pleasantly taunt with their scoffes because in the spirituall darkenes wherewith they bee taken euery wanton rayling is lawfull for them . wherfore it shall now come forth in fit season , and it is profitable to deferre to this place , the plainer discoursing of it ( for some haue already in diuers places lightly touched it , because so soone as mention is brought in of christian liberty ; then either filthy lusts doe boile , or mad motions do rise vnlesse the wanton witts be timely met withall which doe otherwise most naughtily corrupt the best things . for some men by pretence of this liberty , shake off all obedience of god , and breake forth into an vnbridled licentiousnesse ; and some men disdaine it , thinking that by it all moderation , order , and choise of things , is taken away . what should wee here doe , being compassed in such narrow straights ? shall wee bid christian liberty farewell , and so cut off all fit occasion for such perills ? but as wee haue said , vnlesse that bee fast holden , neither christ nor the truth of the gospell , nor the inward peace of the soule is rightly knowne : rather we must endeauour , that so necessary a part of doctrine be not suppressed , and yet that in the meane time those found obiections , may be met withall which are wont to rise thereupon . christian liberty consisteth in 3. parts . the first , that the consciences of the faithfull , when the affiance of their iustification before god is to be sought , may raise and aduance themselues aboue the law , and forger the whole righteousnesse of the law. for since the law ( as we haue already in another place declared ) leaueth no man righteous , either we are excluded from all hope of iustification , or wee must bee loosed from the law , and so that there bee no regard at all had of works . for who so thinketh that hee must bring somewhat , bee it neuer so little of good works to obtaine righteousnesse ; hee cannot appoint any end or measure of them , but maketh himselfe debter to the law . therefore taking away all mention of the law , and laying aside all thinking vpon works , we must embrace the only mercy of god when we entreat of iustification , and tur●●ing away our sight from our selues we must behold christ alone . for there the question is not how wee bee righteous , but how although wee be vnrighteous and vnworthy , wee bee taken for worthy . of which thing if conscience will attaine any certainety , they must giue no place to the law . neither can any man hereby gather that the law is superfluous to the faithfull , whom it doth not therefore cease to teach , and exhort , & prick forward to goodnes , although before the iudgement-seat of god , it hath no place in their consciences . for these two things , as they are most diuers , so must they bee well and diligently distinguished of vs. the whole life of christians ought to bee a certaine meditation of godlines , because they are called into sanctification ; herein standeth the office of the law , that by putting them in minde of their duty , it should stirre them vp to the endeauour of holinesse , and innocency . but when consciences are carefull how they may haue god mercifull , what they shall answere , and vpon what affiance they shall stand if they bee called to his iudgement ; there is not to bee reckoned what the law requireth , but onely christ must be set forth for righteousnesse , which passeth all perfection of the law . vpon this point hangeth almost all the argument of the epistle to the galathians . for that they be found expositors which teach , that paul there contendeth onely for the liberty of ceremonies , may bee proued by the places of the arguments . of which sort these . that christ was made a curse for vs , that he might redeeme vs from the curse of the law . againe , stand fast in the liberty , wherewith christ hath made you free , and bee not againe entangled with the yoake of bondage . behold , i paul say if yee be circumcized , christ shall nothing profit you . and he which is circumcisized is debtor of the whole law . christ is made idle to you whosoeuer ye be , that are iustified by the law : ye are fallen away from grace . wherein truly is contained some higher thing thē the liberty of ceremonyes . i grant indeed , that paul there intreateth of ceremonyes , because hee contendeth with the false apostles which went about to bring againe into the christian church the old shadowes of the law , which were abolished by the comming of christ. but for the discussing of this question , there werehigher places to be disputed , in which the whole controuersie stood . first , because by those iewish shadowes , the brightnes of the gospel was darkened , he sheweth that wee haue in christ a full giuing indeed , of all those things which we shadowed by the ceremonyes of moses . secondly , because these deceiuers filled the people with a most naughty opinion , namely , that this obedience anailed to deserue the fauour of god : here he standeth much vpon this point , that the faithfull should not thinke that they can by any workes of the law , much lesse by those little principles , obtaine righteousnesse before god. and there withall hee teacheth that they are by the crosse of christ , free from the damnation of the law , which otherwise hangeth ouer all men , that they should with full assurednes rest on christ alone . which place properly pertaineth to this purpose . lastly , hee maintaineth to the consciences of the faithfull their liberty , that they should not be bound with any religion , in things not necessary . the second part which hangeth vpon that former part , is that consciences obey the law , not as compelled by the necessity of the same law , but being free from the yoake of the law it selfe , of their owne accord they obey the will of god. for because they abide in perpetuall terrors , so long as they bee vnder the dominion of the law , they shall neuer bee with cheerefull readinesse framed to the obedience of god ; vnlesse they haue first this liberty giuen them . by an example wee shall both more briefely , and plainely perceiue what these things meane . the commandement of the law is , that wee loue our god with all our heart , with all our soule , and with all our strengths . that this may be done , our soule must bee made voide of all other sense and thought , our heart must bee cleansed of all desires , all our strengths must bee gathered vp and drawne together to this onely purpose . they which haue gone most farre before other in the way of the lord , are yet very farre from this marke : for though they loue god with their minde , and with sincere affection of heart , yet they haue still a great part of their heart and soule possessed with the desires of the flesh ; by which they are drawne backe , and stayed from going forward with hasty course to god. they doe indeed trauell forward with great endeauour , but the flesh partly feebleth their strengths , and partly draweth them to it selfe . what shall they here doe ? when they feele that they doe nothing lesse then performe the law ? they will , they coue● , they endeauour , but nothing with such perfection as ought to bee . if thou looke vpon the law , they see that whatsoeuer worke they attempt or purpose , is accursed . neither is there any cause , why any man should deceiue himselfe with gathering that the worke is therefore not altogether ●uill , because it is vnperfect : and therefore that god doth neuerthelesse accept that good which is in it . for the law requiring perfect loue , condemneth all imper●ection vnlesse the rigour of it be mitigated . therefore his works should fall to nought , which hee would haue to seeme partly good , and he shall find that it is a transgression of the law , euen in this ▪ because it is vnperfect . lo●●how all our works are subiect to the curse of the law . but how should then vnhappy soules chearefully apply themselues to worke , for which they might not trust that they could get any thing but curse ? on the other side , if being deliuered from this seuere exacting of the law , or rather from the whole rigour of the law , they heare that they be called of god with fatherly gentlenes , they will merrily and with great chearfulnes answere his calling , and follow his guiding . in a summe , they which are bound to the yoake of the law , are like to bondslaues , to whom are appointed by their lords certaine tasks of worke for euery day . these seruants thinke that they haue done nothing , nor dare come in the sight of their lords vnlesse they haue performed that full taske of their workes ; but children ( which are more liberally , and more freemanlike handled of their fathers ) stick not to present to them their begunne & hal●e-vnperfect works , yea & those hauing some faults , 〈◊〉 , that they will accept their obedience and willingnesse of mind , al●hough they haue not so exactly done so much as their good wills was to doe . so must we be , as we may haue sure affiance , that our obediences shall be allowed of our most kind father , how little soeuer , and how rude and vnperfect soeuer they bee . as also hee assureth to vs by the prophet : i will spare them ( saith he ) as the father is wont to spare his sonne that serueth him . where this word spare , is set for the bearing withall , or gently to winke at faults ; for as much as he also maketh mention of seruice . and this affiance is not a little necessary for vs , without which wee shall goe about all things in vaine . for god accounteth himselfe to bee worshipped , with no worke of ours ; but which is truly done of vs for the worshipping of him . but how can that bee done among these terrors , where it is doubted whether god be offended , or worshipped without our worke ? and that is the cause why the author of the epistle to the hebrewes , referreth all the good works which are read of in the holy fathers , to faith , and weigheth them all by faith. touching this liberty there is a place in the epistle to the romans , where paul reasoneth that sinne ought not to haue dominion ouer vs because wee are not vnder the law , but vnder grace . for when he had exhorted the faithfull , that sinne should not reigne in their mortall bodyes , and that they should not giue their members to bee weapons of wickednesse to sinne , but should dedicate themselues to god , as they that are aliue from the dead , and their members weapons of righteousnesse to god : and whereas they might on the other side , obiect that they doe yet carry the flesh full of lusts , and that sinne dwelleth in them , hee adioyneth that comfort by the liberty of the law as if hee should say ; though they doe not yet throughly feele sinne destroyed , and that yet righteousnesse yet liueth not in them , yet there is no cause why they should feare , and bee discouraged , as though hee had beene alway displeased with them for the remnants of sinne , for as much as they are by grace made free from the law that their workes should not bee examined by the rules of the law . as for them that gather that wee may sinne because wee are not vnder the law , let them know , that this liberty pertaineth nothing to them , the end whereof is to encourage vs to good . the third part is , that wee bee bound with no conscience before god of outward things , which are by themselues indifferent , but that we may indifferently sometime vse them , and sometime leaue them vnused . and the knowledge of this liberty , also is very necessary for vs ; for if it shall bee absent , there shall bee no quiet to our consciences , no end of superstitions . many at this day doe thinke vs fond to moue disputation , about the free eating of flesh , about the free vse of dayes , and garments , and such other small trifles , as they indeed thinke them : but there is more weight in them then is commonly thought . for when consciences haue once cast themselues into the snare they enter into a long and cumbersome way , from whence they can afterward finde no easie way to get out . if a man beginne to doubt whether hee may occupy linnen in sheets , shirts , handkerchei●es , and napkins , neither will hee bee out of doubt , whether he may vse kempe , and at the last hee will also fall in doubt of matters , for he wil weigh with himself , whether hee cannot 〈◊〉 without napkins , whether hee way not bee without hādkerchi●fes . if any think dainty meat vnlawfull , atlength hee shall not with quietnesse before the lord , eate either browne bread or common meates ; when he remembreth that he may yet ●ustaine his body with baser food . if hee doubt of pleasant wine , afterward he will not drinke dead wine with good peace of conscience , last of all , hee will not bee so bold to touch sweeter and cleaner water then other . finally , at the length hee will come to this point , to thinke it vnlawfull ( as the common saying is ) to tred vpon a straw lying a-crosse . for here is begunne no light strife , but this is in question ; whether god will haue vs to vse these , or those things whose will ought to guide all our counsells & doings . hereby some must needs bee carried with desperation into a confuse deuouring yit : some must ( despising god , and casting away his feare ( make themselues away through destruction , when they haue no ready way : for whosoeuer are ●●tangled with such doubting , which way soeuer they turne themselues , they see euery where present offense of conscience . i know s. paul ) that nothing is common ( meaning by common vnholy ) but who so thinketh any thing common , to him it is common . in which words he maketh all outward things , subiect to our liberty , prouided alway , that our mindes haue the assurance of the liberty before god. but if any superstitious opinion cast into vs any doubt , those things which of their owne nature were cleane , are defiled to vs. wherefore hee addeth : blessed is hee that iudgeth not himselfe in that which hee alloweth . but hee that iudgeth , if hee eate 〈◊〉 condemned because he eateth not of faith. and that which is not of faith , is sinne . among such narrow straights , who so neuerthelesse with carelessely venturing on all things , shew themsel●es bolder , doe they not as much turne themselues away from god ? but they which are throughly peirced with some feare of god , when they themselues also are compelled to doe any thing against their conscience , are discouraged and doe fall downe with feare . all that are such doe rec●iue none of the guifts of god with thanksgiuing , by which alone yet paul●estifieth ●estifieth that they are all sanctified to our vse : i meane the thanksgiuing that proceedeth from a heart that acknowledgeth the liberality , and goodnesse of god in his guifts . for many of them indeed , doe vnderstand that these are the benefits of god which they vse , and they praise god in his works : but ●ith they are not perswaded , that they are giuen to themselues , how should they thanke god as the giuer of them ? thus in a summe wee see , whereto this liberty tendeth , namely that wee should vse the gifts of god to such vse , as he hath giuen them vnto vs , without any scruple of conscience , without any trouble of minde , by which confidence our soules may both haue peace with him , and acknowledge his liberality towards vs. for here are comprehended all ceremonyes , that are at liberty to bee obserued , that our consciences should not be bound with any necessity to keepe them , but should remember that the vse of them , is by gods benefits subiect to themselues vnto edification . but it is diligently to bee noted , that christian liberty is in all the parts of it a spirituall thing , the whole strength whereof consisteth in appeasing fearefull consciences before god , if either they bee vnqui●ted or carefull for the forgiuenesse of sinnes , or if they bee pensiue , whether our imperfect works , and de●iled with the faults of our flesh doe please god , or if they bee troubled about the vse of indifferent things . wherfore they doe wrōgfully expound it , which either doe make it a cloake for their owne desires , that they may abuse the guifts of god to their owne lust , o● which doe thinke that there is no liberty but that which is vsed before men , and therefore in vsing it haue no regard of the weake brethren . in the first kind , men doe at this day much offend . there is almost no man which may by his ability of wealth bee sumptuous , which delighteth not in excessiue gorgeousnesse , in furniture of banquets , in apparell of body , in building of houses , which hath not a will to excell other in all kind of statelinesse , which doth not maruailously flatter himselfe in his ●inenesse . and all these things are defended vnder the pretence of christian liberty . they say that they are things indifferent , i grant , so that man indifferētly vse them . but when they are too greedily coueted , when they are proudly boasted , when they are wastfully spent : it is certaine , that those things which otherwise were of themselues lawfull , are by these faults defiled . this saying of paul , doth very well put difference between things indifferent , all things are cleane to the cleane , but to the defiled and vnbelieuing , not hing is cleane because their minds and consciences is defiled . for why are accursed the rich men , they which haue their comfort , which are satisfied with meat , which doe now laugh , which sleepe in beds of iuory , which ioyne land to land , whose bankets haue lute , harpe , taber , and wine ? verily both iuory , and gould , and riches are the good creatures of god , permitted ; yea and appointed by the prouidence of god for men to vse . neither is it any where forbidden , either to laugh or to bee satisfyed with meat , or to ioyne new possessions to their old possessions of their ancestors , or to bee delighted with musicall melody , or to drinke wine . this is true indeed . but when they haue plenty of things , to wallow in delights , to glut themselues , to make their wit & mind drunke with present pleasu●es , and alway to gape for new : these things are most farre from the lawfull vse of the gifts of god. therefore let them take away vnmeasurable desire , let them take away vnmeasurable wasting , let them take away vanity and arrogance , that they may with a pure conscience purely vse the gifts of god. when the minde shall bee framed to this sobriety , they shall haue a rule of the lawfull vse . on the other side let this moderation bee wanting , euen base and common delicates are too much . for this is truely said , that oftentimes in frize and course cloath , dwelleth a purple heart , & sometime vnder silke and purple , lieth simple humility . let euery man in his degree so liue , either poorely , or meanely , or plentifully , that they all remember that they are fed of god to liue not to bee riotous ; and let them thinke , that this is the law of christian liberty : if they haue learned with paul to bee contented with those things which they presently haue : if they can skill both to bee humble , and to excell : if they be taught in all places , and in all things to bee both full , and hungry , to haue plenty and to suffer want . herein also many men doe erre , because as though their liberty should not bee sound and safe , vnlesse it had menwitnesses of it , they doe vndiscreetly and vnwisely vse it . by which vnseasonable vsing , they many times offend the weake brethren . you may see at this day some which thinke that their liberty cannot stand , vnlesse they take possession of it by eating flesh on friday . i blame not that they eate , but this false opinion must bee driuen out of their mindes . for they ought to thinke , that by their liberty they obtaine no new thing in the sight of men , but before god , and that it standeth as well in abstaining as vsing . if they vnderstand , that it maketh no matter before god , whether they eate flesh , or eggs , whether they weare red , or black garments , that is enough . the conscience is now free , to which the benefit of such liberty is due , therefore although they doe afterward abstaine all their life long from flesh , and weare alway but one colour , yet they are no lesse free . yea therefore because they are free , they do with a free conscience abstaine . but they doe most hurtfully offend , because they nothing regard the weaknes of their brethren ; which wee ought so to beare with , that wee rashly commit nothing with offence of them . but sometime also , it behooueth that our liberty be set forth before men . and this i graunt . but there is a measure most heedefully to bee kept , that wee cast not away the care of the weake , of whom the lord hath so earnestly giuen vs charge . i will in this place therefore speake somewhat of offences , in what difference they are to be taken , which are to be auoided , and which to be neglected : whereupon wee may afterward determine , what place there is for our liberty amongst men . i like well that common diuision , which teacheth that there is of offences one sort giuen , another taken : for as much as it hath a plaine testimony of the scripture , and doth not vnfitly expresse that which it meaneth . if thou doe any thing by vnseasonable lightnesse , or wantonnes●e , or rashnesse , not in order , not in fit place , whereby the ignorant and weake are offended , that same may bee called an offence giuen by thee : because it came to passe by thy fault that such offence was stirred vp . and it is alway called an offence giuen in any thing , the fault whereof came from the do●r of the thing it selfe . it is called an offence taken , when a thing which is otherwise not euill● done , nor out of time , is by euill will or by some wrongfull malitiousnesse of mind drawne to occasion of offence . for in this case was not offence giuen , but these wrongfull construers do without cause take one . with that first kind of offence , none are offended but the weake . but with the second kind , sowre natures , and pharisaicall scornefull heads are offended . wherefore wee shall call the one the offence of the weake , the other of the pharisees : and we shall so temper the vse of our liberte , that it ought to giue place to the ignorance of the weake brethren but in no wise to the rigorousnesse of the pharisees . for what is to be yeelded to weakenesse , paul sheweth in very many places . beare ( saith he ) with the weake in faith. againe let vs not hereafter iudge one another , but this rather , let there not bee laid before our brother , an offence or occasion of falling : and many other sayings to the same intent , which are more fit to bee read in the place it selfe , then here to be rehearsed . the summe is , that wee which are strong should beare with the weaknesse of our brethren , and not please our selues , but euery one of vs please his neighbour vnto good for edifying . in another place but see that your liberty bee not in any wise an offence to them that are weake . againe eate yee all things that are sold in the shambles asking no question for conscience : of your conscience ( i say ) not another mans . finally bee yee such that yee giue no offence neither to the iewes nor to the greekes nor to the church of god. also in another place yee are called brethren into liberty ; only giue not your liberty to bee an occasion to the flesh but by charity serue yee one another . thus it is . our liberty is not giuen toward our weake neighbours , whose seruants charity maketh vs in all things : but rather , that hauing peace with god in our mindes , wee may liue peaceably among men . as for the offence of the pharisees , how much it is to be regarded , wee learne by the words of the lord , whereby hee biddeth them to bee let alone , because they are blind and guides of the blind . the disciples had warned him that the pharisees were offended with his sayings : hee answered that they were to bee neglected , and the offending of them not to bee cared for . but yet still the matter hangeth doubtfull vnlesse wee know who are to bee taken for weake and who for pharisees : which difference being taken away , i see not among offences what vse at all of liberty remaineth which might neuer bee vsed without great danger . but it seemeth to mee that paul hath most plainely declared both by doctrine and by examples how farre our liberty is either to bee tempered or to bee defended though with offences . when he tooke timothy into his company he circumcised him , but he could not bee brought to circumcise titus ; here were diuers doings and no change of purpose or of minde : namely in circumcising timothy when hee was free from all men , hee made himselfe a seruant to all men : and hee was made to the iewes as a iew that hee might winne the iewes : to them that were vnder the law as if hee himselfe were vnder the law that he might win them that were vnder the law : all things to all men that hee might saue many as he writeth in another place . thus we haue a right moderation of liberty if it may bee indifferently restrayned with some profit . what hee hath respect vnto when hee stoutly refused to circumcise titus hee himselfe testifieth writing thus : but neither was titus which was with me although hee was a gretian compelled to be circumcised because of the false brethren which were come in by the way , which had priuily crept in , to espy our liberty which wee haue in christ iesus , that they might bring vs into bondage , to whom wee gaue no place by subiection so much as for a time that the truth of the gospel might continue with you . there is also a time when wee must of necessity defend our liberty if the same bee in weake consci●●ces endangered by the vniust exactings of false prophets . wee must in euery thing study to preserue charity and haue regard to the edifying of our neighbour . all things ( saith hee ) are lawfull for me but not all things are expedient : all things are lawfull for mee but all things doe not edifie . let no man seeke that which is his owne but that which is anothers . there is nothing now plainer by this rule then that wee must vse our liberty if it may turne to the edifying of our neighbour : but if it be not so expedient for our neighbour , then wee must forbeare it . there bee some which counterfeit the wisedom of pa●l in forbearing of liberty , while they doe nothing lesse then apply the same to the dutyes of charity . for so that they may prouide for their owne quietnes , they wish all mention of liberty to be buryed , whereas it is no lesse behoouefull for our neighbours , sometime to vse liberty for their benefit and edification then in fit place to restraine it for their commodity . but it is the part of a godly man to thinke , that free power in ou●ward things , is therefore graunted him , that hee may hee the freer to all dutyes of charity . but whatsoeuer i haue spoken concerning of auoiding offences my meaning is that it bee referred to meane and different things . for those things that are necessary to bee done are not to bee left vndone for feare of any offence . for as our liberty is to bee submitted to charity , so charity it selfe likewise ought to bee vnder the purenesse of faith . verily here ought also to bee had regard of charity , but so far as to the altars , that is , that for our neighbours sake wee offend not god. their intemperance is not to bee allowed , which doe nothing but with troublesome turmoiling and which had rather rashly to rend all things then leasurely to rip them . neither yet are they to be harkned to , which when they bee leaders of men into a thousand so●t of vngodlinesse , yet doe feigne that they must behaue themselues so , that they be none offence to their neighbours . as though they doe not in the meane edifie the consciences of their neighbours to euill specially whereas they sticke fast in the same mire without any hope of getting out . and the pleasant men forsooth , whether their neighbour bee to bee instructed with doctrine or example of life , say that he must be fed with milke , whom they fill with most euill and poysonous opinions . paul reported that he fed the corinthians with drinking of milke , but if the popish masse had then been among them , would hee haue sacrifized to haue giuen them the drinke of milke ? no : for milke is not poyson . therefore they lie in saying that they feed them , whom vnder a show of flattering allurements they cruelly kill . but gra●ting that such dissembling for a time is to bee allowed , how long yet will they feed their childrē with milke . for if they neuer grow bigge that they may at the least bee able to beare some light meat , it is certaine that they were neuer brought vp with milke . there are two reasons that moue me , why i doe not now more sharply contend with them : first because their follies are scarcely worthy to bee confuted , ●ith they worthily seeme filthy in the sight of all men that haue sound wit : secondly because i haue sufficiently done it in peculiar bookes i will not now doe a thing already done . onely let the reade●s remember this , that with whatsoeuer offences sathan and the world goe about to turne vs away from the ordinances of god , or to stay vs from following that which hee appointeth , yet wee must neuerthelesse goe earnestly forward , and then , that whatsoeuer dangers hang vpon it , yet is it not at our liberty to swarue one haires bredth from the commandement of the same god , neither is it lawfull by any pretence to attempt any thing but that which he giueth vs leaue . now therefore sith faithfull consciences , hauing receiued such prerogatiue of liberty as wee haue aboue set forth , haue by the benefit of christ obtained this , that they bee not entangled with any snares of obseruations in those things in which the lord willed that they should bee at liberty : we conclude that they are exempt from all power of men . for it is vnmeete , that either christ should loose the thanke of his so great liberality , or consciences their profit . neither ought wee to thinke it a sleight matter which we see to haue cost christ so deare , namely which hee valued not with gold or siluer but with his owne blood : so that paul sticketh not to say , that his death is made voide if we yeeld our soules into subiection to men . for hee trauaileth about nothing else in certaine chapters of the epistle to the ●alathians , but to shew that christ is darkened , or rather destroyed to vs , vnlesse our consciences stand fast in this liberty which verily they haue lost , if they may at the will of men bee snared with the bonds of lawes and ordinances . but as it is a thing most worthy to bee knowne , so it needeth a longer and plainer declaration . for so soone as any word is spoken of the abrogating of the ordinance of men , by and by great troubles are raised vp : partly by seditious men , partly by slanderers , as though the whole obedience of men were at once taken away and ouerthrowne . therefore that none of vs may stumble at this stone , first let vs consider that there are two sorts of gouernment in man : the one spirituall , whereby the conscience is framed to godlinesse , and to the worship of god : the other ciuill , whereby man is trained to the duties of humanity and ciuility which are to bee kept among men . they are commonly by not vnfit names called the spirituall and temporall iurisdiction , whereby is signified , that the first of the two formes of gouernment pertaineth to the life of the soule , and the later is occupied in the things of this p●esent life : not onely in feeding and clothing , but in setting ●orth of lawes whereby a man may spend his life among men holily , honestly and soberly . for that first kind hath place in the inward mind , this later kind ordereth onely the outward behauiours . the one wee may call the spirituall kingdome , the other the ciuill kingdome . but these two , as we haue diuided them , must bee either of them alway seuerally considered by themselues , and when the one is in considering , wee must withdraw and turne away our minds from the thinking vpon the other . for there are in man as it were two worlds , which both diuers kings and diuers lawes may gouerne . by this putting of difference shall come to passe , that that which the gospell teacheth of the spirituall liberty , wee shall not wrongfully draw to the ciuill order , as though christians were according to the outward gouernment , lesse subiect to the lawes of men because their consciences are at liberty before god : as though they were therefore exempt from all bondage of the flesh , because they are free according to the spirit . againe , because euen in those ordinances which seeme to pertaine to the spirituall kingdome , there may bee some error : we must also put difference betweene these which are to bee taken for lawfull and agreeable to the word of god : and on the other side which ought not to haue place among the godly ▪ of the ciuill gouernment as also so of the ecclesiasticall lawes , i omit to speake of at this time , because it hath beene discussed sufficiently by learned authors already . of this discourse let this bee the conclusion , the question as i haue said of it selfe not being very darke or en●angled , doth for this cause trouble many because they doe not wisely put difference betweene the outward court as they call it , and the court of conscience . moreouer this increaseth the difficulty , that paul●eacheth ●eacheth that the magistrate ought to bee obeyed not onely for feare of punishment but also for conscience sake . whereupon followeth that consciences are also bound by the ciuill lawes . if it were so , all should come to nought which wee both haue spoken , and shall speake of the spirituall gouernment . for the loosing of this knot , fi●st it is good to know what is conscience . and the definition thereof is to be fetched from the deriuation of the word , for as when men doe with mind and vnderstanding conceiue the knowledge of things , they are thereby said 〈◊〉 ) to know , whereupon is also deriued the name of science : knowledge : so when they haue a feeling of the iudgement of god , as a witnesse ioyned with them , which doth not suffer them to hide their sinnes , but that they bee drawne accused to the iudgement seat of god , that same feeling is called conscience . for it is a certaine meane betweene god and man , because it suffereth not man to suppresse in himselfe , that which hee knoweth , but pursueth him so far till it bringeth him to guiltinesse . this is it which paul meaneth , where hee saith , that the conscience doth together witnesse with men , when their thoughts doe accuse or acquit them in the iudgement of god. therefore this feeling which presenteth man to the iudgement of god , is as a keeper ioyned vnto man , to marke and espie all his secrets , that nothing may remaine buryed in obliuion . whereupon also cometh that auncient prouerbe : conscience is a thousand 〈◊〉 . and for the same reason , pete● hath set the examination of a good conscience for the quietnes of minde , when being perswaded of the grace of christ , wee doe without feare present our selues before god. and the author of the epistle to the hebrewes setteth to haue no more conscience of sinne , instead of to bee deliuered or acquitted that sinne may no more accuse vs. therefore as worke hath respect to men , so conscience is referred to god , so that a good conscience is nothing else but the inward purenesse of the heart . in which sence paul writeth that charity is the fulfilling of the law out of 〈◊〉 pure conscience and faith not faigned . afterward also in the same chapter , he sheweth how much it differeth from vnderstanding , saying that some had suffered shipwrack from the faith , because they had forsaken a good conscience . for in these words hee signifieth , it is a liuely affection to worship god , and a sincere endeauour to liue holily and godlily . sometime it extendeth also to men , as in luke , where the same paul protested , that hee endeauored himselfe to walke with a good conscience toward god and men . but this was therefore said , because the fruits of a good conscience , doe flow and come euen to men . but in speaking properly , it hath respect to god onely , as i haue already said . hereby it cometh to passe , that the law is said to bind the conscience , which simply bindeth a man without respect of men ; or without hauing any consideration of them . as for example : god commandeth not onely to keepe the minde chaste , and pure from all lust ; but also forbiddeth all manner of filthinesse of words , and outward wantonnesse whatsoeuer it bee . to the keeping of this law , my conscience is subiect , although there liued not one man in the world . so hee that behaueth himselfe intemperately , not only sinneth in that hee giueth an euill example , to the brethren : but also hath his conscience boūd with guiltinesse before god. in things that are of themselues meane , there is another consideration . for wee ought to abstaine from them , if they breede any offence , but the conscience still being free . so paul speaketh of flesh consecrate secrate to idols . if any ( saith he ) mooue any doubt touch it not for conscience sake . i say for conscience , not thine owne but the others . for a faithful man doth not sinne which being first warned should neuerthelesse eate such flesh . but howsoeuer in respect of his brother it is necessary for him to abstaine as it is prescribed of god. i haue deliuered you the freedome and liberty of christians , wee are not to please our selues but edifie our neighbour : vse it not deceitfull , make it not a cloake to couer your vnrighteousnesse , but rather hauing peace with god in our mindes , wee also may liue charitably amongst men . for your liberty auaileth nothing if you cast not away your sin god ( when the measure of your iniquity is full ) will cast you of for your sinne : for as he is iust , so hee hath power to kill and cast into hell all hardened and ●npenitent sinners . if therefore , you will auoyd the cursed effects of sinne in this life , and eternall wrath thereunto in the world to come & be assured that you are not of the number of those , who are giuen ouer to a reprobate sence , let then my counsaile bee acceptable to you : breake of your sins by righteousnes , and your iniquity by shewing mercy to your brethren . o let there be ( at length ) an healing of your errors . nathan vsed but one parable , and dauid was conuerted . ionas preached but once to niniuy , and the whole citty repented : christ looked but once on peter , and hee went out and wept bitterly . and now that you are oft , and so louingly entreated ; not by a prophet onely , but by christ the lord of prophets : yea , that god himselfe , by his embassadors enteates you to bee reconciled to him : leaue of your adulteryes with dauid , repent of your sins like a true niniuite , & weepe bitterly for your offences . content not your selues with that formall religion , which vnregenerate men haue framed to themselues , instead of sincere deuotion : for in the multitude of opinions , most men haue almost lost the practise of religion . thinke not that you are a christian good enough , because you doe as the most , and are not so bad as the worst . no man is so wicked , that hee is addicted to all kind of vices , ( for there is an antipathy betwixt some vices ) but remember that christ saith ; except your righteousnes , exceede the righteousnesse of the scribes and pharisees ; yee shall in no case enter into the kingdome of heauen . consider with your selues , how far you come short of the pharisees in fasting , praying , frequenting the church and in giuing of almes . thinke with your selues , how many pagans who neuer knew baptisme , yet in morall vertues , and honesty of life , doe goe far beyond you . where is then the life of christ your master ? and how far are you from being true christians ? a true christian , must haue respect to walke in the truth of his heart ; in all the commandements of god alike , for hee that shall offend in one point of the law , is guilty of all . and peter bids vs , lay aside , ( not some , but ) all malice , guile , and hypocrisies , one sinne is enough to damne a mans soule , vvithout repen●●●ce ; dreame not to goe to heauen , by any nearer or easier way then christ hath trained vs in this world . the way to heauen , is not easie or common ; but streight and narrow , yea so narrow that christ protesteth , that a rich man , shall hardly enter into the kingdome of heauen ; and that those who enter are but few : and that those few cannot get in but by striuing : and that some of those who striue to enter in , shall not be able . this all gods saints ( whilst they here liued ) knew well , when with so often fasting , so earnest prayers , so frequent hearing the word , and receiuing the sacraments , and with such abundance of teares , they deuoutly beg'd at the hands of god for christs sake , to be receiued into his kingdome . o then trie your spirits whether they are of god , deceiue not your selues , by diffidence , despaire , or too much fidelity ; dote not too much vpon these wodden cottages , these houses of moulding clay , which are but the tents of vngodlinesse , the receptacle , & habitation of sinners , but looke rather , and long for this heauenly citty , whose builder and maker is god : which he , ( who is not ashamed to be called our god : ) hath prepared for you . by all these things which haue beene deliuered to you , you may easily perceiue , how destitute & naked , mankind is of all good things : and how he wanteth all helps of saluation . wherefore if he seeke for releifes whereby he may succour his necessity , hee must goe out of himselfe , and repaire to the fulnesse of riches laid vp in christ. this is afterward declared to vs , that the lord of his owne free will and liberality , doth giue himselfe to vs in christ , in whom he offereth vs , instead of our misery , felicity , instead of our need , wealthinesse , in whom hee openeth to vs all heauenly and celestiall treasures ; that ou● whole faith should behold his beloued sonne , and so bee filled with all manner of diuine pleasures , at his right hand , and drink out of the riuers of pleasures that vpon him our whole expectation should hang , in him our whole hope should rest : this verily is the secret and hidden philosophie , which cannot bee wrung out with logicall arguments : but they learne it whose eyes god hath opened , that they may see light in his light . but since wee are taught , by faith to acknowledge , that whatsoeuer wee haue neede of , whatsoeuer is wanting in vs ; the same is plentifully in god , and in our lord iesus christ , namely in whom the lord , willed the whole fulnesse of his largenesse to rest ; that from thence wee should all draw , as out of a most plentifull fountaine : now it remaineth that wee seeke in him , and with prayers craue of him that , which we haue learned to be in him . otherwise to know god , to bee the lord , and giuer of all good things , which allureth vs to pray to him , and not to goe to him and pray to him ; should as little profit vs , as if a man should neglect a treasure shewed him buried and digged in the ground . therefore the apostle to shew that true faith cannot bee idle from calling vpon god , hath set this order : that as of the gospell springeth faith , so by it our hearts are framed to call vpon the name of god. and this is the same thing which hee had a little before said , that the spirit of adoption which sealeth in our hearts the witnesse of the gospell , raiseth vp our spirits , that they dare shew forth their desires to god , and stirre vp vnspeakable groanings , and crie with confidence abba , father : it is meete therefore , that this last point because it was before but onely spoken of , by the way , and as it were lightly touched ; should now bee more largely treated of . wherein i will briefly shew you some particular , and especiall commodities ; which the faithfull by constant , feruent , and earnest prayer attaine at the hands of the almighty . this we get by the benefit of prayer , that wee attaine to those riches with are laid vp for vs with the heauenly father . for there is a certaine communicating of men with god whereby they entring into the sanctuary of god , doe in his owne presence , call to him touching his promise ; that the same thing which they beleeued him , affirming onely in word , not to bee vaine , they may when need● so requireth find in experience . therefore wee see that there is no thing set forth to vs , to bee looked for at the hand of the lord which wee are not commanded to craue with prayers : for true it is , that by prayers are digged vp the treasures which our faith hath looked vpon , being shewed to it by the gospell of the lord. by prayer wee are enriched with all the graces of the almighty ; and in our distresses , and calamities both quieted and releiued ; what blessing soeuer wee would haue , or from what plague , trouble , or necessity soeuer bee deliuered , we may procure from god , by faithfull prayer . by prayer we doe as by the hand of faith , violently seize and take possession of heauen , for our inheritance : & make our selues free citizens of the heauenly ierusalem , where all the elect shall enioy , these excellent prerogatiues . 1. they shall bee all kings , and priests : spirituall kings to raigne with christ , and to triumph ouer sathan , the world , and reprobates : and spirituall priests , to offer vnto god the spirituall sacrifice , of prayse and thankesgiuings for euermore . and therefore they are said to weare both crownes , and roabes . oh what a comfort is this to poore parents , that haue many children , if they breed them vp in the feare of god , to be true christians : then are they parents to so many kings & priests . 2. their bodies shall shine as the brightnesse of the sunne in the firmament : like the glorious body of christ , which shined brighter then the sunne at noone , when it appeared to paul : act. 12. 6. a glimpse of which glorious brightnesse , appeared in the bodyes of moses and elias , tranfigured with our lord in the holy mount. therefore ( saith the apostle ) it shall rise a glorious body : yea , a spirituall body , not in substance , but in quality preserued by spirituall meanes , and hauing as ( an angell ) agility to descend and ascend . what a honour is this ? that our bodyes ( falling more vile then a carrion , ) should thus arise in glory , like vnto the body of the son of god. 4. lastly , they ( together with all the holy angels ) there , keepe ( without any labour to distract them ) a perpetuall sabbath , to the glory , honour , and praise of the all blessed trinity , for the creating , redeeming , and sanctifying , of the church : and for his power , wisdome , iustice , mercy , and goodnesse , in the gouernment of heauen and earth . they shall know god with a perfect knowledge so farre as creatures can possibly comprehend the creator . for there we shall see the word , the creator ; and in the word , all creatures that by the word were created , that we shall not neede to learne ( of the thing which wee made ) the knowledge of him by whom all things were made . the excellentest creatures of this life , are but a darke vaile , drawne betwixt god and vs : but when this vaile shall bee drawen aside , then shall wee see god face to face , and know him as wee are knowne . wee shall know the power of the father , the wisdome of the son , the grace of the holy ghost ; & the indiuisible nature of the blessed trinity . the greatest knowledg that men can attaine vnto in this life , comes as farre short of the knowledge which wee shall haue in heauen , as the knowledge of a child that cannot yet speake plaine is to the knowledge of the greatest philosopher in the world . they who thirst for knowledge , let them long bee students in this vniuersity . for all the light by which we know any thing in this world , is nothing but the shadow of god. but when wee shall know god in heauen , wee shall in him , know the manner of the worke of the creation , the misteries of the worke of our redemption . yea so much knowledge as a creature can possibly conceiue of the creator and his works . but whilst wee are in this life , wee may say with iob , how little a portion heare we of him ? and assure our selues with siracides , that there are high yea greater things then these bee , and that wee haue seene but a few of gods works . for so soone as she is admitted into actuall fruition of the beatificall essence of god : shee hath all the goodnes , beauty , glory , and perfection , of all creatures ( in all the world ) vnited together ; and at once presented to her , in the sight of god. if any be in loue , there they shall enioy that which is more amiable : if any delight in fairenesse ; the fairest beauty is but a dusty shadow to that : hee that delights in pleasures , shall there find varieties , without either interruption of griefe , or distraction of paine . hee that loueth honor , shall there enioy it ; without the disgrace of cankered enuy : hee that loueth treasure , shall there possesse it and neuer bee beguiled of it . there they shall haue knowledge , void of all ignorance ; health , that no sicknesse shall impaire ; and life , that no death can determine . by vertue of this ; the penitent soule , may bouldly goe and say vnto christ ( as ruth vnto boaz spread o christ the wing of thy garment of thy mercy , ouer thine handmaid : for thou art my kinsmā . indeed , god is all in all to vs , in earth : but by means and in a small measure . but in heauen , god himselfe immediately ( in fulnesse of measure , without all meanes ) will bee vnto vs , all the good things that our soules and bodyes can wish and desire . hee himselfe will bee saluation , and ioy , to our soules : life , and health to our bodyes : beauty to our eyes : musick to our eares : honey to our mouthes : perfume to our nostrils : meat to our bellyes : light to our vnderstandings : contentment to our wils ; delight to our hearts : and what can bee lacking , where god himselfe will bee the soule of our soules ? when therefore wee behold any thing that is excellent in any creatures , let vs say to our selues ; how much more excellent is hee ; who gaue them this excellency ? when wee behold the wisdome of men , who ouerrule creatures stronger then themselues ; outrunne the sunne , and moone in discourse , prescribing many yeeres before , in what courses they shall be eclypsed : let vs say to our selues how admirable is the wisdome of god , who made men so wise ? when we consider the streng●● of whales , and elephants , the tēpests of winds , and terror of thunder ; let vs say to our selues , how strong , how mighty , how terrible , is that god , that makes these mighty and fearfull creatures . when wee taste things that are delicately sweete let vs say to our selues , o how sweete is that god from whom all these creatures haue receiued this sweetnesse . and if our louing god , hath thus prouided vs so many excellent delights , for our passage through this bachin , or valley of teares ; what are those pleasurs which hee hath prepared for vs , when we shall enter into the pallace of our masters ioy ? how shall our soules , bee there rauished with the loue of so louely a god ? in a word looke how farre this wide world , surpasseth for light , pleasures and comfort , the darke and narrow wombe , where in thou wast conceiued a child : so much doth the world to come , exceede in ioyes , solace , and consolation , this present world . how happy then shall wee bee , when this life is changed , and wee thither translated ? this shall bee thyne eternall happinesse , in the kingdome of heauen ; where thy life shal be a communion with the blessed trinity , thy ioy , the presence of the lambe : thy exercise singing ; thy ditty , alleluiah ; thy consorts , saints and angels ; where youth flourisheth , that neuer shall waxe old ; beauty lasteth , that neuer fadeth ; loue aboundeth , that neuer cooleth ; health continueth , that neuer slaketh : and life remayneth , that neuer endeth . a prayer . o lord god , heauenly father ; when i doe consider how many wayes , and by how many sorts of sinnes i haue offended thee night and day ; and doe duely call to minde how graciously thou hast kept me this night , and how many blessings and fauours i haue receiued of thee without number : i am euen astonished at my great ingratitude , and doe vtterly condemne my selfe of highest rebellion against thee . many haue been the dayes , weeks , moneths and yeeres , that thou hast here afforded mee to liue ; and in all the time of my life hitherunto , thou hast graciously preserued mee , plentifully relieued mee , and continually kept me vnder thy fatherly protection , in all my nights and dayes ; and hast beene euermore watchfull ouer mee ; that i haue from time to time , from night to day , and from day to night , beene euer sustained through thy grace , though i haue sometimes felt thy correcting rod by some crosses for my sinnes , yet haue they beene euer easy , in comparison of my deseruings ; and profitable vnto me . lord pardon and forgiue mee my sins , forgiue my manifold offences , wash me throughly by the blood of iesus christ my redeemer , and cleanse mee from all my pollutions , for they are many , and i am ashamed that euer i gaue way vnto them . but now lord , now , though late , i pray thee to leade mee by thy spirit in more obedience ; stay me , that i runne not this day into any vnseemely or vngodly actions ; withhold mine eyes from vanities ; keep vnder the vngodly affections of my corrupt heart , that though they may begin to worke sinne in me , lord suppresse them before they come to execution . disperse lord , and dispell all the clouds of ignorance and errors , that darken mine vnderstanding , and giue me wisdome rightly to know thee , and thy son christ , and what hee hath done for my soule ; and through thy grace restraine mee this day from that thou hast commanded me to shun : and let mee doe nothing but what may please thee , then whatsoeuer i shall thinke , speake or determine , shall bee to thine owne glory , profitable to my selfe and others . preserue mee from the secret and hidden snares of satan , who is restlesse to allure me to sinne , enticing me to imbrace the vanities of the world , and to yeeld to the lusts of mine owne corrupt nature . but lord , as i haue by thy prouidence , past the darkenesse of this night , and doe now enioy the ioyfull benefit of the light of this day : so let mee this day auoid all the workes of darkenesse ; and as the day doth administer light vnto my corporall eyes , the better to doe the works and offices of my calling ; let the light of thy spirit , o lord , shine in my soule , that i may walke in the light of thy truth in true obediēce , to the good example of others . thou hast allotted mee a calling in this life ; giue me power and wisdom rightly to performe it : my best endeauours can little preuaile without thy blessing & direction ; and therfore i humbly pray thee to prosper whatsoeuer i take in hand this day . blesse mine vnderstanding o lord , that i may rightly know and bee able truely and faithfully to performe what belongeth vnto my place and calling . blesse the health of my body , the strength & continuall vse of my limbes and senses , which of themselues are weake , and may soone decay without thy blessing . increase o lord , and confirme my faith , grace , wisedome , and obedience euery day more and more , that i may euery day more and more dye vnto sinne , and bee made stronger & more perfect in righteousnesse . heale o lord , all my corporall and spirituall infirmities , and dispose my heart , that i may bee euery day more and more mindfull , that this my life is short , and that this day may bee my last day : and let mee so walke this day , as if it should bee the last day of this my mortall life ; that i may be assured of the immediate entrance into that life which is eternall with christ my redeemer . and vntill that last day shall come , o lord , i intreate thee in the name of iesus christ , that this day and all the rest of my dayes and nights , may bee prosperous and blessed vnto mee ; the day for the performance of my calling , the night for my rest , vntill i come to my finall and perpetuall rest with thee and thy sonne , to whom with thy blessed spirit , i ascribe all honour , praise and glory . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20729-e90 1 thes. 6. * 〈…〉 . ●erkins . rogers . bolton . notes for div a20729-e330 §. sect. 1. the context . a vers. 3● . b vers. 31. c verse . 32. ●●hn 14. 6. 21. d vers. 33. e vers. 34. f tit. 3. 3. g 1. ioh. 3. 8. h vers. 35. i gen. 21. 10. tim. 3. 15. k iob. 14. 1. l iob. 1. 12. gal. 3. 26. m rom. 8. 17. gal. 47. n galath . 4. 28 o matth. 3. 12. 13. 30. 25. 33 p gen. 21. 10. galath . 4. 30. q ephes. 2. 3. §. sect. 2. the text . the argument wherof is christian libertie . r rom. 14. 16. s 1. pe● . 1. 18. t gal. 5. 13. u iohn . 8. 32. x luke . 4. 18. y iames. 1. 25. 2. 12. z act. 26. 18. the explication of the text . the generall doctrine of christian li●ertie . §. sect. 3. the definition of christian libertie . a arist. poster . 1. 14. b plato in sophista . c iohn . ● . 33. 34. d 1. cor. 7. 21. e 1. pet. 2. 16. f rom. 6. 20. g rom. 6. 18. h 1. cor. 7. 22. i 2. pet. 2. 19. k gal 4. 5. 6. 7 a galath . 2. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the partition . b heb. 9. 12. luk 2. 38. c rom. 3. 24. colos. 1. 14. d heb. 2. 15. e col. 1. 13. 1. thess. 1. 10 f 1. cor. 8. 9. the efficient or author of this libertie . g galath . 2. 4. h galath . 5. 1 i rom. 11. 26. k 1. thess. 1. 10. l 1. iohn 3. 8. m mat. 12. 29 n colos. 2. 15. o ephes. 4. 8. p iohn 1. 7. q 1. iohn 1. 7. hib. 9. 14. 1. pet. 1. 18. tit. 2. 14. s ioh. 19. 34. 35. 1. ioh. 5. 6 t gal. 4. 4. u gal. 3. 13. * heb. 2. 14. 15. x ephes. 1. 7. 1. cor. 1. 30. y 1. tim. 2. 6. z 1. pet. 1. 18. 19. a heb. 9. 12. b rom. 8. 9. 19 gal. 4. 6. c psal. 51. 14. d 〈◊〉 1. 25. e a●t . 26. 18. the vse of this doctrine concerning the author of our libertie . f ioh. 3. 16. 1. ioh. 4. 10. g ioh. 15. 13 h psal. 107. 20. col. 1. 12. 13. 14. rom. 7. 25. 1. cor. 15. 57. i galath . 5. 1. k luke 1. 74. l 1. cor. 6. 19. 20. §. 5. the subiect of this libertie , or parties on whō it is conferred . m esay . 61. 1 n luke 4. 1● o mat. 18. 11. p matth. 9. 13. q matth. 5. 3. 6. r luke 1. 53. s 2. tim. 2. 20. t matth. 3. 12. u matth. 13. 47. * matth. 13. 24. x iob. 8. 34. 31. y matth. 25. 32. 33. z galath . 2. 4. a 1. ioh. 2. 19. b matth. 20. 16. & 22. 14. c rom. 8. 28. 30 d 1. pet. 3. 21. e heb. 12. 24. f 1. cor. 12. 13 g rom. 2. 28. 29. h ioh. 8. 37. &c. i gal. 3. 7. k ezech. 16. 20. 21. matth. 8. 12. l 2. cor. 5. 20. m matth. 23. 37. n 2. cor. 2. 16. o matth. 10. 15. p matth. 11. 21. 23. q 2. tim. 2. 26 titus 3. 3. §. 6. the quality or property of this liberty . r heb. 6. 18. s luk. 〈◊〉 §. t. the special● doctrine of christian liberty . t luk. 12. 58. u 1. 〈◊〉 . 1. 9. * rom. 8. 21. x eph. 1. 7. 14. y rom. 8. 21. the liberty of grace . z 〈◊〉 1. 4. a 〈◊〉 . 3. b gal. 4. ● . 3. & 3. 24. c rom. 4. 23. 24. d iam. 2. 20. 21. e instit. lib. 3. cap. 19. §. 1. the liberty of saving grace . f rom. 8. 30. g 〈◊〉 3. 2. h 〈◊〉 15. 1. 5. i 〈…〉 . §. ● . 〈…〉 . k 〈…〉 . l psal. 51. 14. m 2. cor. 3. 17 n rom. 11. 32 o iohn . 12. 31. p 2. cor. 4. 4. q ephes. 2. 2. r 2. tim. 2. 26. s apoc. 14. 4. t gal. 1. 4. u 1. iohn . 5. 19 for he it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom he had spoken , verse . 18. * heb. 2. 15 ▪ x iohn . 5. 24. y 2. cor. 3. 8. 1. p●t . 1. 23. z rom. 10. 8. a iam. 1. 18. 25 b 2. thes. 2. 14 c 2. cor. 3. 5. d gen. 6. 5. & 8. 21. e rom. 8. 7. f 1. cor. 2. 14. g 1. cor. 12. 3. h psal. 119. 105. i mat. 5. 14. k acts 26. 1● . l luk. 1. 79. m act. 16. 14. n 1. pet. 2. 9. o 2. cor. 3. 15. 16. 17. p apoc. 3. 18. q 1. ioh. 2. 27. r rom. 1. 16. s esai . 53. 1. t ioh. 3. 19. act. 26. 18. u zac. 12. 10. rom. 8. 26. * iohn 1. 12. x a●t . 26 ▪ 1● . y 〈◊〉 . 1. 13. z ephes. 2. 19. a ● . 〈◊〉 . 2. 9. b ioh. 6 ▪ 4● §. 9. iustification and sanctification not to be confounded . c rom. 5. 1● . c rom. 3. 14. d deut. 25. 1. prov. 17. 15. e mat. 12. 37. 1. king. 8. 32. rom. 5. 16. 18. rom. 8. 33. f rom. 3. 26. & 8. 33. g eph●s . 1. 7. colos. 1. 14. h 2. cor. 5. 21. i rom. 5. 18. 9. k adoe peccatis nobis communicatur per generationem o modo , quo communic●●● potest idquo● transit , nimirum per imputationem . omnibus enim imputatur , qu● ex adamo nascuntur , quoniam omnes in lumbi● adami existentes , in e● et per eum peccauimus , cum ipse peccauit . bellarm. tom . 3 de amiss . gra● . & stat . pe● . li● 5. cap 17. l act. 26. 18. & 20. 32. §. 10 the liberty of iustification . m rom. 4. 6. 7. freedome from guilt of ●inne . n rom. 6. 7. o act. 13. 38. ●9 . * as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or proposition . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or assumption * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or conclusion . p act. 26. 18. q act. 13. 38. 39. r 〈◊〉 1● 14. s 〈◊〉 32. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 . 4. 6. t 1. ioh. 1. 9. u prov. ●8 . 13. §. 11. * gal. 4. 4. 5 〈…〉 . x gal. 3. 1● . y rom. 8. 3. z gal. 3. 10. a ● cor. 4. 5. freedome from the curse of the law. b gal. 3. 13. c esa. 53. 3. d ve●s . 6. e vers. 11. f psal. 9● . 10. g rom. 3. 25. 26. 1. iohn . 1. 9. h 1. cor. 11. 32. i of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honor and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 care . k 1 pet. ● . 17 l 2. sam. 12. 14. m a●os 4. 12 n 1. cor. 11. 31 o 1. cor. 11. 30. 32. p apud epiphan . hares . 64 q ioh. 3. 16. r rom. 8. 1. s h●b . 2. 15. t 2 thes. 1. 10 §. 12 ▪ freedom from the lawes exaction of inherent righteousnesse , to iusti●●cation . u rom. 3. 28. galath . 2. 16. * psal. 143. ● . x hos. 2. 20. y galath . 3. 8. 16. 17. z rom. 10. 5. &c. a rom. 3. ●1 . 22 b ierem. 23. 6. c 1. cor. 1. 30. d rom. 10. 4. e ioh. 3. 16. mark. 16. 16. f galath . 1. 8. 9 g galath . 5. 4. h luk. 1. 74. ier. 31. 33. 34. i 2. cor. 5. 19. ephes. ● . 7. k r●● . 5. 9. 18. 19. l philip. 3. 8. 9. m gal. 4. 24. &c. §. 13. the liberty of iustif●cati●● as it is a right . with the 〈◊〉 ledges thereof . n rom. 5. 9. 19. o rom. ● . 6. 7. 2. cor. 5. 21. p gal. 3. 13. 14. 16. q gen. 22. 18. r rom. 8. 28. s psal. 1. 3. t psal. 119. 71 u ps●l . 94. 12. 13. * apec . 14. 13 x rom. 8. 24. y rom. 5. 1. z colos. 1. 20. 21. a esay . 59. 2. b rom. 5. 2. eph●s . 3. 12. 1. ioh. 5. 14. c rom. 5. 5. ephes. 1. 13. rom. 8. 15. 16. gal. 4. 6. ephes. 4. 30. d rom. 8. 23. tit. 2. 13. e rom. 5. 2. 3. 1. pet. 1. 8. f rom. 14. 17. g iohm 8 35. h 1. pet. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i rom. 8. 17. §. 14 the liberty of sanctification . 1. from the dominion of sin . k 2. pet. 2. 19. l esay . 64. 6. m galath . 5. 17. n rom. 7. 14. &c. o rom. 7. 24. p sess. 5. q 1. iohn . 18. r ●● ioh. tract . 41. s rom. 8. 2. t rom. 6. 2. &c 〈◊〉 12. u rom. 6. 14. * 〈…〉 §. 15. 2. freedome from the dominion of the law . x bellarm. de iusti● . lib. 4. cap. 5. &c. 1. y luk. 174● z de li●●rt , christ. a rom. 6. 18. b luk. 173. 74. c ephes. 1. 4. 1. thes. 4. 7. titus . 2. 14. ephes. 2. 10. d rom. 3. 28. g●l . 2. 16. e iam. 2. 14. &c. f heb. 9. 14. g 1. pet. 2. 24. h ● . cor. 5. 17. i gal. 5. 24. k rom. 8. 1 ; l 2. pe● . 1. 〈◊〉 . m ephes. 2. 〈◊〉 . n rom. 3. 31. o rom. 6. 14. §. 16. freedom from the irritation of the law . p 1. cor. 15. 56 q rom. 7. 12. r nitimur in vetitum s●mper cupimu 〈◊〉 negata . gens human● ruit in vetitun● ne●as . qu●d ●on lic●t , acrius vrit . s rom. 7. 13. 8. t rom. 7. 〈◊〉 . u lib. 3. dict . 〈◊〉 . ● . * rom. 7. ● &c. freedome from the terror or 〈…〉 of the l●w. x rom. 8. 15. y 〈◊〉 . 1. 7. z 〈◊〉 . 1 74. a ● . tim. 1. 9. freedome from the rigor or exaction of the law . b 2. cor. 8. 12. c ● phil. 3. 14. 15. d malac. 3. 17 psal. 103. 13. §. 17. the liberty of sanctification as it is a right , with the priuiledges thereof . e 2. pet. 1. 4. f ephes. 1. 24. g psal. 133. h psal. 45. 8. i iohn . 3. 34. k 2. cor. 1. 21. 1. iohn . 2. 20. 27. l iohn . 1. 16. m ioh. 16. 33. coloss. 2. 15. n apocal. ●1 . 6● rom. 16. 20. 2. cor. 2. 14. rom. 8. 37. o rom. 7. 4. p psal. 119. 24. q rom. ●● 15. r 2. tim. 1. 7. s rom. 5. 5. t ephes. 1. ●4 . u rom. 7. 22. psal. 1. 2. 119. 24. * 1. iohn . 5. 3. x ● . chron. 28. ● . y psal 110. 3. z 〈◊〉 . 2. 14. a apocal. 1. 6. b 1. pet. 2. 5. ●● c rom. 12. ● . d heb. 13. 16. e psal. 51. 19. f ps●l . 141. ● . g heb. 13. 15. h ●●os . 14. 3. i psal. 50. 13. 14. 23. k apo● . 8. 3. 4. a prou. 11. 18. psal. 19. 11. b heb. 10. 35. iames. 1. 12. c mat. 6. 4. 6. 18. d luk. 6. 35. e mat. 10. 4● . f psal. 62. 13. §. 18. the speciall liberty of christians , or that which is peculitar to the faithfull vnder the gospell . g iohn . 8. 35. h gal. 4. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. 24. i gal. 5. ● . k act. 15. 10. l gal. 4. 3. m ephes. 2. 1● n ephes. 2. 1● o ephes. 2. 14. &c. p act. 15. 9. q gal. 4. 4. r heb. 9. 10. s 2. cor. 3. 11. 13. t gal. 4. 3. 4. 5● u coloss. 2. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ephes. 2. 15. * heb. 10. 1. coloss. 2. 17● iohn . 1. 17● x dan. 9. 26● 27. y mat. 2● . 〈◊〉 . z heb. 7. 1● . a contra fanstum m●ich . lib. 19. cap. 18. b tho. 1. 2. quaest . 104. §. 19. peculiar christian libe●ty , as it is an immunity . c iame. 4. 12. d 1. cor. ● . 23. e coloss. 2. 16. f coloss. 2. 20. 21. ●●●●●● . g conc. trid. sess. 4. h mat. 15. 11. i rom. 14. 14. §. 20 span● l heb. 13. 17. m 1. cor. 3. 21. n gen. 9. 2. 3. o heb. 11. 7. p gen. 7. 2. 9. 4 q rom. 14. 14. r 1. tim. 4. 4. s 1. cor. 6. 12. t tit. 1. 15. u 1. cor. 6. 11. §. 21. application of the generall doctrine to this particular . 1. that this also is a liberty of the sons of god. * tit. 1. 15. * cor. 6. 12. 1. tim. 4. 3. 2. that this 〈◊〉 is a spirituall liberty . instit. lib. 3. ●ap . 19. §. 10. 3. that this also is a true liberty . b 1. cor. 14. 26. 40. c iames. 4. 1● d ma● . 15. 2. 9. e rom. 14. ●● ▪ &c. f rom. 14. 1● . g gal. 5. 6. & . 6. 15. h 1. cor. 8. ● . i 1. cor. 10. 31 k 1. cor. 6. 12. l rom. 13. 1. 2. 5. m 1. pet. 2. 13 16. n 1. cor. 8. 9. 10. 24. rom. 14. 15. 16. o gal. 5. 13. §. 22. decision of a doubtfull question , what is to be done , whē we seeme to be in a strait betweene disobedience to the magistrate , and offence to the weake . p mat. 12. 7. ierem. 7. 22. luk. 14. 26. q 1. cor. 8. 10. r in this scandall they are deepest , who are of greatest note . s iud. 20. t 〈◊〉 . 13. 5. * i meane not only prayer , but also with thanksegiuing in regard whereof it is called the eucharist . * so the cause of standing at the passeouer ceassing , the gesture it selfe was altered by the church , & that alterati● confirmed by the practise of christ , ( who notwithstanding perfectly fulfilled the law. ) luke . 22. 14. * et concil . constantinop . in trullo . c. 74 u 1. cor. 9. 16. * rom. 3. 8. ephes. 5. 25. x 〈◊〉 . 2. 3 ▪ 4. y gal. 2. 11. 12. 13. 14. §. 23. obiections concerning chistian liberty in outward things answered . a 1. pet. 2. 13. 16. b gal. 5. 13. 1. cor. 9. 19. &c. c rom. 13. 5. d rom. 13. ● . e 〈◊〉 2. 16. a 1. pet. 2. 16. b rom. 13. 5. 1 pet. 2. 13. 16 c matth 17. 25 ▪ 26 27. §. 24. the liberty of glory . d rom. 7. 24. e lu● . 16. 22. f rom. 8. 23. g rom. ● . 11. h 1. cor. 15. 53. 54. i rom. 8. 21. k 〈◊〉 . 22. 23. l 〈◊〉 . 2. 1● . 〈◊〉 . 21. 2● . m 〈…〉 n 〈◊〉 . 1. 2. o 〈◊〉 ● . 12. §. 25. the application or vse . p ioh● . 8. 34. q august . in ioan. tract . 41. * gal. 5. 1. r apoc. 17. 4. 18. 3. s 2. 〈◊〉 . 2. 20. 21. t gal. 3. 10. u gal. 1. 8. * rom. 6. 12. x rom. 8. 2● . y gal. 5. 13. the abuse of christian liberty . z iud 4. a de liber● christ. b titus 1. 15. c 1. tim. 4. 5. d 〈…〉 e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 tim. 3. 4. § 26. the right vse of christian li●erty . f luk. 1. 74. 75. g gal. 5. 13. h 1. cor. 9. 19. i de li●ert . christ. k philip ▪ 2. 5. l m●t. 2● . 28. m heb. 1. 14. n 1. i●hn . 3. 3. p p. 〈◊〉 q ephes. 2. 10. r act. 20 32. s rom ● . 6. t 〈…〉 * 〈…〉 x 〈…〉 y 〈…〉 z iam. 2. 26. a rom. 4. ● . b act. 26. 18. c iob. 15. 14. 16. 16. vid● . cal●in , ●it . lib. 3. cap. 19. 7. e heb. 10. 19. 20. f ephes. 2. 6. g iohn . 14. 2. 3● . & . 17. 24. philip. 3. 20. 21. notes for div a20729-e10730 * s●luian i● de 〈◊〉 a c●el rho● . ●●● . ●5 . b gen. 1. 1. c gen. 7. 17. d v●ncont . ● ly. inen●is . mat. 2. 1. e mat. 27 5● . f l●ke 23. 43. * 2 king. 6. 17. g 〈…〉 h exod. 13. 21. i exod. 14. 9. k iosh. 10. 12. l num. 22. m ioh. 2. 9. n mat. 9. 22. o mat. 20. 24. p mat. 9. 20. q mark. 2. 12. r mat. 14. 19. t mat. 14. 19. u io. 21. 15. w act. 19. 15. x sam. 16. 11. y sam. 16. 13. z gen 41. 24. a dan. 5. 26. b gen. 19. 24. c mat. 27. 45. d euseb. h●st . e dan. 4. 45. f exod. 9. 27. g dan. 3. 35 h 〈…〉 i 〈◊〉 k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nominibus . l cyprian . mart. arnob. lib. 1. aduersgent . tertul. lib. 2. de car. christ. m exod. 3. 14. n psal. 21. 12. 15. 16. 17. o iohn , 21. 7. 12. 15. 16. 17. p aug. q lips. lib. ● de constant . r ber. exod. 24. 6. t luk. 1. 32. mar. 14. v. 36. rom. 8. 15. aug. de de●mis●r●cord . cap. 7. a 1 tim. 3. 16. b 〈…〉 c aug. tom. 3 d● spirit . & l●t . cap. ●● . e aug. tom. 3. ad marcel . cap. 20. vincentiy lyrinensis , f tertull. lib. de prescript . ad●ers . heret . a gen. 50. exod. 19. le●it . 29. deut. 26. b iosua . 29. iud. 21. 1. 2 sam. 55. 1. 2 king. 57. 1. 2 chron. 6. 5. es●a . 10. nch. 13. ester . 10. iob. 42. c psal. 150. pro. 31. eccles. 12. esai . 66. iere. 2. 52. la● . 5. eze. 48. dam. 11. hosea . 14. ioel. 3. amos. 9. o●●d 1. 〈◊〉 4. m●th 5. nahum . 3. abacu● . 3. ●●pha . 3. h●gar . 2. 〈◊〉 . 14. m l. 4. d 〈…〉 luk. 24. iohn 2● . e acts 28. f rom. 16. 1. 2. co●●●nth . 29. gal. 6. ephes 6. phi. 4 col. 4. 1. 1 〈◊〉 1. 2 tim. 10. 〈◊〉 3. pla●l . 1. heb. 13. iames. 51. 2. pet. 〈◊〉 5. iu● . 1. reu. 22. * 3 esd. 4. esd●a . tob. ●ud . ester . 〈…〉 the history of 〈…〉 . 1. marc 2 〈◊〉 rom. 10. 〈…〉 a ion. 3 6. 7. b 〈…〉 . c an. bros . l●b . d exod. 3. 5. aug. de ci●●t . der. e mat. 6. ● . f mat. 6. ● . g psal. 49. 3. ciel . rod. lib. 25. h mat. 6. 6. i cor. 11. 28. k ambrose . l rom. 3. 10. mat. 5. 22. m ephes. 4. 26. mat. 6. 14. 15. n aug. de mott. o cor. 5. 54. 1 psal. 11● . y sen. de mort . z heb. 9. 17. a mat. 25. 9. b mat. 25. 30. m pro. 6. 6. 11● . zenop. de d●et so● . n aug. o ci●e de sen. p lu. 2. 27. a gal. 3. 13. * ● . gal. 1. notes for div a20729-e13260 part of christian liberty . the freedome from the bondage and tir●̄ny of the la● . the liberty disputed of 〈◊〉 the epistle to the galathians . gal. 3. 13. & 5. 1. the second part of christ●an liberty free and by the law vnconstrained obedience . 〈◊〉 . 6 ● . men freed from the actions of the law 〈◊〉 as children ●we●tly wōne vnto cheerfull obedien●e by th● 〈…〉 where w●th they know that 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 them . 〈…〉 〈…〉 rom. 11. 2. rom. 6. 12. the third part of christian liberty is freedome of conscience touching the vse of indifferent things , as cloth meat , drinke , wherein it is vnnecessary to know how much is permitted vs , lest too much straightnesse driue vs to inconuenien●● . wee cannot with thankefulnesse vnto god enioy the vse of outward things vnlesse the knowledge of our liberty remoue all seruple of conscience and trouble of mind from vs the vse and abuse of doctrine which 〈◊〉 christian l●●bertie . 〈◊〉 1. 15. 〈◊〉 6. 24. amos 6. 1. esay 5. 8. 〈◊〉 . 4. 〈◊〉 and vnseasonable vsing of liberty . of offences ●ising vnto others in the vse of our liberty . rom. 14. 1. & 1● ▪ 1 cor. 8. 9. 1 cor. 10. ●5 . gal. 15. 14. mat. 15. 14. how far our liberty extendeth in respect of others whom it may offend . act. 16. 3. ●al . 2. 3. cor. 9. 19. & 21. 〈…〉 1 cor. 10. 23. 〈…〉 1. cor. 3. 2. the 〈◊〉 of faithfull men exempted from humane power . 1. pet. 1. 18. gal. 5. 1. & 4. christians are not therefore according to the outward behauiour of their persons priuiledged from subiection to the lawes of men , because their cons●iences are at l●berty before god. 〈◊〉 . 13. rom. 2. 17. 1 pet. 3. 21. 〈…〉 heb. 10. 2. in what sort the conscience is bound or fiec . tim. 1. 5. act. 24. 16. ●en . 15. 15. dan. 4. 24. 2 ▪ sam. 12. 13. 2 cor. 5. 20 mat. 5. 20. iam. 2. 10. 1 pet. 2. 1. mat. 7. 14. mat. 19. 23. mat. 7. 14. & 22. 14. luke 13. 24. heb. 11. 10. heb. 11. 6. 〈◊〉 . 16. 11. 〈◊〉 36. 8. rom. 8. 26 ▪ by prayer we are both enriched with grace and quieted in distresies . three superexcellent prerog●tiues the elect e●●oy in heauen . 1 pet. 2. 5. heb. 13. 15. mat. 13. 43. phi● . 3. 21. luke 9. 31. ma● . 9. 3. 1 cor. 15. 43. vers . 44. 1 the●● ▪ 4. 1. the effect of those prerogatiues . 1 cor. 1 10. aug. solil●q . cap. 36. nihil notum in terrà , nihil ignotum in coelo● ▪ 1 cor. 13. 11. lumen est vmbra dei , & deus est . ●umen luminis . plato polib . iob. 26. 14. ruth . 3. 9 ▪ 1 cor. 15. 28. seneca de benefici●s . lib. 2. cap. 19. iudg. 2. 5. 